Notes on Samuel Hearne's Journey from a Bibliographical Perspective

22 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 3I /,, 'the past tense makes clear that it was not written while Hearnesojourned. Furthermore, uncertain bibliographical details aboutGraham's ownmanuscripts leaves open the possibility that thefragment, far from being set down immediately upon Hearne'sreturn to Fort Prince of Wales in 1772, might have been written aslate as twenty years later. Meanwhile, in the field notes kept byHearne during the more than two years that he spent walking fromHudson Bay to Coronation Gulf at the northern edge of the continent,torture is not present; on the contrary, the Inuit are massacredin their sleep.Knowing that the torture came later, as the field notes evolved intoa journal and then into a book, may help to throw into relief themotivation behind the regularity with which historians, poets/anthologists, and critics focus on the massacre. Onward from 1823,when the scene seems, apart from reviews of the first edition, tohave been printed on its own for the first time,8 a certain fascinationhas held at least white readers in thrall. Meanwhile, Peter C.Newman's pulp history of the Hudson's Bay Company, Don Gutteridge'sless well known but gratuitously obscene verse rendition,and anthologies of Canadian literature used in university classroomshave kept modern Canadian readers' attention rivetted onthe torture. Of course, excerpts necessarily provide a differentcontext for an original passage, and, usually, result in the passageserving as a synecdoche of the work as a whole, especially if theremainder of the narrative is not read. In the most altered of all theexcerpts, not even the original work is mentioned ; the case is MissColeson's Narrative of her Captivity among the Sioux Indians!1I 8641,whose author lifted the massacre scene from the Journeyandtransplanted it to Rainy River, on the Ontario/Minnesota border,where German settlers are virtually identically victimized by Sioux,but in the dead of winter.?From a textual perspective, one might defend this pattern ofrepublication by advancing the argument that, neither version ofthe field notes nor the journal having survived in Hearne 's ownhand, they are unreliable and cannot be quoted. It seems that onecan do no more than remark editorially , as Glover did when onlythe Stowe MS of the field notes was known, that the one retrospectivesentence in the first edition's version l'even at this hour I cannotreflect on the transactions of that horrid day without sheddingtears'] makes 'evident .. . [that] the foregoing passage [the entiremassacre scene, one infers] is an addition to Hearne 's originaljournal; so is the next paragraph."? However, this possible, if"23 MacLaren: <strong>Notes</strong> on SamuelHearne's Journeyextreme, bibliographical argument against the reliability of manuscriptsthat are not autograph manuscripts has not been advanced.Instead, scholars continue to rely on the published versions [the firstedition or Glover's] but their practice , is not the consequence ofbibliographical decisions . As well as any, recent discussions ofHearne's explorations by historians, anthropologists, and literarycritics and theorists rely unquestioningly on the source nearest tohand, as if it were a document .IIBoth surviving versions of the field note for 17 July 1771 stateunequivocally that the plan all along was to kill 'every soul' 'whileasleep."> By repetition the field note confirms that the plan wasrealized; that is, the massacre 'was soon accomplished, the inhabitantsbeing all asleep':I3 r ••• the Indians crept under some of therocks within 100 yards of the tents where they lay some time towatch the motions of the Esquimaux but finding all asleep as theysupposed by seeing nobody stir without they ran on the tent on asudden &'killed every soul before they had power to rise in thewhole 2I persons.v- Only in the next stage of the narrative - theretrospective journal- does torturebegin to appear. This versionfeatures the first appearance of the remarkable girl who appeals toHearne for her life by twisting round his legs.ISThe field note differs from the published account in anotherrespect. It adduces a further motive for the decision to have Hearneaccompany the warriors rather than remain 'behind the Cliff.' The'Captain' [the name Matonabbee does not appear in either versionof the field notes I clearly is concerned for Hearne's safety, but lessout of any deep friendship than out of an astute concern that, wereHearne not returned safely to the Bay,the consequences for Chipewyanstrading with the Hudson's Bay Company might be dire: 'Atfirst my Capt" was very unwilling to consent [to Hearne's advancing'with the warriors] saying a random arrow or many things mightwound or kill me, &.if so he never expected forgiveness from theEngltsh."! But Matonabbee is of two minds about where Hearnewill be safer: behind the cliff and well away from the action, wherehe might be vulnerable were one or more of the intended victims toescape and find him alone; or with the attackers. In the end,according to the note, the captain decides on the latter.In many respects, Glover's edition of Hearne's narrative has wornwell during its thirty-five years of existence, but it is also clear thatGlover, because he held Hearne in high esteem or for other reasons,spent less bibliographical attention on the Stowe MS than mighthave been spent by scholars with different interests and orientations

24 Papersof the BibliographicalSocietyofCanada31/22SMacLaren:<strong>Notes</strong> on SamuelHearne'sJourneyto the text. Or, it may be that Glover decided, the Stowe MSnotbeing in Hearne's hand, that the published stage ofthe narrative wasthe authoritative one; however, because Glover's introductionleaves no doubt that he considered Hearne the author ofA Journey,it is unlikely that he would have regarded such a decision asnecessary. 17 Nor does a fellow historian disagreewith him. 18 Just ascertainly, however, researchers in each discipline that makes use ofthis purple patch and climax of Hearne's posthumously publishedbook need to assess all the sources for themselves, especiallybecause Glover's blunt editorial note for much of the massacrepassage is, to put it equally bluntly, opaque. In any case, right fromthe start of A Journey, the reader must regard with circumspectionthe author's hope that his 'humble Endeavours to relate, ~ a plain ,.:,and unadorned Style, the various Circumstances and Remarks ".which occurred during that Journey, will meet with' the approbationof the company's governor, deputy governor, and committee. 19At the close of the eighteenth century, the gothic novel enjoyedits apogee of popularity in Britain. Elsewhere and relying on onlyone version of the field notes, I have argued for the possibility thatcontemporary narratives of exploration took on some of the colouringof that fictional genre just as, under Gutteridge and Newman's .Stephen-King-like pens, the massacre's horror is heightened forpopular consumption today."o 'Without mentioning the mostfamous example, that of Christopher Columbus.V M.J. Brand ishelpful in noting that '[tjhe practice of adding material to journalsprior to publication was not uncommon'j-" nor, however, did thetraveller/explorer always do the adding, the taking away, or theediting. The metamorphosis ofexplorers and travellers into publishedauthors makes for intriguing study, and nowhere more than incases where the explorers died before their books appeared.Another case of posthumous publication, the famous one of CaptainCook's last voyage, is pertinent here because the John Douglaswhom Glover discounts as Hearne's editor"3 was known to haveprepared Cook's last journals for publication.w More than this,Douglas used the occasion of the introduction to those journals(preparedin the first-person singular, as if they were unchanged fromCook's wording) to call for the publication of Hearne's journal, aportion of which he quotes." From that portion, which ~?es notmatch the same passage in either the Stowe MS,the Grenville MS,or the published Journey, ,,6 one infers the possibility of there havingbeen several stages through which Hearne's narrative passed duringthe years between 1772, when he arrived safely back at Fort Prince?f ~ales, and the first day of 1795, just over two years after his death10 ovember 179 2 , when the narrative appeared as a book. Whatone must then Contend with is whether or not the alterations fromone stage to ,th~ n~xt are substantive from the perspective of one'sparticul~ disc~pllOe. That the published book alone presentsHearne 10 t~e literary fashion Ofthe day as a sentimental traveller- eve~ at this hour I cannot reflect on the transactions ofthat horridda~ Wlt?O~t ~he~di~ tears' _"7 holds a certain interest; but for~~Ich dlsclphnes ISIt asubstantive interest? Moreover, what matterISIt that only the published Hearne, when he reached the mouth ofthe Coppermine River the next day, 'took possession of the coaston behalf of ~he Hudson's BayCompany,' or that only the publicatio~names the site of the massacre 'Bloody Fall'l2.8 New db b k' . groun cannote. ro ~n on t?IS topic without more' bibliographical attention?e1Ogpaid to this engro~sing omnibus narrative. FollOWingGloverIS.helpful only to a point, and one does not out-distance that pointwlth~ut extending one's search beyond Glover's thirty-five-year-oldexertions. Now that doubt, albeit circumstantial doubt has beethrown on Hearne's even being near the scene of the ~assacre ,,~o~e ,can heartily endorse in the case of Hearne what Glynd~WIlliams ~s s~ggested of other fur trade explorers' writings: 'It is?ne of the ironies of, the history of the Canadian West that theJournals of some of Its most significant explorers _ Radisson~elsey, La France, Pond - present ineluctable problems of reliabil~tty and even authenticity.'30I I~~ther concern relates to an unquestioned dependence on Glover'sedition, Even within the published account there is a difficultthat b th ' y, onee~s on ~ not 1Oconsiderableliterature in Canadian journalsconcermng the line of H~arne's route to and from the Arctic Ocean.As S~an Peake has noticed, in at least one important case thew~r~1Og 3~f the first edition does not match that of most othereditions, Further scrutiny yields the concern that someone otherthan Hearne, by then deceased of course, noted on the errata pageof the first edition that on 8 September 1771 during his return tripthe explorer walked, not 'North West, by the side of Point Lake '3~but 'South West, by the side ofPoint Lake.'33This change effectiv~lyt~kes Hearne home by a new route. Indeed, and to emphasize thisdiscrepancy, page 202 in all of the eighty-three copies examined of

26 Papersof the BibliographicalSociety of Canada 31/2the first edition printed for A. Strahan and T. Cadell (lvi + 458 pp.,quarto) has Hearne's party shaping its 'course to the North West, bythe side of Point Lake.' Moreover, only this direction, 'North West,'is consistent with the text of the field notes, which gives '17 or 18miles to the West &. North by the side of Point Lake,'34 and '17 or18 miles to the W. &. N. by the side of point Lake.'lS However, onthe unnumbered verso of leaf B4, that is, on page [xx],all the copiesexamined also bear a list of errata, the first ofwhich reads as follows:'202 - I, for North West read South West.' The fact that the errata,which are not tipped in or inserted on a new sheet, ale printed on ablank page in the original gathering suggests that the printing hadbegun before any errata, including the apparent error in Hearne'sroute on 8 September, were spotted and listed on a convenientlyblank page between the Contents and the Inrroduction.P .Also in the first edition, the word 'North' is the catchword at thebottom of page 201. Thus, in these eighty-three copies, 'North'appears on a line of its own at the bottom of page 201 and as the firstword on page 202. Following the directions of the errata, eight of theeighty-three copies of the first edition that have been examined are'corrected' in manuscript. For example, in the National Library ofCanada's copy, which was filmed in 1982 as part of the CanadianInstitute for Historical Microreproductions (CIHM' series, and isavailable in microfiches in most Canadian university libraries,'North' appears as both the catchword of page 201 and the first wordof page 202, but on the latter it is struck out by hand, and 'South' iswritten above it in pencil.J7 (In only one of all the copies examined,the one held by Lehigh University, the catchword on page 201 is alsothus corrected.] At the risk of stating the obvious, then, this evidence,in tandem with the evidence of the Stowe and Grenville MSS,has the clear virtue of confirming beyond any doubt the order of thechange of direction, from the typeset North West, to the handwritten'correction,' South West. No copies of the first edition have asyet surfaced without the errata page or with the actual type changedto 'South' in either the catchword on page 201 or the first word onpage 202,38In the first decade of this century, when J.B. Tyrrell prepared his'new edition'39 for the Champlain Society, which also correctlyindicates the first edition's page breaks by means of bracketednumbers, he apparently corrected the errata himself, for his editionreads 'South West,'4 0 and the other four errata-! are also corrected.The word 'apparently' is necessary, however, and for two reasons.First, despite following the page breaks of the London edition of27 MacLaren: <strong>Notes</strong> on Samuel Hearne's Journey1795, Tyrrell could have been working not from that edition butfrom the Dublin edition, an octavo, of a year later the page breaksof which ate different, and in which the errata ale all corrected.Second, Tyrrell does not alert his reader to the changes he made, anddoes not include the errata page from the first edition. Almostneedless to say (seebelow), the facsimile edition made from Tyrrell'sis identical.PBy mid-century, Glover, who does not inform his reader whichedition he chose for the copy-text of his own, has Hearne walking'South West.'43 He also made the other four 'corrections' followingthe first edition's list of errata. 44Was Glover's copy-text the text ofthe second edition, the one printed in Dublin in 1796? In all copiesof that edition inspected, 'South West' appears as the direcdon .s! Ashe states, Glover did choose to print the inferior plates from thatoctavo Dublin edition. 46 On the other hand, without stating asmuch, he also used the inferior map (Fig. 21from that editlon.s? theone that departs from the map in the first edition (Fig. II in several'. respects, including a misspelling of the Arctic Circle as 'Artic,' andthe lack of the name, 'Point Lake.' Yet Glover permits his reader toinfer that the first, the London quarto, edition served as his copytextbecause he provides a facsimile of what he calls the 'Title Pageof the First Edition' /Fig. 31. 48 Even so, this facsimile raises problemsof its own, for it diverges in several respects from the title-page incopies of the first edition inspected for the present occasion (Fig.41.The word JOURNEY is printed in italics in the first edition'stitle-page, but not in Glover's facsimile; the's' in the HUDSON's of'HUDSON's BAYCOMPANY' (not of HUDSON'S BAY' is in thelower case; and the punctuation following COMPANY is a comma,\ .~whereas in Glover's facsimile the's' is in upper case and thepunctuation is a period . Also with respect to punctuation, Glover'sfacsimile introduces a comma after 'Fort' where none appealed inthe first edition . Finally, the last line has a period after the date of1795; Glover's facsimile does not. Neither, however, does Glover's. , facsimile reproduce the title-page of the second, the Dublin edition .The title-page in 1796 (Fig. 5) differed from that in 1795 in some ofthe ways that Glover's facsimile does - that is, the JOURNEY inroman, a comma after 'Fort,' a period rather than a comma followingCOMPANY, and an upper case'S' in HUDSON'S; but Glover'sfacsimile, like the first edition alone, prints 'Prince of Wales's Fort,in Hudson's Bay,' on one line, while the narrower octavo editionuses two lines, the second of which is in upper case italics.While Tyrrell's, Glover's, and the second edition provide 'South

:2.8 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 3I /2, I2.9 MacLaren : <strong>Notes</strong> on Samuel Hearne's TourneyWest' as Hearne's route, other editions do not agree. In 1798, Dutchand Swedish translations appeared. According to the copies of thesetranslations made in 1982. for CIHM, Dutch readers encounteredHearne walking south west, 'zuidwesten';49 Swedish readers, however,found him ranging north west, 'Nordwast,'SO and he was stillheaded in that direction a year later when met by French readers'Nord-Ouest.'!' In fact, as late as four years later, when the Americanabridgement appeared, Hearne was headed 'north west.'S) Butthe most original resolution was offered in the first translation,published in German in 1797 and with notes, a year before his death,. by Johann Reinhold Forster, whose work would produce the Dutchtranslation the next year. In the German translation, Hearne doesnot set off in one or the other direction towards Point Lake; hesimply goes farther: '... und am folgenden Morgen gingen wirweiter .'B Whether or not Forster, the distinguished scholar andnaturalist aboard Cook's second voyage to the Pacific, observed thatthe London and Dublin editions disagreed and consulted the translatoron the matter (if he did not himself serve in that capacity) isuncertain; what is certain is that a recent German translation, andthe most recent edition in any language, faithfully follows Forsterfarther : '... und am folgenden Tag gingen wir weiter.'s4 "German inventiveness, however, appears to have been matched ina very popular facsimile reprint of the first edition, k~own w.id~lyas the Hurtig reprint.t! This was, however, not the first facsunilereprint of the first edition. That was the Da Capo facsimile, whichwas published in I968. S6 In it, all the signatures appear as they arein the copies of the first edition examined. Also in it, Hearne'sdirection on 8 September 1771 is 'North West' at page 2.02., and thelist of errata appears where one expects it, on the verso of leaf B4.On the other hand, the Hurtig facsimile reprint, made three yearslater, is not identical. Like Da Capo's facsimile, it is a photographic,not a typographic [i.e.re-typeset], facsimile. It too has 'North' ~s thecatchword on page 2.01, but 'South' [i.e, 'South West, by the SIdeofPoint Lake') as the first word of page 2.02., a confusion perhapssuitably metonymic of Hearne's trek but hardly enlightening. Thecopy from which the facsimile was made has not been locat~d andperhaps it does not exist. Mr. Hurtig remembers cl~ar~y that ~s ownpersonal copy was used for the making of the facsimile repnnt, buthis, by agreeing with all other copies of .th~ first e~ti?n that havebeen examined , disagrees with the facsimile repnnt 10 respect of'North West.'57 As well, his copy possesses both the page of erra~aand signatures at the bottom of pages, neither of which appear 10, !j ,t~e HUrtig facsimile . The Canadian edition also has printed correctionsof the oth~r four ~rrata list~d on the first edition 's errata page,~nd perhaps this explams why It does not reprint the errata page~tself'.I~y it n~where includes the map of Hearne's route, which18 p~sl~loned f~c1O~ the title page in the first edition and in the firstfacsimile repnnt,IS another questlon.] In order to accommodate~.H. N~atby'~ n~w introduction, one further change was introducedmto this facsimile reprint [suddenly, a loaded term): all pages withr?~n numer~ ha~e been renumbered in a modem Bembo typesimilar but not Identical to that of the first edition. Indeed because~e word 'South' seems slightly on an angle to the rest o£the firstline of page 2.02. and because no copy of the first edition has yetsurfac~d which bears the change to 'South' in the type itself, onem~st infer, at least until further evidence surfaces, that Hurtig'spnnter [Charles E.Tuttle Company, of Rutland, Vermont) used type~at matched the Bembo type in which the first edition was set and1Ocorporated into Hurtig's facsimile reprint the changes o~ theerrata pa~e of the first edition. This amounts only to unconfirmablespeculatlOn, for correspondence with the Tuttle firm has yielded noeditorial f~e for ~s work, Tuttle no longer employs anyone whoworked WIth the firm when the facsimile reprint was made and~harles Tuttle himself, the president at the time, is prevented byillness from looking further into the question. 58.In the abs~nce of supporting evidence, the usual test of diagonallinear collation was made, setting a straight rule diagonally acrossthe same page 12.02.)in various copies of the first edition in order todiscover if the line passes through the same letters at the samepoints. In this particular case, the rule was set twice, from the firstword and, because it is the questionable one, from the second word~o~ to the left edge of the last letter in the last row. The resultsindicate nothing d~fin!tive, for ~though there is a slight discrepancybetween the line 10 the Hurtig reprint's 'South' and the line inother copies of t~e first edition, there are also slight discrepanciesamong those copies themselves - no Surprise given the commonoccurrence of type shifting.Regrettably, neither has any written information survived in thefile~ of.Hurt~ Publi~hers concerning the copy'used for the Hurtigfacsimile reprint. This leaves one in the perplexity of an unsatisfactoril!tentative conclusion: in the case of the 8 September InIportion of Hearne's route , the Hurtig facsimile reprint is not afacsimile reprint of the first quarto edition . It may be that eightythreecopies, randomly acquired and located at present across a wide

30 Papersof the BibliographicalSocietyof Canada3I /2.3IMaclaren: <strong>Notes</strong> on SamuelHearne'sTourneygeographical spectrum, do not suffice to cover all the variants in theimpression of the first edition, in which case room must be left toaccommodate the possibility that, if the press was stopped and theerrata corrected, a copy exists of the first edition with the words'South West' printed. However, it remains the case that the erratacould not have been listed by the deceased Hearne, and that thespecific erratum concerning Hearne's route disagrees with the contentsof the two known surviving copies of his field notes.The facsimile reprint by Hurtig, part of his mammoth and welcomeCanadiana Reprint Series of the late I960s and early I970S,seems to have been produced by photography, but that process doesnot exclude the possibility of alteration to the text . This may occurintentionally, as in replacing words here and there in order to correcterrata. It may also occur accidentally . Although all copies will havebeen printed from the same type, they will vary from one anotherin press work or in inking of the type. Visually less attractive if notactually illegible, the print on several pages of one copy might notpass muster before the modern reprint publisher, who will decide toswitch to another copy of the same edition for a portion of thephotographing. Thus does the facsimile become a photographicallycomposite reprint, which may not resemble in every respect anysingle copy of the original. When the aim ofa reprint series is chieflyto make available to the reading public old and rare works, the visualappearance of a page might understandably concern the publishermore than matters bibliographical. As is well known, the process ofcomposite photography was practised by no less a name in reprintpublishing than The Scolar Press, which, by switching to othercopies of a work during the photographing, innocently createdentirely new editions precisely when it thought it was furnishingnew copies of first editions. .Tyrrell's and Glover's are scholarly editions, however; scholarslike themselves have grown to depend on those editions, althoughthey alone must answer for not going back to the sources, wherethey are extant, to see matters for themselves, instead of assumingthat the most recent edition is the best one. The contradiction inHearne's route will seem a minor one to many but not to those whohave spent a deal of time trying to determine Hearne's route to andfrom the Arctic Ocean . This list includes, perhaps most agonizingly,John Franklin, John Richardson, Robert Hood, and George Backduring the first of Franklin's two overland expeditions. 59 In thiscentury, Tyrrell, Charles Camsell, Guy Blanchet, J. Tuzo .Wilson,William Fuller, Eric Morse, and Sean Peake all have sought the, .., ".definitive interpretation.s? Nor can one overlook these writers'interested readers. It would be facetious to align the notoriousproblems of Hearne's longitudinal measurements with the bibliographicalintrigues of his posthumous publication, but one mustadmit to the temptation .It is known from the list of errata that the change of Hearne'sdirection was intentional, not the result of some accident, as in aforme of pages of type being dropped and broken or scattered acrossthe printer's floor and then reset, or of the type's being otherwisederanged or damaged in the course of the print run. At best, evenwithout a list of errata, this would have made an unlikely explanationin this case because two such formes would have had to meetthe same accident. In the letterpress printing of a quarto, the firstand second pages of the book were imposed in different formes ­pages I, 4, 5, and 8 in the outer, and pages 2.,3, 6, and 7 in the inner.It is known from the signature 'Dd' at the bottom of page 2.01in allcopies of the first edition examined (though not in Hurtig's facsimilereprint) that .201,the page bearing the catchword, was thefirst page of the twenty-sixth quarto gathering of text (thirty-firstquarto gathering if preliminary matter is includedl/" and part ofthat gathering's outer forme. Thus, page 2.02.was the second page ofthe same gathering but part of its inner forme. Both formes wouldhave had to meet the same fate. Then , if, contrary to the weight ofevidence offeredby eighty-three different copies, one can - and onemust 6 :J. - still entertain the possibility that the Hurtig reprint wasmade from a copy of the first edition late in the impression in whichthe type was changed from 'North' to 'South,' one is still left withthe question: what was the authority for such a change if not theauthor himself, dead twenty-five months? A Bishop Douglas? AWilliarn Wales? Thomas Pennant, who also died in I79.2? Yet allthese men would surely have had access to the words of the StoweMS, the Grenville MS, or the copy in the possession of the Hudson'sBay Company from which the Grenville MS claims to have beenmade. As has been seen, these copies give 'West &. North' as thedirection.Like them, another reasonable candidate would seem to be someoneinvolved intimately in the printing process. Might it simplyhave been a disinterested printer who could have arrived at thedecision to introduce a correction after consulting the dotted lineon the map of Hearne's route as published in the first edition, whichleads predominantly south and slightly south west, not north west[Pig, II? J. Tuzo Wilson was the first to note so much differenceII

32 Papers of the Biblio graphic al Society of Cana da 3 I /2----between manuscript ('M') and publish ed ('P') versions of th e map asto warrant distinct classifications for th e unpubli shed ones . Gloverdid not serve his readers well at all by ignoring Wilson's rem ark that'[tjhe P versions are garbled , fanciful and mu ch inferior to any of theM version s.v ! In the case of Hearn e's rout e around Point Lake,however , th e original map (Fig. 6)64 also appear s at odds with th edirection given in th e field not es. Its dark (green) line leads incon ­testably in a south -south -westerly direction, along the east side of'Pointe Lake,' and then south-westerly until it bisects Hearne'srepresentation of the tree-lin e - a featur e of his map, denoted by aline and punctuat ed by tiny drawin gs of conifers, that was notreproduced either in his book' s two editions or in the earli er pub ­lished vers ions of his map .6 S As well, ho wever, thi s drawing of th eroute , if it does not align with th e 'West &. North' of the field not es,appears to conform to the publi shed narrative 's account of Hearne'sreturn to trees: '.. . by th e side of Point Lake. After thr ee daysjourney , which only consisted of about eighteen miles, we came toa few small scrubby woods , whi ch were th e first that we had seenfrom the twenty -fifth of May, except th ose we had perceiv ed at th eCopper-mine River.'While it does not lie with in th e scope of this study to argue whichwas or was not Hearn e's rout e on 8 September 177 I , it is appropriat eto remark that this variant, or erratum, is a substant ive one . Areworking of the route und er the assumption of north west as thecorrect dire ction gives rise, as Peake has argued, to the defensib lethe sis th at the lake known today as Point Lak e (Franklin 's PointLake) was not Hearne 's, th at Hearn e's lak e is more likely today' sCourageous or anoth er mor e in the vicinit y of Lac de Gra s, farth er(south )up the Copperm in e River . If he had with him durin g his ownexplorati ons mor e than a copy of Hearne's m ap, would Franklinhave hauled a heavy quarto first editi on five decades after Hearnehad seen the Coppermine River, or would th e naval capt ain hav ehad with him the Dublin octavo, which as has been seen gives'South West' as the direction ?66Meanwh ile in thi s centu ry, becau seneither Tyrrell nor Glover not ed th e vari ant wh en preparin g theireditions, it is arguably no mor e th an chan ce that the rou te has bee ntaken as south west . The Hurtig 'facsimil e' reprint will serve onlyto confirm as much .33 Mac Laren : Not es on Samuel Hearne 's JourneyFIG . I- - - t- - kl olr-- - - ··- - - -Detail from: A Map exhibiting MR HEARNE'S TRACKS inh is two [ourni es for the discovery of the COPPER MINE RIVERin th e Years I no , In 1 and 1n 2 ; under th e direction of the 'HUDSON 'S BAY COMPANY (London, 1795, opp . titl e page).

34 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 3I /2- - --- - - --3'iMacLaren : <strong>Notes</strong> on Samuel Hearne's [oumeyJOURNEYA'ItON!ii~:~:~: cJ.!.E.;Prince of Wales's Fort, in Hudfon's Bay,TOTHE NORTHERN OCEAN.UNDIIlTAKINBT ORDER OF 'THE HUDSON'S BAT COMPANT.rOil TH 1 DISCOVU, y orCOPPER MINES, A NORTH WEST PASSAGE, 15,.b IbcYnll'169,1110, 1771.(,' l77a.By SAM U E L H EAR N E.LONDON :Printed for A. STJ.AHAN and T. CAD ILL :And Sold by T. CADELLJun. and W. DAv,,,, (Succcrron toMr. CADILL.) in th. Strand.'79,~~------+-_ ._--FIG. 1 Detail from: A MAP exhib iting MR HEARNES TRACKSinhis two [ournies for the discovery of the COPPER MINE RIVER,in the Years 1770, 1771 and 1772; under the direction of theHUDSON'S BAY COMPANY (London, 1796, opp. title page).TITLE PAGE OF THE FIRST EDITIONFIG . 3 'Title Page of the First Edition' (Glover, [xlv]).

36 Papers of the Bibliograph ical Society of Cana da 31 / 237 MacLaren : <strong>Notes</strong> on Samuel Hearne's JourneyJ 0 U R 'N E YAyOURNErI'ROMr RONPrince of Wales's Fort in Hudfon's Bay,1' 0TH E NOR THE R N 0 C E A ·N .PRINCE OF WALES'S FORT,IN HUDSON'S BAr,TOUNDE RTAKENnr o u ti t:« OF rne l/l/DSO N ', BA T COMP A N1 ;FOR. TilE D JS CO V £ lC.Yor COPPER MINES, A NO RTH WEST PASSlIGE, f!)'(.In the Ycar, 1769_ 1770, 17i J J f!I t 172 •Ily S A III U E L H EAR N E.THE NORTHERN OCEAN.UNDERTAKEN,01sr ORDER OF THE HUDSON'S BAr C01l'lPAN r .FOR THECOPPER MINES, ANORTHDISCOVERY OFWEST PASSAGE, &cIQthcYears 17b9, 1170, 1171, '& 177z.Printed (ur A. STJl AlI A:-; and T . C ...:HI.I.:At'll Sr'!l1 or 1', C A lJ l: L l JUII. and '\', Ij. cvrr s, ( Surcellors toI\1r. C ,H) ~LI.•) in Ih:: Strand,li 9"By SAM U E L H EAR N E.DUBLIN :PPJN'l'EI) 1'0R. P. BYRNE, Nu. 108 , AND J, RI CE. Nu. I , :GRAFTON .STREET .F IG . 4 Title -page from the firs t edit ion (London, 1795)·1 7Q () •FI G . 5 Title-page from th e second editi on (Dub lin, 1796).

Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 3I /:lJ• .I~ Jo: ! - o;'~; I ~"C-~-_ ._-t- -- ../. \. l ;r~~.\-....,lC:"" c(~ i I. v}~r ..:..c39 Macl.aren : <strong>Notes</strong> on Samuel Hearne's Journey-- -- -- - - - - - _ ._ - - -I wish to acknowledge with thanks the assistance rendered the research for thispaper by Scan Peake, an avid canoeist and private scholar from Toronto; by JohnCharles and Jeannine Green, of the Bruce Peel Special Collections Library, TheUniversity of Alberta, by Merrill Distad, Collections Co-ordinator, The Universityof Alberta Libraries; by Judith Hudson Beattie, Keeper, Hudson 's Bay CompanyArchives; by Douglas Chambers, Trinity College, University of Toronto; andby Sandra Alston, Canadians Book Selector, University of Toronto Library, andPresident, The Bibliographical Society of Canada. Finally, I thank and salute theindividuals and librarians at rare books and special collections libraries whoresponded with alacrity to my request for a survey of their own or their institutions' copy or copies of the first edition of A Tourney from Prince of Wales's Fort:American Antiquarian Society; Bibliothcquc centrale de la ville de Montreal ;Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec; Boston Public Library; Bowdoin College;Brigham Young University; British Library; Brown University; Buffalo and ErieCounty Public Library ; California State Library; Cambridge University; ColumbiaUniversity; Commonwealth of Massachusetts State Library; Commonwealthof Virginia State Library and Archives; Dalhousie University; Durham Dean andChapter Library; Emory University; Field Museum of Natural History; FloridaState University ; Ocr Cottingcr Arbeitskrcis e.v., C. Stuart Houston; Hudson'sBay Company Archives; Mel Hurtig; Helen Kahn; John Carter Brown Library;Johns Hopkins University; Lehigh University; Literary and Philosophical Societyof Newcastle Upon Tyne, McCord Museum of Canadian History; McGill University;Marquette University; Massachusetts Historical Society; Metropolitan TorontoLibrary; Michigan State University; Mills College ; National Library ofCanada; National Library of Ireland ; National Library of Scotland; NewberryLibrary; New York Public Library; Oregon Historical Society; Oxford University(Christ Church Library); Peabody and Essex Museum; Public Archives of NovaScotia; Royal Geographical Society of Australasia; St. John's College, Cambridge;Scott Polar Research Institute ; Syracuse University; Trinity College, Dublin;Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut; Univcrsitcitsbiliotheek Amsterdam ;University of Alberta; University of British Columbia; University of Californiaat San Diego; University of Chicago; University of Glasgow; University of Illinois[Urbana], University of Manitoba; University of New Brunswick; University ofOregon; University of Pennsylvania; University of Regina; University of St.Andrews; University of Saskatchewan; University of South Africa; University ofTexas at Austin; University of Toronto ; University of Virginia; University ofWestern Ontario; and William Jewell College.FIG. 6 Detail from:'A Map of part of the Inland Country to the N'~ :of PRINCE of WALE'S [sic\Fort WHY Humbly Inscribed to the GOYDepr Cov'" and Committee of the Hon hlc Hud' BYCampY, By thenHan'S most obediant humble servant Sam' Hearne, 1772 (I 77:l!;.Courtesy Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archivesof Manitoba . HBCA Map Collection C.l/IO (N95 10 1.NOTESI Samuel Hearne, A Tourney from Prince of Wales's Fort, In Hudson's Bay, tothe Northern Ocean. Undertaken by Order of the Hudson's Bay Company.for the Discovery of Copper Mines. a North West Passage , ezc,in the Years1769 . [770. 1771 . cJ 177 2 (London : For A. Strahan and T. Cadell, 17951·1 Samuel Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort in Hudson's Bay to theNorthern Ocean 1769. 1770 . 1771. 1772, ed., and with an introduction, by

•40Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 3I I"41 MacLaren : <strong>Notes</strong> on Samuel Hearne's IoiuneyRichard Glover (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 19581·3 Stowe MSSvoL 307, ff. 66-89 ·4 MGzr, Stowe MS307 fP-67-89 1791, 61 pp. .' .5 Dropmore Papers, Grenville MS.ADD. 592.37,47 ff. The Grenvtlle 'manuscnpt ~mentioned in R.A.H. Smith, 'The Dropmore Papers (Add. MSS.5 8855-594941,The British Library loumal, vol. 7, no. I (19811: 75-87· It is unknown if thiscopy precedes or succeeds that in the Stowe MSS,the evidence of the water-markis inconclusive.6 Andrew Graham Andrew Graham's Observations on Hudson's Bay 1767-179 r,ed. by Giyndwr Williams, inttod. by R. Glove~, Publications of. theHudson's Bay Recold Society, vol. 2.7 (London: Hudson s Bay Record Society,1969', 196-2.00. .7 See l.S. MacLaren, 'Exploring Canadian Literature : ~amuel Hearne and the InUltGirl' in Probing Canadian Culture, ed. Peter Easmgwood, Konrad Gross, andwoUgang KlooB,Beittag zur Kanadist ik: Band I, Schriftenreihe der GesellschaftfUrKanada-Studien IAugsburg: AvVerlag, 199 1), 87- 106 .8 'Massacre of Esquimaux by the Indians,' The Mirror of Literature, Amusementand Instruction, 2.(6 Dec. 182.31:4 66-68 .9 IA. c~lesonl, Miss Coleson's Narrative of her Captivity' amo~ the Si~~Indiansl The Garland Library of Narratives of North Amencan Indian Captivities,vol. 79 (New York: Garland, 1977), 2.4-6, lacs. rpt. of the first edition(Philadelphia: Barclay &.Co., 1864). For this last reference, I am grateful to mycolleague, Robin McGrath . '10 Glover, ed., A Tourneyfrom Prince of Wales's Fort, roon.I [ Peter C. Newman, The Company of Adventurers, vol. I lMarkham, Ont :Penguin, 19 86 [orig. publ. 1985/1,352.-541M.J. Brand, 'Samuel Hearne and theMassacre at Bloody Falls [sic),'PolarRecord, 2.8,no . 166 (July 1992.):2.2.~32.1 L.S.MacLaren, "Samuel Hearne and the Landscapes of Discovery," Canadian ~lterature,no. 103lWinter 19841:2.7-40; and Terry Goldie, Fearand Temptauon :The Image of the Indigene in Canadian, Australian, :rod r:tew.zealandLiteratures [Kingston, Monttul, London: McGill-Queen s Umverslty Press,[9 891,43-7 . . . .u 'Mr. Hearne 's Narrative,' Stowe MS,f76v; NACttanscnptlon, 2.7,2.6;rpt. 10 I.S.MacLaren, 'Samuel Hearne's Accounts of the Massacre at Bloody Fall, 17 July177[,' Ariel: A Review of International English Literature, vol. 2.2., no. I (Jan.[99[) : 30; 'Hearne's Journalln0-72.,' Grenville MS,hl~ . . .13 'Mr. Hearne's Narrative,' Stowe MS, fnr, HACttanscnptlon, 2. 8, rpt . 10 M.ac.Laren, 'Samuel Hearne's Accounts': 31; 'Hearne's JoumaI 1770-72.,' GrenvilleMs,h2.v . . . . Ma'Mr Hearne's Narrative' Stowe MS, h6vI NACttanscnptlon, 2.7;rpt , 10 c-14 . ' , G illLaren, 'Samuel Hearne's Accounts': 30; 'Hearne's [ournal 1770-72., renv eMs,bIV. . d fll .The Grenville MSdiffers slightly only in the punctuation. It rea s as 0 oWS.'... the Indians crept under some of the rocks within 100 yards o~ th.etent wherethey lay some time to watch the motions of the Esquimaux; but f10dmg all asleepas they supposed by seeing nobody stir wi thout they ran on the tent on a sudden,&.killed every soul before they had power to rise, in the whole ar persons.'15 Andrew Graham's Observations, 195-99.16 'Mr. Hearne's Narrative ,' Stowe MS,h7r; HACtranscription, 2.7; rpt. in Maclaren,'Samuel Hearne's Accounts': 31; 'Hearne's Journal Ino-p,' Grenville MS,fur.17 Glover, ed., A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort, xxxvii-xliii.18 Leslie H. Neatby, 'Inttoduction to the New Edition,' in Hearne, A Journey fromPrince of Wales's Fortin Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean. Undertakenby Order of the Hudson's Bay Company for the Discovery of Copper Mines,a North West Passage, eVc. In the Years 1769,1770, r771, eV17721facs. rpt.of the first edition (Edmonton : M.G. Hurtig, 197r] xxiii-xxv.19 Samuel Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort (17951,iii-iv .2.0 MacLaren, 'Samuel Hearne's Accounts': 36-9.2.[ See the salutary and timely flaying administered Columbian editors by DavidHenige, In Search of Columbus : The Sources of the First Voyage [Tucson,Ariz.: University of Arizona Press, 1991,.u Brand, 'Samuel Hearne and the Massacre at Bloody Falls [sic]': 2.3I.2.3 Richard Glover, 'A Note on John Richardson's "Digression Concerning Hearne'sRoute",' Canadian Historical Review, 32.(195I): 2.52.-63;Glover, ed., A loutneyfrom Prince of Wales's Fort , xxx-xxxi.2.4 James Cook (John Douglas, ed.],A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. Undertakenby the Command of His Ma;esty, for making Discoveries in the NorthernHemisphere . . . ,3 vols. and Atlas [London: For G. Nicol and T. Cadell, 17841.2.5 Ibid., I: xlvii-xlix .2.6 This discrepancy is discussed in Maclaren, 'Exploration/Travel Literature andthe Evolution of the Author, ' International loumal of Canadian Studies/Revueiatemationale d'etudes caaadieanes, no. 5 (Spring/Prlntemps, 1992.1:39-68 .2.7 Hearne, A Tourney from Prince of Wales's Fort (17951, ISS; Glover , ed., AJourney from Prince of Wales's Fort, 100.2.8 Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort (17951,164, 166; Glover, ed.,ATourneyfrom Prince of Wales's Fort , 106, 108.2.9 The source of this report is Captain John Franklin's midshipman George Back,who ttavelled in 182.1 during Franklin's first overland expedition with a man­Annoethai -yazzeh - who had also accompanied Hearne. See C. Stuart Houston,ed., To the Arctic by Canoe r8r9-182i : the Journal and Paintings of RobertHood, Midshipman with Franklin IMontrul and London: McGill·Qucen'sUniversity Press, 19741,133n; and Maclaren, 'Samuel Hearne's Accounts': 46-7·Houston's edition of Back's journal from this expedition, including the midshipman'sdoubt concerning Hearne's presence at the massacre, is forthcoming fromMcGill·Queen's University Press as Arctic Artist: The Journal and Paintingsof George Back, Midshipman with Franklin 1819-1822.30 Glyndwr Williams, 'Highlights of the First 2.00 Years of the Hudson's BayCompany,' The Beaver, 301 (Autumn 1970): 2.5;and Glyndwr Williams, 'ThePuzzle of Anthony Henday's Journal, 1754-55,' The Beaver, 309 (Autumn1978): 41.

• 42 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 3 I /243 MacLaren : <strong>Notes</strong> on Samuel Hearne's Tourney3I Sean Peake, 'Hot on a cold trail- rewriting Samuel Hearne 's track : part one,' ,1991, unpubl. typescript.32 Samuel Hearne, A Tourneyfrom Prince of Wales's Fort (1795), and facs. rpt, ofthe first edition, Biblioteca Australiana II "5, [Amsterdam: N .lsrael , New York:Da Capo, 1968), 2.02. .33 Ibid., [xx],34 'Mr. Hearne's Narrat ive,' Stowe MS,f80r, NACtranscription, 37.35 'Hearne's Journal 1770-72.,' Grenville MS,f30r.36 The other four errata have to do with typos and the faulty inclusion of twopronouns - 'he ' and 'we' - where only the first is required . One of the typosis, however, not uninteresting, since it has to do with altering the spelling ofHearne's name for Great Slave Lake: 'III - I2., for Athapusco read Athapuscow.'It is worth noting in this connection as well that neither of thesespellings corresponds to the rendering given on Hearne's original map: 'ArathapescowLake' (Fig. 6).37 Samuel Hearne, A Tourneyfrom Prince of Wales's Fort, in Hudson 's Bay, tothe Northern Ocean. Undertaken by Order of the Hudson's Bay Company.Forthe Discovery of Copper Mines. a North West Passage, eJc. in the Years1769, 1770, 1771, eJ 1772 (I795) (Ottawa: Canadian Institute for HistoricalMicroreproductions, 1982.),6 microfiches, no. 35434.38 In the case of only a dozen copies was a check made to see if any of the othererrata were corrected in pencil , occasionally, as in the copy held by the NationalLibrary of Canada and microfilmed by the CIHM, all the errata are corrected. Inthe NLC/CIHMcopy as well, a zealous reader has extended the list to a sixtherratum and also made the correction in the text: '12.5- 4, for!! read~' ([xx],to conform to the format of the printed errata, the words not underlined shouldhave been, and vice versa] .39 J.B.Tyrrell, ed., A Tourneyfrom Ptince of Wales's Fortin Hudson's Bay to theNorthern Ocean in the Years1769, 1770, 1771,and 1772. By Samuel Hearne,Publications of the Champlain Society, vol. VI(Toronto: The Champlain Society,I9U),2.3.40 Ibid., 2.I 8.41 Ibid., II2., 17.1,17.9,146.42 Hearne: a Tourney from Prince of Wales's FOIt in Hudson 's Bay to theNorthern Ocean. Originally published as Champlain Society Publicationvr (191II, facs rpt.(New York: Greenwood, 19681,2.18.43 Glover, ed., A Tourney[iom Prince of Wales's Fort, 131 .44 Ibid., 43, 50, 56, 7 I.45 Samuel Hearne, Tourneyfrom Prince of Wales's Fort,in Hudson's Bay, to theNorthern Ocean. Undertaken by Order of the Hudson's Bay Company. Forthe Discovery of CopperMines, a North West Passage, eJc.in the Years1769,1770, 1771, eJ 1772 (Dublin: For P. Byrne and J. Rice, 1796), 2.011and rpt,(Ottawa: Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions, 1982), 6 microfiches,no. 40172.46 Glover, ed., A Tourneyfrom Prince of Wales's Fort, [lv],47 Ibid., [i],48 Ibid., [xlv].49 Landries van 't Prins van Wallis Fort aan Hudsons Baai, naar den Nootder­Oceaan. Ondernomen op bevel van de Maatschappi; del Hudsons Baai, terOntdekkinge van Koper-Mi;nen, een NOOId-Westen Doortogt, enz. in deTaren 1769, 1770, 1771 en 1772. Door Samuel Hearne. Uit het Engelschvettaald met Annrnerkingen van Iohann Reinhold Forster, 2 vols. [TheHague: For J.C. Leeuwnstijn, 1798), II: 171rpt. (Ottawa: Canadian Institute forHistorical Microreproductions, 1982.1,3 microfiches (vol. II, no. 18140; 4 microfiches(vol. II),no . 18141.50 Samuel Heames Resa til Norra Americas isbai, samt en Obekant EngelsmansResor Bland Canadas Wildar, utgifne af Le Long: soamte EdvardUmfrevillee Beskrifning om Hudsons Baye ocb des Tilgroansande Wildar(Stockholm: For Iohan Pfeiffer, 1798), 12.41rpt .(Ottawa: Canadian Institute forHistorical Microreproductions , 1982.1, 5 microfiches, no. 17711.5I Voyage de Samuel Hearne, du Fort du Prince de Galles dans la Baie deHudson, a [sic]l'Ocean Nord, Entrepris par Ordre de la Compagnie de laBaie de Hudson, dans les Ann~es 1769, 1770, 1771, et 1772, et execut~ parTerre,pour la Decouverte d'tm Passageau Nord-Ouest . Ttaduit de l'Anglais,et Accompagne de Cartes et de Plancbes, 2.vols (Paris: Imprimerie de Patris,An VII (179911,1:131. (A microfiche reprint was not located in the CIHMfiles.]Despite the fact that The National Union Catalogue Pre-I956 Imprintscontains two separate entries for the French translation , one dated 1798 andapparently published by 'de Patres,' and the other dated 1799 and published by'de Patris,' there was only the one edition, that of 1799. Confirmation of this wasobtained from Richard J. Wolfe, Curator of Rare Books and Manuscripts, theJoseph Garland Librarian of the Boston Medical Library. The Francis A. CountwayLibrary of Medicine, a division of the Boston Medical Library, is listed inthe HUe [vol. 2.37,p. :1741as the only repository of the edition of 1798, but anexamination of that copy indicates that the title-pages of the two volumes matchthose of the edition of 1799. Most likely, then, the discrepancy can be accountedfor by errors made in converting the post-Prench-Revolution date, as shown onthe title-pages, of' An VII,' and in listing the name of the publisher .52.Ioumeyftom FortPrince of Wales, in Hudson's Bay, to the Northern Ocean,for the Discovery of Copper Mines and a North-West Passage, Performedbetween the Years1769 and 1772 by Mr. Samuel Hearne (Philadelphia: Josephand James Crukshank, 1802.),73;rpt.(Ottawa: Canadian Institute for HistoricalMicroreproductions, 1982.1,2microfiches, no . 1832.7.53 Samuel Hearne's Reise von dem Prinz von Wallis-fort and det Hudsons-Baybis zu dem Bismeete , in den lahten 1769 bis 1772. Aus dem Englischeniibersetzt . Mit Anmerkungen von Iobann Reinhold Forster, Professor detNatutgeschichte und Mineralogie in Halle, mit Glied der R. Dr. Akademieder Wissenschaften ec., Magazin von Merkwardigen neuen Reisebeschreibungen,vol. 14 {Berlin: In der Vossichen Buchhandlung, 1797), 186; rpt ,(Ottawa : Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions, 1982.),4 micro-

• 44 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 3I I 'J,4S MacLaren : <strong>Notes</strong> on Samuel Hearne's [ourneyfiches, no. 17710. The CIHMmicrofiches of this translation are illegible in placesbecause of extensive show through of ink from one page onto the facing recto orverso. I acknowledge with gratitude the assistance provided by Brian Young,Reference Librarian, British Columbia Archives and Records Services, Victoria,who examined the copy from which the microfiches were made, and whofurnished legible copies of the passage in question.S4 Samuel Hearne Abenteuer im arktischen Kanada Die Suche nach derNotdwest-Passage 1769-r772 Hesausgegebeti und Eingefjihrt von VolkerMatthies (lUbingen: Edition Erdmann Verlags·GmbH, 1981), 197. .55 See note 18, above.S6 See note 32., above.57 Author's telephone communication with Mel Hurtig, 10 September 1992..S8 Letter, N.J.C.lngleton, Charles E.Tuttle, Inc., to the author, 13 November 1992..S9 Capt. John Franklin, Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea, inthe Years r819, 20, 21, and 22 (London: John Murray, 182.3); and Sir JohnRichardson, 'Digression concerning Hearne's route,' in Narrative of the ArcticLand Expedition to the Mouth of the Great Fish Rivet, and along the Shoresof the Arctic Ocean, in the Years 1833, 1834, and r835 by Captain GeorgeBack, R.N. Commander of the Expedition (London: John Murray, 18361,144-55 ·60 Tyrrell, ed., A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort, passim; Charles Camsell,An Exploration of the Tazin and Taltson Rivers North West Territories,Geological Survey of Canada Memoir 84 (Ottawa: Geological Survey of Canada,19161; Guy Blanchet, 'Thelewey-aza-yeth,' The Beaver, 2.80 (Sept. 1949): 8-11;J. 'Iuzo Wilson, 'New Light on Hearne,' The Beaver, 2.80 (June 19491: 14-18;William Fuller, 'Hearne's Thelewey-aza-yeth : Another Interpretation,' Musk ·Ox, 2.7119801: 67-74; Eric Morse, 'Modern maps throw New Light on Samuel ·Hearne's Route,' Cartographica, vol. 18, no. 4 (1981): 2.3-3S; and Sean Peake,see above, note 31.61 Iacknowledge with thanks BruceWhiteman's correction ofmy preliminary error.in collation. The collation of the first edition is as follows: x" A-E4 2.B-3M4·3N".62. One ignores at one's peril the admonition given by James Thorpe: 'No matterhow many copies are collated in search of variants, there is always the possibilityof another copy lurking in yet one more collection with a previously unknownvariant' (Principles of Textual Criticism [San Marino, Cal: The HuntingtonLibrary, 1972.1,751.63 Wilson, 'New Light': IS.64 This map is also reproduced in Wilson/New Light': 1~17; and Richard I.Ruggles, A Country so Interesting : The Hudson's Bay Company and TwoCenturies of Mapping 1670-1870 (Montreal:McGill·Queen's University Press,199 1),133 .6S James Cook 1J0hnDouglas, ed.] A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean . . . ; andThomas Pennant, Supplement to the Arctic Zoology (London:H. Hughs, 17871.Both of these maps are reproduced, somewhat altered, in Tyrrell, ed, followingp. 18. The first complete edition of the latter was: Arctic Zoology, 2.vols. in 3(London: R. Faulder, 1792.1.66 pr:ring Franklin's journals for publication, Rick Davis confirms that 't .':::tho or,:n edbitionFranklin and his officers took. Letter, Rick Davis t: u::, ~ 6wNhich ovem er 1992..