(Puay-peng Ho) (PDF 4MB - East Asian History

EastAsianHistoryNUMBER 10 . DECEMBER 1995 THE CONTINUATION OF Papers on Far Eastern HistoryInstitute of Advanced StudiesAustralian National University

EditorAssistant EditorEditorial BoardGeremie R. BarmeHelen LoMark Elvin (Convenor)John ClarkAndrew FraserHelen HardacreColin JeffcottW. J. F. JennerLo Hui-minDavid MarrGavan McCormackTessa Morris-SuzukiBusiness ManagerProductionDesignPrinted byContributions toSubscription EnquiriesAnnual SubscriptionMarion WeeksHelen LoMaureen MacKenzie (Em Squared Typographic Design), Helen LoGoanna Print, Fyshwick, ACTThis is the tenth issue of East Asian History in the seriespreviously entitled Papers on Far Eastern History. The journal ispublished twice a year.The Editor, East Asian HistoryDivision of Pacific & Asian HistOlY, Research School of Pacific & Asian StudiesAustralian National University, Canberra ACT 0200, AustraliaPhone +61 6 249 3140 Fax +61 62495525Subscription Manager, East Asian History, at the above adclressAustralia A$45 Overseas US$45 (for two issues)

iii CONTENTS1 The Ideal Monastery: Daoxuan's Description of the Central IndianJetavana ViharaPuay-peng Ho19 Originating Instrumentality and the Chen FamilyScott Davis53 The DorbedCeveng (c. Z. Zamcarano)-translated by 1. de Rachewiltz and]. R. Krueger79 Colonialism and Ethnic Nationalism in the Political Thoughtof Yanaihara TadaoKevin M. Doak99 Populistic Themes in May Fourth Radical Thinking: a Reappraisal of theIntellectual Origins of Chinese MarxismEdwardX. Gu127 San Mao Goes Shopping: Travel and Consumption in a Post-Colonial WorldMiriam Lang

ivCover calligraphyYan Zhenqing .!l§Jn, Tang calligrapher and statesmanCover pictureA reconstruction of the Hanyuandian in Tang Chang'an (from ChaoLiyin, ed., Shaanxi gujianzhu (Xi'an: Shaanxi Renmin Chubanshe,1992), p.98

THE IDEAL MONASTERY: DAOXUAN'S DESCRIPTIONOF THE CENTRAL INDIAN JETAVANA VIHARA Puay-peng Ho f6JtHiitDaoxuan ffiE'f (596-667), a vinaya master ! with a prolific translation andwritten output, is highly regarded as an important scholar-monk of the Tangdynasty.2 Among Daoxuan's large corpus of written output is a short workwritten in the year he died, Zhong Tianzhu Sheweiguo Qihuansi tUjing (IllustratedScripture of Jetavana vihara3 of Sravastl in Central India),4 in which hedescribes in detail the layout of Jetavana vihara, located outside the city ofSravastl in present-day Sahet Mahet 5 This article aims to examine Daoxuan'sarchitectural delineation of Jetavana vihara found in the Illustrated SCriptureand discuss the nature of this work: whether it is meant to be a factual accountof the historical monastery or a fantastical construct based on Daoxuan'ssectarian convictions. Daoxuan's sources for his account are a combinationof Buddhist texts6 and travellers' accounts,7 and must also include contemporary/monuments of India, abbrev. transl. S.Brangier (Westport, Conn.: GreenwoodPress, 1963), pp.179-80; and George Michell,The Penguin guide to the monuments ofIndia, 2 vols (Harmondsworth, Middx.:Penguin Books, 1990),1: 90-1, for adescription of the site.6 A discussion of the Buddhist sources ofDaoxuan may be found in Koichi Shinohara,"Imaging the Jetavana in medieval China: anexploratory discussion ofDaoxuan's JetavanaDiagram Scripture," unpublished paper(McMaster University) presented at the 34thInternational Congress of Asian and NorthAfrican Studies, Hong Kong, August 1993.! Lushi gfjj, one who is an expert inexpounding the Buddhist scriptures onvinaya, monastic discipline or precepts, to befollowed by all monks and nuns.2 The biography ofDaoxuan may be found inZanning ji$, Song Gaoseng zhuan [Biographiesof eminent monks compiled in theSong]) (988; reprint ed., Beijing: ZhonghuaShuju, 1987), pp.327-30.3 Vihara, a hall for Buddhist meetings, latertaken to refer to a monastery or temple.4 tp7(%wjlilllll!lJ§IIl* (hereafterreferred to in the text as the Illustrated Scripture,and cited in notes as QH7]J, in TakakusuJunjir6 and Watanabe Kaigyoku, TaishoshinshU Daizokyo [The Tripi!aka newly editedin the Taish6 era], 100 vols (Tokyo: Taish6/Issai-Ky6 Kank6 Kwai, 1924-33) (hereaftercited as 'T): 45, no.1899.5 Jetavana vihara is a well-known and importantearly Buddhist site. The purchase of thebeautiful parkland outside the city of SravastIfor the building of a summer retreat for theBuddha is the subject of a famous legendinvolving AnathapiI)c;lada and Prince Jetawidely depicted in Buddhist art. The Buddhaspent twenty-five periods of retreat at thisplace and thus it later became an importantcentre of pilgrimage. See archaeological reportof the excavation at the site in]. H. Marshall,"Excavation at Saheth-Maheth," in Archaeologicalsurvey of India: A nnual Report 19 J 0-11, reprint ed. (Delhi: Swati Publications,1990), pp.l-24, and A Foucher, The life ofBuddha, according to the ancient texts and7 The historical monastery was visited bytwo great Chinese travellers, Faxian tt:;!l.IIand Xuanzang i':. Visiting the site in theearly fifth century, Faxian mentions thatthere were still some monks dwelling in themonastery, said to be located 1200 bu ti5"0.76 km) south of SravastI city. See ZhangXian, ed. and ann., Faxian zhuan [The lifeofFaxian] (Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe,1985), juan 3, pp.72-4. By the timeXuanzang visited the site, according to hisreport, the place was in ruins. There remainedonly a few building foundations and the twopillars by the side of the east gate, recordedin T 51/899 b.4-900 a.24. See also SallyHovey Wriggins, Xuanzang (Boulder, Col.:Westview Press, 1996), pp.94-5.1

2PUAY-PENG HO8 Qichu bahuitJ;ll;:J\ Wi, the holding of theeight assemblies presided over by theBuddha in seven locations for the preachingof the various sections of the Avata/!1sakaSLUra. The seven locations include three onearth and four in heaven; the eighth assemblyis said to be held on earth in the Lecture Hallat Jetavana.9 QH7], T 45/883 a.19-22, my translation.palatial and monastic architecture. With masterly literary skills, Daoxuan isable to create a coherent description of a monastic complex from thesediverse sources while at the same time underscoring his primary concern: theprovision of a model of the ideal monastery for the Chinese Buddhist church.The Purpose oj Daoxuan's WritingIn the preface to the Illustrated Scripture, Daoxuan states:In my opinion, Jetavana vihara [was where] the Lord [Sakyamunil dwelt fortwenty-five years. Many great events took place in this monastery, such asFigure 1Illustration of Jetavana monastery inGuanzhong chuangli jietan tujing(ajierT 45/812-13)[For a selective key, see opposite:}the apparition of the Buddha for the teaching of all sentient beings, and oneof the eight assemblies in seven locations.8 Sacred scriptures including thefive volumes of vinaya-pi! aka and the four agama-sutras were preached inthis monastery. I therefore intend to search in the literature for descriptionsof the monastery in order to compile a detailed account of it9

DAmCUAN'S DESCRIPTION OF THE CENTRAL INDIAN JETAVANA vrHARA5What was the main source for Daoxuan's architectural description? It isclear that to have relied merely on the sketchy account by Faxian of the Indianmonastery would have been insufficient for composing this lengthy anddetailed work. Daoxuan must have based his description on Chinesemonastic complexes. Alexander Soper asserts that[Tao-hsuan's description of the Jetavana monastery portrayed] a type [ofmonastic plan] which seems to have been generally superseded by the seventhcentury in China proper. ... Tao-hsuan, writing in 667, was using a collectionof earlier Chinese descriptions, of which one was a so-called "Record of HolySites" [Shengji jii, by the Sui dynasty monk Ling-yO. The architectural formgiven of the Jetavana in his final compilation must therefore have been thatwhich was the standard and ideal of earlier centuries in China. 2020 Alexander Coburn Soper, The evolutionoj Buddhist architecture in Japan 0942;reprinted., Princeton, N,J. Princeton UniversityPress, 1978), p.37.21 QHT], T 45/887 a.5-6.22 Sarlras, relics of Buddhas, such as hair orbones, which are revered by the Buddhistchurch.It is beyond dispute that Lingyu, active in the geographic region ofYecheng W#& and Xiangzhou 1§J+1 (modern Anyang), would have witnessedthe glory of some of the famous monasteries around Yecheng during theprosperous period of Buddhism patronised by emperor Gao Yang rJ{¥: ofthe Northern Qi. Thus Shengji ji, which was meant to be a record of sites inthe Indian 'Holy Land', may have contained elements of monastic designbased primarily on large Chinese monasteries of the sixth century.Soper's remark may also have been derived from Daoxuang's statementthat a seven-storied pagoda was located between the south gate of the centralcloister and the Great Buddha Hall (see Figure 7 below), similar to the layoutof Luoyang Yongningsi 7k'¥ of the Northern Wei. However, there is aconspicuous lack of detail in Daoxuan's description of the pagoda comparedwith that of the other buildings in the cloister. Could the reason be, asDaoxuan claims, that he had forgotten the detail of the pagoda when he cameto write down the narration given to him in a dream,21 or that the pagoda wasincluded merely as an idealised feature in the perfect monastery-one witha spatial arrangement of which, by Daoxuan's time, there were not manyearthly examples? Clearly the latter would seem to be more plausible. Daoxuanwas therefore only a proponent either of an ideal monastic plan, possiblybased on sixth-century practices, or perhaps of a plan formulated to emphasisethe spirituality of the cloister. This is underscored by his description of thepagoda as containing the sar'iras of the past Buddha,22 thereby giving a senseof continuity and legitimacy to the present residing Buddha housed in themain hall. Below, I will explore Daoxuan's main purpose in writing, and thesources he used, through an examination of the description and an analysisof the meaning of the architecture of Jetavana vihara.

6PUAY-PENG HO23 I use the terms monastery and viharainterchangeably to refer to the entire Buddhistsite at Sravasti. The monastery hasmany cloisters within its site, which in turnare made up of several individual buildings.24 QH7], T 45/883 b.6. Calculation of areabased upon a Tang foot (chiR) is equivalentto 0.294 m. Wu Chenglou, Zhongguo dulianghengshi [History of Chinese measurements](Shanghai: Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1957).25 This is compared with the correspondingarea of the Tang imperial palace at Chang' an,which was around 345 hectares.26 QH7], T50/64 c19The Architecture of Jetavana ViharaThe monastery23 is said to have covered a ground area of 80 qing t , orabout 432 hectares.24 However, in another sentence, Daoxuan states that themonastery had a frontage of about 10 Ii m from east to west and more than700 bu from north to south, giving an area of around 609 hectares.25 Thisdiscrepancy may be due to the use of two different sources, the 80 qing beingderived from an earlier source, the Shijia pu ¥*:ll1!! by Sengyou {:f.fi ofSouthern Qi,26 and the latter set of figures probably taken from Lingyu'sShengji ji. Daoxuan himself explains that there had been many rebuildingsof the monastery since it was founded which accounts for the enormousvariation in the measurements. This is indicative of the way Daoxuanattempts to accommodate many literary sources. The monastery is said tohave contained 120 cloisters, of which 72 cloisters are fully described byDaoxuan in his Illustrated Scripture.The Spatial Layout of the Monastery27 The exca vation of the site of the monasteryhas revealed many foundations of structuresand temples enclosed within an irregularwall. See Marshall, "Excavation at Saheth­Maheth," plates I-III, and Michell, Monumentsof India, voU, p.190.Figure 2Schematic plan oj jetavanamonastery based on Daoxuan 'sdescription (author's reconstruction)In Daoxuan's description, the monastery was said to consist of a centralBuddha cloister surrounded by a great number of subsidiary cloisters allcontained in a walled compound.27 There were six great avenues running inthe north-south and east-west directions criss-crossing one another. The twomain axes of the monastery were said to be the central north-south avenuethat led straight into the central Buddha cloister and the central east-westavenue that ran just to the south of the Buddha cloister between the east andwest central gates. On the outer walls there were said to be nine gates in all,EasISouth East Gate Great South Gate South West Gate3 jian / 3 storeysSoutherj loisters Iii at3 jian / 3 storeys 5jianp reystS th GateWest SouthSoutherf lst GateIIIllo;sters III wes! fiat'G'" "*=rt II I ,I -"'""''"'''r'' West NOftj t e"",,INorthern CloistersINorthern CloistersMonks) laistersGreEasJNINorthernl Cloisters

DAOXUAN'S DESCRIPTION OF THE CENTRAL INDIAN JETAVANA VIHARA7three each to the east, south and west. The Buddha cloister was said to belocated at the centre of the monastery facing the great east-west avenue.There were also subsidialY cloisters surrounding the Buddha cloister on threesides (Figure 2).Without ever visiting the site, how did Daoxuan arrive at such an elaboratearchitectural scheme for Jetavana vihara' Its spatial organisation withintersecting avenues may have been modelled on the design of the capitalcity of the time, which was derived from the model contained in the ZhoulimJt. Sui and Tang Chang'an was planned with avenues in a grid-iron patternand with twelve gates in the city walls, three in each of the cardinal directions.The palatial city, which includes Taijigong :;t:j

8PUAY-PENG HOFigure 4A comparison of the gates along thecentral axis of the Chang 'anhuangcheng and jetavana monasteryTaijidian (M ain Hall) :r-South Gate of Ce tral Buddha CloisterTaijimen--.. ...Jiademen --.. -1-0;I -'-Chengtianmen 1Chengtianmen hengjie I (Eas[-WestAvenue)Huangchellg1 (Imperial City)!IGrandvenuerWutoumen-Zhuquein (Gate)Great South GateThe Nine Gates oj the MonasteryFigure 5Schematic plan of a typical cloister injetavana monasteryTt- - -Possible orth GateBanner Pole Banner Pole rr.r n IPos ible Wt GatePossible East atel-+ Courtyard plapted with trees l-and flow ring plantsPossible South GateAccording to Daoxuan, the number of the monastery's gates is variouslygiven in the literary sources: in Shengji ji, only an east and a north gate arementioned; and in Sigao, it is said there were four gates in the cardinaldirections with two main avenues intersecting at the centre of the monastery. 30The accounts of Faxian and Xuanzang mention only an east gate. The layoutDaoxuan settled on is neither of these but a schema of nine gates in threedirections (see Figure 2), closely modelled on Tang Chang'an. The outersouthern central gate-tower is described as a three-storied building with fivejianrs' , or bays, constructed by PrinceJeta. There were said to be five bridgesin front of the gate. The two gate-towers to either side of this central gate werealso of three storeys but smaller in size with only three jian. Outside the gatetowerwere said to be groves of flowering trees. The west gates are notdescribed fully as it is said they were only used for the carriage of deceasedmonks to their burial-place outside the monastery.The most extravagant of the nine gate-towers of the monastery describedby Daoxuan was the great east gate, through which the main east-west avenueof the monastery was said to run. The gate was a twelve-storied structure withseventeen archways in the lower storey. For the east gate to have been theloftiest of all is contrary to the normal Chinese practice of making the centralsouth gate of a city or a building complex the most important. The reason

DAOXUAN'S DESCRIPTION OF THE CENTRAL INDIAN JETAVANA VIHARA 9Daoxian gave for this deviation is that this was thegate used by all pilgrims to enter the monastery asthey dared not use the central south gate, the mainentrance to the monastery reserved only for theBuddha. It is also possible that Daoxuan is followingthe account ofFaxian, who states thatJetavanavihara had only an east gate facing the southernhighway that came from the city of SravastLAccording to Xuanzang's account, the only relicleft standing when he visited the site were the twopillars of the east gate. To accomodate the factualaccounts by the travellers of the Indian monastery,Daoxuan may have felt obliged to enhance theimportance of the east gate in his narration.The Subsidiary Cloisters of the MonasteryFigure 6Plan of a cloister in Ximingsiff!iBJl:!1- of Chang 'an (after Xi 'anTang Cheng Gongzuo DUi, "Tang Chang 'an Ximingsi yizhi fajuejianbao [Brief report on the excavation of the remains of Ximingsiin Tang Chang 'an), Kaogu [1990.1/ 47:• t:. 0e U:1§"Remains of the hallAs we have noted, apart from the large central:Buddha cloister, the Illustrated SCripture describesonly 71 subsidiary cloisters, of which 49 were said J:__oto surround the central Buddha cloister, while 20;tlwere placed to the west of the central group.These cloisters may be divided into two groupsaccording to their function, which is reflected intheir names. The first group of 29 cloisters in thesouthern half of the monastery are associatedomainly with Buddhist cultivation, for example:the Cloister of Students of the Four Noble Truths(Xueren sidizhi yuan AIZY*Z3t),31 and the Cloister of Non-BuddhistsWishing to Enter the Priesthood (Waidao laichujia yuan 7'H.*l±J*3t).32The second group of nineteen cloisters, surrounding the central Buddhacloister, was said to be frequently used by the Buddha, and included, forexample, the Cloister where the Buddha Strolls (Fojingxing yuan -m*-rfllt ),33and the Cloister of the Buddha's Wardrobes (Foyifu yuan -m:&fllt). Thereis thus a clear demarcation of the cloisters in the monastery used for the cultivationof the faith, and those more intimately related to the Buddha's daily life.The format used by Daoxuan to describe the cloisters in the monasteryis baSically the same for all cloisters. Each one is simply described as anenclosed courtyard with an entrance that housed a hall or other structures.(Figure 5). Differences between the various cloisters are found in thedirection of the gate-house, the buildings other than the main hall containedin the cloister, and various miraculous events said to have taken place in thecloister. Daoxuan specifically states that the 29 cloisters to the south of thegreat central avenue adopted this basic standard plan.34 This pattern mayhave been derived from an Indian spatial arrangement,35 but it is more likelya typical Chinese plan.-- Courtyardi!..-_ ---"-;='1J"'i'""'If=Jf!====::===-'-II§E""30 QHT], T 45/883 c20-531 Xueren, or saia, are Buddhists cultivatingthe law who are still learning variousaspects of that law. Sidi, or satya, are thefour basic truths of Buddhism-describingthe worldly phenomenon and the waytowards enlightenment.32 Waidao, or lirthaka, refers to all religionsother than Buddhism.33 jingxing, or ca11kramana, refers to strollingin a specific place, such as in front of thelecture hall, or under a pagoda or a pavilion,to quieten one's mind so as to achieve ameditative state.34 QHT], T 45/886 c.10-11.35 The Nalanda monastery, for example,which was visited by Chinese travellers_ AtNalanda, the excavated remains of seventhcenturymonasteries revealed rectangularcomplexes with monk cells lining theperimeter wall (Michell, Monuments lOVER

10PUAY-PENG HO/ of India, voU, p.246). Other shrines andmonasteries of the same or earlier periods,such as that at Kusinagara, possess a similarplan. This is markedly different from thecloister layout described by Daoxuan. Onthe other hand, the excavated remains ofthe Buddhist cloister found in Chang'an fitDaoxuan's description very well (Figure 6).36 QHT], T 45/886 e-890 e37 The sequence of buildings in the centralcloister is described differently in fielanlujing, which places the pagoda behind thefront Buddha hall. Furthermore, behind thepagoda is said to be a hall where the Buddhapreached, a three-storied tower, and lastly athree-storied pavilion. Thus the fielanlujing's description has an additional threestoriedtower. However, as QH7]was writtenbeforefielan lujing, (T45/812 (1), it wouldseem that that the layout as given in QH7],which is a more complete account, isDaoxuan's intended schema.38 The first ordination platform is said tohave been built in the south-eastern cornerof the outer cloister of Jetavana vihara, asinstructed by the Buddha.The Central Buddha Cloister of Jetavana MonasteryThe central Buddha cloister located at the heart of Jetavana monasterywas said to be the most important complex in the architectural organisationof the monastery, underscored by the grandiose gateways placed along itsapproach route.36 Within the central Buddha cloister, many buildings werelocated along the central axis. From the south, these were: the inner southgate, a large square lotus pool, the Great Buddha Pagoda, the Great BuddhaHall, a Second Great Hall, and a Storied Pavilion. 37 Each of the four buildingswas accompanied by two symmetrically-placed side buildings. Daoxuan alsostates that the triads of buildings appeared to increase in grandeur along theaxis. At the four corners of the central cloister were located the east and westordination platforms38 and the east and west treasuries. The whole compoundthus contained numerous buildings that varied greatly in form and size(Figure 7) .The sacred precinct was fully enclosed by a high wall, the only accessbeing through the inner south gate. Within the cloister, the first building wasa seven-storied pagoda constructed purely of 'strange stones'. Crowning thepagoda were dew plates and below it were deposited the sar'iras of KasyapaBuddha, the Buddha of the past. Many golden bells were said to have hung7TowerIF==f==!1 West Tower 1lllIIllI llIIIIIll East Towerif Terraceo Cauldron EastOFigure 7Schematic diagram of the centralBuddha cloister based on Daoxuan 'sdescription (author's reconstruction)

DAOXUAN'S DESCRIPTION OF THE CENTRAL INDIAN JETAVANA VIHARA11Figure 8Detail of the illustration of A mitabhaparadise from Dunhuang cave 21 7showing a bell platform (after XiaoMo, Dunhuang jianzhu yanjiu[Architectural research on Dunhuanggrottoes) [Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe,1989}, p.66J. The bell platfarm is thethird buildingjrom the leftfrom the eaves of the pagoda. To the left and right of the pagoda was a pairof bell pia tforms. 39 The next grou p of buildings to the north, possibly the mostimportant group in the monastery, was composed of the Great Buddha Halland its accompanying towers. The hall was reputed to have been so lofty andbroad that it surpassed all other buildings in the monastely. Buddha was saidto have preached the dharma in this hall. However, no actual dimensions aregiven for this imposing building. The next group of buildings to the north wassaid to be even more majestic than the former group, contradicting his earlierassertions about the Great Buddha Hall. The function of this group of buildings,centred on the Second Great Hall, is not dearly stated. The eaves of thebuildings are described as stacked one on top of another. 'Flying corridors'(feilang mJrui )40 were used here to link the hall with the seven-jewelledtowers on either side. The grandeur of this pair of five-storied towers musthave surpassed that of the complementary towers flanking the Great BuddhaHall, which were a mere three storeys high.The final group of buildings was centred on a three-storied pavilion(changge M), with great jewelled towers (da baalau :kJffl) on eitherside. The pavilion was said to be where the Tathagata (rulai D*) dwelt fortwenty-five years. The great jewelled towers, said to have been linked to thecentral pavilion by flying corridors', were erected by the Maha-Brahma Raja(Da Fanwang:kI) and Devakaja (Tian Di x.*). This group of buildingswas again said to have been even loftier than those to its south. The increasing39 A bell platform can be seen in the illustrationof the Amitayurdytma stUra, on thenorth wall of the early Tang cave 217 in theDunhuang grottoes. [n this depiction, thebell platform is seen to the left of the mainhall (Figure 8).40 Again, 'flying corridors' are frequentlydepicted in Dunhuang paintings, such asthat found in the sutra illustrations of thehigh Tang cave no.148, dated to 776 (Figure9)

12PUA Y-PENG HO41 QHTf, T 45/890 bA.42 However, the slitras that speak of the"storied pavilion and lecture hall"-Mahasasaka-vinaya,the Sa1!lyuktagam .a, and theMahaparinirva/Ja sutra-all state that thebuilding was located in the Vaisalj kingdombeside the Marka\a river, rather than inJetavana monastery.degree of grandeur of the halls along the central axis culminating in thestoried-pavilion is a clear demonstration of the Chinese preference for spatialdepth with an accompanying augmentation of majesty as one proceedsthrough the architectural complex. The magnificent ornamentation of thepavilion and its great height are said to have given the visitor the impressionof being in heaven. Daoxuan also remarks that looking north from the courtyardof the central Buddha cloister, one would see a succession of buildings,each higher than the one before, in a sort of grand cascade that would haveimpressed all visitors. Thus, he claims, all these buildings must have beenexecuted by divine hands to be used as immortal abodes. It is interesting thatDaoxuan has shifted here from a description of the plan of the cloister to adescription of its elevation, proclaiming that the layering of the halls andpavilions to be something not commonly seen in earthly architecture, andthat the imagery of these buildings resembles the dwellings of the immortals.41This additional information seems to assume the narrator's presence in thecourtyard of the central cloister and leaves the reader with no doubt that thisview of the buildings towards the north was magnificent in the extreme.The three-storied pavilion was said to be the residential chamber of theBuddha, containing many exquisitely ornamented, jewelled thrones. Noimage was housed in this pavilion, in marked contrast to the two front halls.The reason given by Daoxuan for this is that since it was used as a dwellingfor the Buddha and other immortals, their images were not required. As thisstoried pavilion was so wonderful, the Buddha is said to have spent a greatdeal of his time there. The building is further identified by Daoxuan as thestoried pavilion, mentioned so often in various siUras, in which the Buddhais said to have dwelt.42 As we have seen, a pair of great bejewelled towersflanked the storied pavilion, which was also connected to the central pavilionby means of flying corridors (shown in Figure 7). These corridors, with carvedhandrails and ornate balusters, were supposedly used by heavenly beings togain access to the storied pavilion. As in the description of the subsidiarycloisters, we see here a spatial pattern in Daoxuan's description of thebuildings in the central cloister which will be discussed in the followingsection.Symbolism of the jetavana Monastery BuildingsIn more ways than one, Daoxuan indicates that he is concerned not justwith the reconstruction of the monastery, which was an important stop in theBuddha's earthly sojourn, but also with the setting up of a spatial schema inwhich the supremacy of the Buddha truth can be proclaimed. This is moststrongly demonstrated in the architecture of the central Buddha cloister asdescribed in the Illustrated SCripture. It not only occupied a spatially central

DAOXUAN'S DESCRIPTION OF THE CENTRAL INDIAN JETAVANA vn-IARA13Figure 9Detail of the illustration ofBhai!;ajyaguru paradise fromDunhuang cave 148 showing a flyingcorridor (after Xiao Mo, Dunhuangjianzhi yanjiu, p. 79)location, but was also the spiritual centre of the monastelY where the Buddhais said to have dwelt and preached, and all elements in the monastery wereorganised around this centre. This is reinforced by the following devicesDaoxuan used in his narration:Spatial SymbolismAs has been demonstrated, the layout of the monastery is a clear indicationthat Daoxuan used the plan of Chang'an as a model. What is hard to demonstrateis whether or not he also modelled his description of Jetavana monasteryon a comparably large Tang monastery or monasteries, as the physicalevidence of such a structure is lacking.43 It is easier, however, to see the linkbetween the plan of the central cloister and palace architecture. The progressionof the building groups placed along the central axis of the central Buddhacloister-beginning in the south with a lotus pool, followed by a seven-storiedpagoda, a Great Buddha Hall where the Buddha preached the dhanna, aSecond Great Hall, and terminating with a storied pavilion where the Buddharesided-may have been modelled on the principle of qianchao houqinmr)HllJ: (front audience halls and rear retiring chambers) of imperialpalaces 44 It is perceived as appropriate, not only in spatial terms but alsosymbolically, for the abode of the Universal Monarch to resemble the palaceof the earthly monarch.43 Large monasteries found in Tang literatureinclude Dashengcisi * of Yizhou(modern Chengtu) which was said to contain96 cloisters in late Tang, and Ximingsi inChang'an, a large monastelY of which Daoxuanwas abbot for ten years, which consistedof ten cloisters. Archaeological evidence ofTang monasteries uncovered so far onlyshows single cloisters.44 As pointed out by Yang Hongxun, theconcept of qianchao houqin had alreadybeen employed in a Shang palace at Erlitou(Yang Hongxun, Jianzhu kaogusue lunwenji [Collected essays on the archaeology ofarchitecture} (Beijing: Wensu Chubanshe,1987), pp.83-5). From Western Zhou timeson, separate buildings were employed forthe two functions. The evidence for thiscomes from the literary record of Zhouli. AsHe Yeju explains, the inner part of thepalace served as dwelling space while theouter part was for holding audiences, withthe Lumen g:F separating the two distinctfunctions (He Yeju, Kaogongji yingguozhiduyanjiu [Research on the system of capitalbuildingin the Kaogongji] (Beijing: ZhongguoJianzhu Gongye Chubanshe, 1985).

14PUAY-PE G HOFigure 10Plan of Taiji palace in TangChang 'an (from Hiraoka Takeo, ed.,Ch6an to Rakuy6 (Chizu) [Chang 'anand Luoyang (Maps)), TangCivilisation Reference Series [Kyoto:Jinbunkagaku KenkyUjo, 19561,pl. 13)lUI "NTg!;::i>-wi!!.F:l!u.a ...... "nOT'l>1JIjunl-litH'.,-.....,Jui1,.--,illItIIIIItnfI)..Iijbr f:!1

DAOXUAN'S DESCIUPTIOOF THE CENTRAL INDIAN JETAVANA VIHARA15Buddha, for the mingtang was an important symbol of imperial legitimacyand authority.A further borrowing from imperial architecture may be seen in the triadicstructures in the central cloister, described by Daoxuan as resembling bloomingflowers complementing each other 47 The flanking towers were meant toserve as contrasting elements within the triad to the central imposing pavilionso that the group formed a harmoniously balanced entity-a conceptioncentral to Chinese aesthetics.48 While the triad of buildings with the storiedpavilion at its centre was made up of a central high structure flanked by a pairof buildings of a lower height, the two triads to the south were the opposite,the central building being broader and lower than its flanking structures thatwere tall and slender. These triads of buildings may be compared to theHanyuandian ay[JiJl: ofDaming palace *-B '8 in Tang Chang'an, constructedbetween 634 and 662 (Figure 11).47 QH7], T45/890 b 12-1348 As seen in paintings and other media, theChinese aesthetic emphasises the centralityof the main object, assigning a supportingrole to subsidiary objects. At the same time,a contrast between the elements was desiredto show off the relationship between 'master'and 'subordinates'.Figure 11A reconstruction 0./ tbe Hanyuandianin Tang Cbang'an (from Cbao Liyin,ed., Shaanxi gujianzhu [A ncientarcbitecture 0./ Sbaanxi province)[Xi'an: Sbaanxi Renmin Cbubansbe,1992J, p.98J

16PUA Y-PENG HO49 QHTf, T 45/883 c.27-8.50 QHT], T 45/884 a 8-9.51 QHT], T 45/886 c.23-5Numerology and Entry into the FaithFrom the very beginning of the Illustrated Scripture, Daoxuan employsnumeric symbolism when describing the number of storeys in gates. Thus,the three-storied great south gate is said to symbolise the three emptinesses,a state of mind necessary to achieve before entering the 'gate' of Buddhism. 49The monastery gate is thus taken as representing the gateway to the faith, andby inference, the inner sanctuary of the cloister the kernel of the Buddhistdharma. There were said to be five bridges leading to the gate-tower, whichconnoted the crossing over from the shores of a bitter sea into paradise. Thegreat east gate of the monastery is described as having twelve storeys withseventeen gateways, a gigantic magnification of scale compared to the sizeof the central south gate with only five jian. This is meaningful in view of thequotation Daoxuan makes from Sigao which states that the majesty of thisgate-tower symbolises the glorious entrance into the Buddhist faith 50 Thestupendous scale of the building is justified precisely for its representationof the greatness of that faith. However, unlike the great south gate, in whichthe three storeys of the building Signified an important aspect of the Buddhistfaith, no symbolism was attached to the great east gate's numbers twelve orseventeen.Having employed numeric symbolism in describing the entry point to thefaith, Daoxuan does the same in denoting its centre. The seven storeys andseven doorways of the inner south gate of the central Buddha cloisterrepresent, he says, "the Sapta-hodhyar:tgtmi-the seven awakenings, meaningthat the central cloister is intended exclusively for the Buddha, not to beshared with other monks. "51 Here, numerology is again employed to endowan otherwise standard architectural element with religious meaning. It is clearthat these devices were used to indicate that the monastery was the physicalembodiment of the metaphysical truth for those who entered itCultivation Method and Vinaya Practice52 QH7], T 45/886 c.20--1The architecture along the avenue leading from the great south gate to thecentral cloister, a path said to have been used constantly by the Buddha, issymbolic of the proper approach and cultivation leading to the attainment ofnirvar:ta. Daoxuan claims that when the visitor beholds from the south thelayers of ornate and majestic gates repeated in succession along the centralavenue, "his spirit will be awakened and [he willl find [his existence in theldefilement [of the worldl alarming. If he cleanses his eyes and looks intently,he will be delivered from the snare of the five emotions."52 Thus, by passingthrough the majestic gates of the monastery, the devotee will obtain animpression of the awesome Buddhist truth. By walking along the centralavenue, the devotee will undergo a transformation in which the influence ofthe world can be forsaken and supreme Buddhist truth, symbolised by thecentral Buddha cloister, embraced.

DAmCUAN'S DESCRIPTION OF THE CENTRAL INDIAN JETAVANA vrHARA17The names of the subsidiary cloisters placed to the south of the centralcloister are also indicative of the cultivation method advocated by Daoxuanfor the vinaya sect. The faithful would need to enquire of the dharma (wenfar,, rt:u, and would be given an understanding of the way of the four nobletruths (sidi [gg), the twelve causal effects (shier yinyuan+=I2SJ* D, andthe eight holy ways (bashengdao J\lli). After this the faithful couldproceed to listen to the dharma (tingfa WMt;,) , and meditate (chansi ;},).Thus the important steps of Buddhist cultivation are laid down comprehensivelyin Daoxuan's schema. Once the truth is realised, the bhiku or bhikur.l'i canproceed to be ordained on platforms housed within the central Buddhacloister. The location of these platforms is again indicative of the Buddhisttruth; that is, the devotees must reach the heart of the faith before they canbe ordained. Ordination was an essential part of Daoxuan's vinaya teachingand the location of the platforms, being in the central cloister (see Figure 7),shows the importance he attached to the practice 53 Thus Daoxuan clearlyintended to use the buildings, their location and names, to manifest theBuddhist cultivation needed to attain enlightenment. Vice versa, the architecturalschema portrayed is intended by Daoxuan to inculcate in devotees theproper cultivation of vinaya.53 In 667, Daoxuan erected an ordinationplatform in Jingyesi (¥ in Chang'an'ssuburb. In the same year, he wrote Guanzhongchuang/i jietan tujing to describe theorigin of the ordination platform and itsdesign. He also describes the design of aplatform for the Chinese Buddhist church.Both the platform he erected and the literarywork helped to establish the standard forplatform design in China, and later inJapan.ConclusionIt has been shown that although his description of the architecture ofJetavana monastery in the Illustrated SCripture may have been based oncontemporary palatial and monastic architecture, Daoxuan's ultimate purposewas not the accurate portrayal of the Indian monastery, or even of Chinesemonastic architecture, but the outlining of an architectural proposal thatwould ensure the proper conduct of the devotee-an ideal monastic plan.The fantastical elements in his description, particularly of the buildingornamentation, serve to indicate that although the plan is heavily groundedin earthly architectural design, it is nevertheless an extravagant 'heavenly'model, which, in its very nature, parallels the purpose of the Buddha's earthlyactivities, as Daoxuan claims:When the Buddha manifested a transformed [image on earth], it was donewith a profound motive. Just as the form [of the transformed body] wasdifferent from the natural form, the dwelling [of the Buddha] was necessarilydifferent from [those ofl the profane world. Therefore a monastery and otherliving quarters were established [on earth] that were totally unlike ordinaryhuman habitations, and images were created so strange as to stir the commonheart to see [the Buddha truth]-so much so that when ordinary folk weremade to hear of it, they would be shaken into knowing the words and thepaths of the faith; when they were made to see, they would understand theform [of the monastery] and discern the extraordinary path [of deliverance]. 5454 QHT], T 45/890 a.28-b.2.

18PUAY-PENG HO55 QHT], T 45/883 a.2--4, a.22--4.5 6 QHT], T 45/890 a.24-6.Puay-peng HoDepartment of ArchitectureChinese University of Hong KongShatin, New TerritoriesHong KongBuddhist truth is thus clearly embodied in the ideal architectonic formdescribed by Daoxuan. This is underscored by his statement that the writtenwork resulted from a sudden awakening inspired by a hidden spirit.S5Further, a version of the illustrated scripture was said to exist in heaven 56Although Daoxuan borrowed heavily from the Chinese conception ofarchitecture in his delineation of the monastery, this borrowing was meantnot so much to reflect the layout of contemporary monastery, but merely toserve as a tool for the manifestation of the dharma. There is in fact hardlyany reference to the Indian form of the monastelY, which further highlightsthe fact that Daoxuan was not concerned to make an accurate description butsimply used the famed monastelY to outline his ideal monastic form. In sodOing, Daoxuan's Illustrated Scripture provides an illuminating example forthe study of the iconology of architecture-in this case, the endowment ofthe architectural spatial conception with Buddhist symbolism.EAST ASIAN HISTORY 10 (995)