conflict over natural resources at the community level in nepal

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PRALAD YONZON, ARD, Inc.Logs harvested in the Terail.in recent years as theMaoists have targetedforestry officials and forestguards have been disarmed.Remaining forest blocks arebeing degraded throughillegal harvesting of largetrees by various groups sincluding Indian smugglers,villagers, and perhaps theMaoists. Informantsindicated that the Maoists“tax” a substantial portionof the harvest, includingtrees harvested by loggingcontractors withgovernment harvestingpermits and CommunityForest User Groups(CFUGs).Community forestry has been touted as Nepal’s natural resource management success story. Approximately13,300 user groups have been formed, whose members comprise 35% of the nation’s population and manage1.1 million ha of forestland, one-quarter of the national total. The formation of CFUGs and handing over ofmanagement responsibility to them accelerated in the 1990s when multi-party democracy and extensive donorsupport encouraged rapid growth. Community forestry was seen by the Ministry of Forestry and SoilConservation (MFSC), donors, and NGOs as a means to alleviate poverty in the densely populated hills byproviding subsistence resources that were in increasingly short supply.Community forests are primarily intended to produce fuelwood, poles, fodder, grass, and leaf litter, which aredistributed among the users, with excess products sold locally at relatively low prices. Half of all communityforests are less than 10 ha in size and do not produce enough to meet the subsistence needs of user groupmembers. In 2002, CFUGs that managed larger forests were estimated to have sold more than $10 millionworth of goods (Kanel 2004). The number of CFUGs in the Terai is a fraction of that in the hills, but theforest tracts are larger and can provide substantial cash income for communities if they contain mature timberspecies. The average income of Terai CFUGs is over 50 times that of hill CFUGs and can in some casesproduce tens of thousands of dollars worth of timber per year.Research indicates that socially dominant and relatively wealthier villagers capture most of the benefits fromcommunity forests, while poorer CFUG members bear a disproportionate share of the management costs(Kanel 2004). The landless poor are often excluded from using forest resources that were more available tothem under previous open access regimes. The MFSC, donors, and the Federation of Community ForestUsers Nepal (FECOFUN) agree that second generation issues have emerged now that basic procedures forestablishing community forests have been institutionalized. The most important of these issues is that in themajority of CFUGs, management composition and benefit distribution reinforces rather than reduces socialinequality. On the positive side, CFUGs are among the few functioning democratic institutions in Nepal atthe current time.2.6.2 Non-Timber Forest ProductsNepal has a diversity of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) including aromatic, medicinal, food, and fiberplants. Many of these species grow in the hills and mountains, providing an important supplementallivelihood resource for families who can grow only enough crops to feed themselves for a few months of the6 CONFLICT OVER NATURAL RESOURCES AT THE COMMUNITY LEVEL IN NEPAL
year. Wild plants are the only source ofmedicine for many rural families. The total tradein NTFPs in Nepal is estimated at US $18million per year (Kanel 1999), with theharvesters getting about 30% of the total value.Most NTFPs are open access resources and areoverharvested as a result. Fires and uncontrolledgrazing also threaten the sustainability ofharvesting many of the species. HMGN taxesvaluable NTFPs and the Maoists tax almost allNTFP production, which has resulted in thevirtual cessation of harvesting of low value/highbulk products. At the other end of the spectrumYasa GumbaYasa gumba is the fruiting body of a fungus (Cordysepssinensis) that parasitizes the larvae of a moth while in itscocoon stage just beneath the ground surface inmountainous areas. It is harvested in the spring when thewhite fruiting body breaks the ground surface. Collectorscome from many parts of Nepal and sometimes pay localcommunities for harvesting rights. Used in Chinesemedicine as an energy enhancer and remedy forimpotence, each piece is sold for about 40 US cents. Onekilo sells for approximately US $1,000 in the collectingareas and can be worth up to $2,500 in China. It isbelieved that 95% of the crop is currently being taxed bythe Maoists and exported directly to Tibet.is yasa gumba (see text box), which is estimated to yield approximately US $500,000 in annual “tax” revenuefor the Maoists.2.7 WATER AND CONFLICT2.7.1 Nepal’s Water ResourcesNepal has a large supply of water in proportion to its size and has the potential to produce large quantities ofhydropower because of the steep gradient of the rivers flowing out of the Himalayas. The potential for largescalehydro development is unrealized for political and financial reasons, including failure to reach agreementwith India, the obvious customer for the power. Micro- and small- to medium-scale hydropower systemshave been developed to serve remote communities and urban areas, respectively. Nepali rivers feed largeirrigation systems in the Terai and smaller, but older, systems in the hills. Water flow is highly seasonal, whichlimits irrigation to one cropping season per year in many places. In the hills and mountains, access to drinkingwater is difficult for many communities, especially in the dry season. Water pollution has become a significantproblem in the Kathmandu Valley and downstream of large factories in the Terai.2.7.2 IrrigationIrrigation has a long history in Nepal,with well-established traditionalinstitutions and procedures formanagement of the thousands of FarmerManaged Irrigation Systems (FMIS) inthe country. Most of the FMIS are in thehills, while Government ManagedIrrigation Systems (GMIS) in the Teraicommonly cover tens of thousands ofhectares, with thousands of users. In largesystems, user management bodies have ahierarchical structure based on the sizeorder of distribution canals. Irrigationwater is a precious resource with highlyevolved management institutions that issubject to common types of disputes andconflicts among users. Conflicts can beminimized or managed through goodIrrigated fields in the hills.governance in Irrigation Water UsersAssociations (IWUAs) and good technical design of systems. As is the case with community forests, wealthierpeople tend to benefit more and pay proportionally less in maintenance fees and time than poorer users. TheRAMZY KANAAN, ARD, INC.CONFLICT OVER NATURAL RESOURCES AT THE COMMUNITY LEVEL IN NEPAL 7
Page 1 and 2: CONFLICT OVER NATURALRESOURCES AT T
Page 3: CONFLICT OVER NATURALRESOURCES AT T
Page 7 and 8: ACRONYMS ANDABBREVIATIONSANEBIOFORB
Page 9 and 10: EXECUTIVE SUMMARYPURPOSE AND SCOPET
Page 11 and 12: while poorer CFUG members bear a di
Page 13 and 14: MANAGING NATURAL RESOURCE CONFLICT
Page 15: maintaining a very low profile in t
Page 18 and 19: 1.4 METHODOLOGY AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Page 20 and 21: (UNDP) 2004 Human Development Index
Page 24 and 25: poorest farmers in the Terai do not
Page 26 and 27: 3.0 FINDINGS3.1 MAJOR CAUSES OF THE
Page 28 and 29: 5. Forest Management and Biodiversi
Page 30 and 31: Wildlife:• There is conflict betw
Page 32 and 33: • Donors and NGOs are teaching me
Page 34 and 35: 5.0 PROGRAMMINGOPTIONS FORUSAID/NEP
Page 36 and 37: 6.0 WHAT HAS BEENLEARNED IN NEPALTH
Page 38 and 39: APPENDIX A. CASE STUDIESCase Study
Page 40 and 41: Case Study 2: Conflict between a Hy
Page 42: Kattel, B.K., K. Paudel, and H. Ojh

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