The effects of culture on special education services: Evil eyes ...

<strong>The</strong> Effects <strong>of</strong> Culture onSpecial Education ServicesEvil Eyes, Prayer Meetings, and IEPsSuzanne LamoreyHow does <strong>culture</strong> affect how educatorsprovide special education services?This is a question that challengespractitioners in the UnitedStates and other countries as theyprovide appropriate assessment andintervention to a multicultural population<strong>of</strong> children with disabilitiesand their families.We need to examine the ways <strong>culture</strong>affects the development <strong>of</strong> thefollowing educational processes:• Valid assessment measures.• <strong>The</strong> articulation <strong>of</strong> interventiongoals for children that reflectsocially and culturally relevantskills and academic skills.• Sensitive delineation <strong>of</strong> roles <strong>of</strong>family members, as well as theroles <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essionals.• An investigation <strong>of</strong> changes in andchallenges to the Westernizedmiddle-class notions <strong>of</strong> childdevelopment.• <strong>The</strong> preparation <strong>of</strong> personnel toassist in the identification <strong>of</strong> childrenwith disabilities and the provision<strong>of</strong> services.Because more countries are sendingtheir promising teachers and researchersto be trained in U.S. colleges<strong>of</strong> education, the resultantlarge-scale exportation <strong>of</strong> the Euro-American cultural values regardingdisabilities and educational practicesabroad may not be in the universalinterests <strong>of</strong> all children andfamilies.This article provides a case study<strong>of</strong> monocultural personnel preparation,discusses various culturalbeliefs about disability, and examinesthe effect <strong>of</strong> the dualities anddichotomies <strong>of</strong> parent/pr<strong>of</strong>essionalbeliefs about childhood disabilities.In addition, it discusses interventionconcerns in developing countriessuch as Turkey, Ecuador, and Indiaand discusses cross-cultural implicationsfor practitioners seeking partnershipswith multicultural familiesand their children.Predominance <strong>of</strong> aMonocultural Perspective in theUnited StatesAccording to Kisanji (1995), <strong>culture</strong>is a broad abstraction that includesthe forms <strong>of</strong> knowledge, belief systems,languages, religion, and values<strong>of</strong> a society. Each <strong>culture</strong> has its ownexplanations for why some babiesare born with disabilities, how thesechildren are to be treated, and whatresponsibilities and roles are expected<strong>of</strong> family members, helpers, andother members <strong>of</strong> the society (Groce,1999).Understanding and building on afamily’s cultural interpretations <strong>of</strong>disability is essential in creatingpartnerships with parents <strong>of</strong> childrenreceiving special educationservices. Parent beliefs about thenature <strong>of</strong> disability are related toparent beliefs about and participationin treatment and intervention.In the United States (and elsewhere),parents who do not share specialeducation’s predominately biomedicalbelief system have been perceivedby pr<strong>of</strong>essionals as contributorsto their children’s disability,rather than as partners in the interventionprocess (Hopfenberg et al.,1993). <strong>The</strong>se parents subsequentlybecome marginalized, alienated, andexcluded from participating in theeducational decision-making process(Harry, Allen, & McLaughlin, 1995).Optimal outcomes for children withdisabilities can only occur when pr<strong>of</strong>essionalscreate a bridge from the<strong>culture</strong> <strong>of</strong> schooling to parents’ multifacetedperceptions <strong>of</strong> the disability,its cause, its acceptable treatments,and the available sources <strong>of</strong>formal and informal support.Take Off the WesternizedBlindersWhat are some examples <strong>of</strong> the culturalbeliefs that people may haveregarding the causes <strong>of</strong> childhooddisability? In a large urban universitylocated in a multicultural metropolis,a group <strong>of</strong> 31 Euro-Americanwomen between the ages <strong>of</strong> 19 and25 who were enrolled in an undergraduateteacher training programanswered this question withEach <strong>culture</strong> has its ownexplanations for why some babiesare born with disabilities, howthese children are to be treated,and what responsibilities androles are expected <strong>of</strong> familymembers, helpers, and othermembers <strong>of</strong> the society.TEACHING EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN ■ MAY/JUNE 2002 ■ 67

esponses that uniformly reflected aWesternized biomedical orientation.Even when specifically urged torelate a family story or folk taleabout causes <strong>of</strong> disabilities, theseteachers-to-be did not (could not?)contribute any nonmedical responsesother than “disability may beGod’s will.” On the other hand, agroup <strong>of</strong> 17 international graduatestudents in education, representing avariety <strong>of</strong> cultural backgrounds,answered this question with a richcollection <strong>of</strong> beliefs about disability.<strong>The</strong>ir responses included beliefs thatreflect the role <strong>of</strong> supernatural orcosmic causes, fate, magic, and religiousbeliefs, as well as biomedicalreasoning (see box, “CulturalBeliefs”).In light <strong>of</strong> the implications <strong>of</strong> themonocultural orientation <strong>of</strong> the U.S.students, the lack <strong>of</strong> awareness <strong>of</strong>other perceptions and the shortcomingsin multicultural training experiences,as demonstrated by theresponses <strong>of</strong> these undergraduates,is discouraging. As Garcia, Mendez-Perez, and Ortiz (2000) wrote,“Differences in perceptions are notproblematic. . . . <strong>The</strong> problem is createdwhen the possibility <strong>of</strong> such differencesis not even considered, orwhen unquestioned assumptionscreate misunderstandings” (p. 97).Although there exist pr<strong>of</strong>essionalstandards for the development <strong>of</strong> culturallyresponsive special educationprograms, there are still far too manyU.S. educators—and people fromCultural Beliefs About the Causes <strong>of</strong> Childhood Disability• If mom cuts her hair during her pregnancy, it will cause a miscarriageor shorten the life <strong>of</strong> her baby.• If mom views a person with deformities during pregnancy, she willgive birth to a similarly deformed baby.• Having sex during pregnancy produces a child with disabilities.• Eating a grape or fish during pregnancy will produce a birthmark inthe shape <strong>of</strong> grapes or fish.• If mom eats fish during her pregnancy, her child’s skin will be scaly.• If mom eats spleen during pregnancy, it causes a dark birthmark onher baby.• If mom eats spleen and touches a part <strong>of</strong> her body then her baby willhave a dark birthmark on that area.• If mom smells certain foods during her pregnancy, she must lick herright hand to prevent the food from causing childhood disability.• If mom kills a lizard during her pregnancy, the baby will have visualdisorders.• God causes disabilities in order to examine a couple’s patience.• To ward <strong>of</strong>f the evil eye, a parent must spread black coal on the newborn’sforehead.• A new mother should keep a copy <strong>of</strong> the Koran and a broom close tothe newborn to avoid red genies that would disturb the mother andbaby.• No meat should be brought into the home <strong>of</strong> a newborn for 40 days toavoid newborn disability.• No women who are menstruating can visit a newborn baby or the babywill become ill.• <strong>The</strong> newborn should wear a red ribbon to protect it from harm.• During pregnancy, mom must avoid greasy foods as the grease collectsin the unborn child’s brain.• Messages about the baby and the baby’s health come to mom indreams during pregnancy.• If mom lies face down to sleep, baby will be deformed.Many families reported a release<strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> their anxieties, fears,and guilt feelings by combiningcultural cures with Westerntreatment.other countries trained in the UnitedStates—who wear Westernizedblinders, unaware <strong>of</strong> the rich relationshipsamong beliefs, values,buffers, supports, roles <strong>of</strong> familymembers, and child outcomes innon-Western contexts.Multicultural Investigations <strong>of</strong>Parent Perceptions <strong>of</strong> DisabilitySeveral studies have examined theperceptions and beliefs that parentsuse to understand the causes andmeanings <strong>of</strong> their children’s disabilities.• Cho, Singer, and Brenner (2000)compared the experiences andperceptions <strong>of</strong> Koreans and KoreanAmericans who were parentingchildren with developmental disabilities.Eighty percent <strong>of</strong> theKorean parents attributed causes<strong>of</strong> disabilities to their own mistakesrelative to prenatal enrichmentpractices and parenting attitudes(poor “Tae Gyo” whichtranslates to “education duringpregnancy”) while 63% <strong>of</strong> KoreanAmerican parents attributed thecauses to a divine plan (God’s willfor the family and child) as well aspoor “Tae Gyo.”• From Australia, Gray (1995)reported that 25% <strong>of</strong> the parents <strong>of</strong>children with autism mentionedreligious, magical, or psychologicalreasons for the cause <strong>of</strong> theirchild’s disability.• Among Chinese-American parents<strong>of</strong> young children with disabilitiesin a study by Ryan and Smith(1989), at least one-third <strong>of</strong> theparents considered supernaturaland metaphysical elements in68 ■ COUNCIL FOR EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN

describing the cause <strong>of</strong> theirchild’s outcome.• According to Mardinros (1989),Mexican-American parents <strong>of</strong>young children with disabilitiesperceived the causes <strong>of</strong> childhooddisability to be either a biomedicaletiology (health problems, geneticdiseases, birth trauma) or a socioculturalview (marital difficulties,divine intervention, past sins, andnegative attitudes).• In Yoruba society, congenital disabilityis understood as an indication<strong>of</strong> family sin that requirespunishment by ancestors or gods,and the subsequent need forparental atonement (Olubanji,1981).• According to Serpell, Mariga, andHarvey (1997), in the centralregion <strong>of</strong> Africa, some tribal societiesattribute disability to magicalor religious explanations; however,as in many rural areas characterizedby a subsistence economy,these authors point out that individualdifferences are widely toleratedso that the degree <strong>of</strong> disabilitywould need to be severebefore it would become conspicuous.• Caprara et al. (2000) studied thecultural meanings <strong>of</strong> tuberculosisin Sumatra, and found that TB wasactually understood as a “semanticnetwork <strong>of</strong> illnesses.” <strong>The</strong> diseasecould be caused by a contagiousgerm (biomedical category),hard work (poor economic conditions),conflict (social transgressions),and poisoning (supernaturalpowers).As this compilation <strong>of</strong> etiologies<strong>of</strong> disease and disability shows,there is a wide diversity <strong>of</strong> attributionsthat reflect cultural beliefs. Addto these traditional beliefs theimpact <strong>of</strong> industrialization, urbanization,socioeconomic factors, politicalchange, migration, and educationalopportunities on traditionalfamily systems, and the outcomescan be complex for both parents andpractitioners. Embracing this complexityis key to understanding andsupporting the health-and-habilitationseeking behavior <strong>of</strong> parents <strong>of</strong>children with disabilities.<strong>The</strong> Multicultural Experiences<strong>of</strong> ParentsIn light <strong>of</strong> this complexity <strong>of</strong> beliefs,what constitutes effective, holisticintervention among groups who holddifferent perceptions <strong>of</strong> disability?Unfortunately, we don’t know theanswer to this question.Collaborative cross-cultural researchis urgently needed to investigate theefficacy <strong>of</strong> programs that combineculturally informed interventions(e.g., home remedies, religious activities,the services <strong>of</strong> communityhealers, and other cures) withWesternized special education services.<strong>The</strong> fact that researchers havenot included these culturally sanctionedinterventions in the specialeducation research agenda is tellingin itself and illustrates our monoculturalunderstanding <strong>of</strong> disability.We know that parents <strong>of</strong> childrenwith disabilities derive a sense <strong>of</strong>personal meaningfulness from theircultural beliefs. For example,descriptions <strong>of</strong> the positive <strong>effects</strong> <strong>of</strong>parent beliefs about their children’sdisability are emerging in the area <strong>of</strong>parents’ religious beliefs. Cho et al.(2000) reported in their study <strong>of</strong>Korean-American families withyoung children with disabilities thatthe majority <strong>of</strong> these families weremembers <strong>of</strong> Korean ethnic churches.<strong>The</strong> religious influences <strong>of</strong> thechurches appeared to mitigate theself-blame <strong>of</strong> poor “Tae Gyo” becausemost families indicated that theyexperienced a new sense <strong>of</strong> hope andsupport through their involvementin their church. Similarly, Gray(1995) found that some <strong>of</strong> theAustralian families with childrenwho had autism had strong religiousbeliefs that explained their children’sdisability. <strong>The</strong>se religious parentshad higher expectations fortheir children, and Gray suggeststhat religious beliefs give disability aspecial meaning and provide a sense<strong>of</strong> resilience to parents’ day-to-dayexperiences.Other researchers have made similarsuggestions about the significantrole <strong>of</strong> religion in the lives <strong>of</strong> familieswhose children are disabled (Rogers-Dulan, 1998; Weisner, Beizer, &Stolze 1991). This idea <strong>of</strong> findinghope, support, and resiliencethrough parents’ personal beliefsabout disability is also reinforced byKleinman (1988), who noted that inthe case <strong>of</strong> chronic illness, the experience<strong>of</strong> the illness not only hasmeaning relative to symptoms, butalso serves to make sense <strong>of</strong> one’slife experiences and personal struggles.Studies have also indicated thatparents rely on a duality <strong>of</strong> beliefs asthey seek treatment and educationalservices for their children with disabilities.According to Ryan andSmith (1989), many <strong>of</strong> the Chinese-American families they interviewedchose to take advantage <strong>of</strong> Westernmedical treatment (as far as languageand accessibility to servicespermitted), as well as used culturallyspecific cures. <strong>The</strong>se familiesreported a release <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> theiranxieties, fears, and guilt feelings bycombining cultural cures withWestern treatment. <strong>The</strong> authorsurged pr<strong>of</strong>essionals to incorporatenonconventional perspectives intheir interactions with Chinese-American families, particularly interms <strong>of</strong> support systems within thecommunity.This need for pr<strong>of</strong>essionals toaccept duality is also supported byStahl (1991), who found that whenJewish-Oriental parents were able tocommunicate openly and freely toJewish Israeli teachers about thecultural cures they pursued for theirOptimal outcomes for childrenwith disabilities can only occurwhen pr<strong>of</strong>essionals create abridge from the <strong>culture</strong> <strong>of</strong>schooling to parents’ multifacetedperceptions <strong>of</strong> the disability.TEACHING EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN ■ MAY/JUNE 2002 ■ 69

child, a climate <strong>of</strong> confidence in theschools was nurtured. Trust wasestablished between parents andpr<strong>of</strong>essionals when pilgrimage experienceswere shared by parents.When the pr<strong>of</strong>essionals replaced thedichotomy <strong>of</strong> cultural versus “scientific”beliefs with an acceptance <strong>of</strong>the duality <strong>of</strong> beliefs, parents nolonger felt excluded by the educationalsystem—to the benefit <strong>of</strong> theirchild. It is important to learn moreabout the interaction <strong>of</strong> dual beliefsystems for practitioners to perceiveand effectively support these systemsin intervention contexts.Finally, there is support for therole <strong>of</strong> cultural beliefs as protectivefactors or pathways to resilience.Reiter, Mar’i, and Rosenberg (1986)studied parental attitudes towarddisability among Arab communitiesand found that the more educatedand more modernized people hadless favorable attitudes, and that theDruse villagers who believe in reincarnationand life-after-death hadthe most positive attitudes about disability.Perhaps the more traditionalparents experienced their culturalbeliefs as a source <strong>of</strong> support in theface <strong>of</strong> adaptation to a child bornwith a disability. Studies such asthese have a lot to teach us about therole <strong>of</strong> <strong>culture</strong> as an important bufferin the lives <strong>of</strong> families who have achild with a disability.Lessons from Other CountriesAnother way to understand the relationshipbetween <strong>culture</strong> and disabilityservices is to investigate theways that practitioners in othercountries integrate Westernizedintervention beliefs and practiceswith families’ cultural beliefs andpractices. One study, in particular,has a lot to <strong>of</strong>fer, particularly interms <strong>of</strong> its accomplishments amidstWe know that parents <strong>of</strong> childrenwith disabilities derive a sense <strong>of</strong>personal meaningfulness fromtheir cultural beliefs.the economical, political, and socialstruggles <strong>of</strong> a transitional developingnation.<strong>The</strong> Turkish Early EnrichmentProject (TEEP; Kagitcibasi, 1996)was established as a mother-trainingprogram that sought to culturallycontextualize an early interventionprogram aimed at promoting childcompetence. It was determined thatto facilitate children’s success,Turkish mothers needed to becomemore verbally communicative andresponsive with their young children(to enhance cognitive competence)and to promote child autonomywhile nurturing a close mother-childrelationship (to enhance social competence).<strong>The</strong>se goals were successfullyattained by TEEP throughbuilding on Turkish family <strong>culture</strong>and communal support systems,including the development <strong>of</strong> a culturallyrelevant curriculum, groupmeetings <strong>of</strong> mothers, and parapr<strong>of</strong>essionalhome visits. <strong>The</strong> outcomes forthis early intervention project havebeen impressive over a 10-year follow-upstudy.Srinivasan and Karlan (1997), aswell as Stuecher and Suarez (2000),described the challenges affectingspecial education in transitionaldeveloping countries, such as Indiaand Ecuador, respectively. <strong>The</strong>seresearchers made the point that it isdifficult to provide for the health,welfare, and educational needs <strong>of</strong> allchildren, including those with disabilities,in countries experiencingsevere economic constraints, a highincidence <strong>of</strong> child poverty, and socialinequalities. <strong>The</strong>se authors <strong>of</strong>fersome questions for culturallyresponsive researchers and practitionersto consider:• In planning an intervention program,what are the society’s goalsand expectations <strong>of</strong> child-rearing?• How does having a child with adisability influence parents’ childrearinggoals?• How can society justify specialeducation services when childrenwithout disabilities are not havingtheir basic needs for food, health,shelter, and education met?• Can developing countries benefitfrom some <strong>of</strong> the special educationresearch and practices advocatedby industrialized nations withoutalso buying into the commercialization<strong>of</strong> disability testing andprogramming, pr<strong>of</strong>essional specializationand turf issues, costlytechnology, and systemwidestrategies, such as mandatedmainstreaming, which have noplace in the countries’ <strong>culture</strong>?• Can affordable, sustainable, andculturally relevant programs becreated in the context <strong>of</strong> community(e.g., children with disabilitiesraise food and learn domesticskills, such as sewing and cooking;parents are employed as parapr<strong>of</strong>essionals;and elders, as wellas extended family members, areinvolved as teachers)?Implications for PractitionersParents and their extended familiesmay have different belief systemsrelative to the meaning <strong>of</strong> disabilitythan the typical teachers from middle-classEuro-American backgroundswho provide educationaland support services. <strong>The</strong>re may besome aspects <strong>of</strong> Western acculturationthat families from different culturalbackgrounds choose toembrace. Attempting to understand achild’s disability, however, mayoccur more securely within the context<strong>of</strong> a family’s familiar traditionalcultural ways and supports. Whenpractitioners can accept parents’beliefs, parents may no longer feelthe need to hide traditional beliefsfrom the practitioners and possiblecombinations <strong>of</strong> interventionapproaches can occur in the context<strong>of</strong> a duality <strong>of</strong> belief systems.As we’ve seen in the literature, culturalbeliefs can be a protective bufferfor families. This is an importantpoint for practitioners to remember.By attempting to dissemble a family’s“old fashioned,” “dangerous,” or “foreign”belief system to replace it withbest practices in brain research, medicaltherapies, and behavior guidanceprogramming, practitioners may betampering with a belief system that70 ■ COUNCIL FOR EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN

has provided generations <strong>of</strong> meaningto those family members’ lives. <strong>The</strong>sebeliefs define their goals for theirchildren, their relationships andresponsibilities toward each otherand toward other members <strong>of</strong> theircultural community, as well as theirrelationships with a higher power,ancestors, and an afterlife.Practitioners may want to see theirroles not as service brokers or agents<strong>of</strong> change, but as interpreters ortranslators <strong>of</strong> Westernized approachesand resources available within thespecial education community, and asguides who respectfully <strong>of</strong>fer servicesthat families may or may not chooseto embrace.In terms <strong>of</strong> training, practitionersmight become more effective withmulticultural families if they themselvesexperienced opportunities totravel to other countries. More U.S. colleges<strong>of</strong> education might consider asummer-abroad option at a sister university.<strong>The</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> relationshipswith teacher preparation programsin other countries could providea powerful learning experience for themonocultural young women who fillthe majority <strong>of</strong> undergraduate teachingtraining programs in the UnitedStates. Some universities have coordinatedstudent teacher placements withthe Department <strong>of</strong> Defense schoolsaround the world, further providing anenriching opportunity for teachertrainees to broaden their cultural horizons.Finally, child development, care,and education occur in cultural aswell as socioeconomic and politicalcontexts, as the intervention effortsin Turkey, India, and Ecuador illustrate.Parent child-rearing goals, contextualinterpretations <strong>of</strong> child competence,community support, intergenerationalcooperation, practicalhabilitative programs, and affordableinterventions need to occupycentral roles in a culturally responsivespecial education system.ReferencesCaparara, A., Abdulkadir, N., Idawani, C.,Asmara, H., Lever, P., & De Virlilio, G.(2000). Cultural meanings <strong>of</strong> tuberculosisin Aceh Province, Sumatra.Medical Anthropology, 19, 65-89.Cho, S., Singer, G., & Brenner, M. (2000).Adaptation and accommodation toyoung children with disabilities: Acomparison <strong>of</strong> Korean and KoreanAmerican parents. Topics in EarlyChildhood Special Education, 20, 236-250.Garcia, S., Mendez-Perez, A., & Ortiz, A.(2000). Mexican-American mothers’beliefs about disabilities: Implicationsfor early childhood intervention.Remedial and Special Education,21(2), 90-100, 120.Gray, D. (1995). Lay conceptions <strong>of</strong>autism: Parents’ explanatory models.Medical Anthropology, 16, 99-118.Groce, N. (1999). Disability in cross-culturalperspective: Rethinking disability.Lancet, 354, 756-758.Harry, B., Allen, N., & McLaughlin, M.(1995). Communication versus compliance:African-American parents’involvement in special education.Exceptional Children, 61, 354-377.Hopfenberg, W., Levin, H., Chase, C.,Christensen, S., Moore, M., Soler, P.,Brunner, I., Keller, B., & Rodriguez, G.(1993). <strong>The</strong> Accelerated Schoolsresource guide. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.*Kagitcibasi, C. (1996). Family and humandevelopment across <strong>culture</strong>s: A viewfrom the other side. Mahwah, NJ:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Kisanji, J. (1995). Interface between <strong>culture</strong>and disability in the Tanzaniancontext: Part II. International Journal<strong>of</strong> Disability, Development, andEducation, 42(2), 109-124.Kleinman, A. (1988). <strong>The</strong> illness narratives:Suffering, healing, and thehuman condition. New York: BasicBooks.Mardinros, M. (1989). Conception <strong>of</strong>childhood disability among Mexican-American parents. MedicalAnthropology, 12, 55-68.Olubanji, D. (1981, February 19-21).Traditional attitudes to the handicapped.Annual general meeting andconference <strong>of</strong> the Nigerian Society forHandicapped Children. Alvan IkokuCollege <strong>of</strong> Education, Owerri, Nigeria.Reiter, S., Mar’i, S., & Rosenberg, Y.(1986). Parental attitudes toward thedevelopmentally disabled among Arabcommunities in Israel: A cross-culturalstudy. International Journal <strong>of</strong>Rehabilitation Research, 9, 355-362.Rogers-Dulan, J. (1998). Religious connectednessamong urban AfricanAmerican families who have a childwith disabilities. Mental Retardation,33, 226-238.Ryan, A., & Smith, M. (1989). Parentalreactions to developmental disabilitiesin Chinese-American families. Childand Adolescent Social Work, 6, 283-299.Serpell, R., Mariga, L., & Harvey, K.(1993). Mental retardation in Africancountries: Conceptualization, services,and research. International Review <strong>of</strong>Research on Mental Retardation, 19, 1-10Srinivasan, B., & Karlan, G. (1997).Culturally responsive early interventionprograms: Issues in India.International Journal <strong>of</strong> Disability,Development and Education, 44, 367-385.Stahl, A. (1991). Beliefs <strong>of</strong> Jewish-Oriental mothers regarding childrenwho are mentally retarded. Educationand Training in Mental Retardation,26, 361-369.Stuecher, U., & Suarez, J. (2000).Research in special education from theperspective <strong>of</strong> a country in development:Ecuador. Exceptionality, 8, 289-298.Weisner, T., Beizer, L., & Stolze, L. (1991).Religion and families <strong>of</strong> children withdevelopmental delays. AmericanJournal on Mental Retardation, 95,647-662.*To order the book marked by an asterisk(*), please call 24 hrs/365 days: 1-800-BOOKS-NOW (266-5766) or (732) 728-1040; or visit them on the Web athttp://www.clicksmart. com/teaching/.Use VISA, M/C, AMEX, or Discover orsend check or money order + $4.95 S&H($2.50 each add’l item) to: Clicksmart,400 Morris Avenue, Long Branch, NJ07740; (732) 728-1040 or FAX (732) 728-7080.Suzanne Lamorey, Assistant Pr<strong>of</strong>essor,Early Childhood Education Program,College <strong>of</strong> Education, Arizona StateUniversity, Tempe.Address correspondence to the author atEarly Childhood Education Program,College <strong>of</strong> Education, Arizona StateUniversity, P.O. Box 871011, Tempe, AZ85287-1011 (e-mail: lamorey@asu.edu).<strong>The</strong> author thanks Ibrahim Diken for hisassistance in interviewing the internationalstudents who provided examples <strong>of</strong>their cultural beliefs about disability.TEACHING Exceptional Children, Vol. 34,No. 5, pp. 67-71.Copyright 2002 CEC.TEACHING EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN ■ MAY/JUNE 2002 ■ 71