The Industrial Vagina: The Political Economy of the Global Sex Trade
The Industrial Vagina: The Political Economy of the Global Sex Trade
The Industrial Vagina: The Political Economy of the Global Sex Trade
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192 <strong>The</strong> state as pimpProject Respect, 2004). Women are brought in on tourist visas.<strong>The</strong> traffickers <strong>the</strong>n apply for refugee status for <strong>the</strong> women, which isusually not forthcoming, and set <strong>the</strong> women to work in legal bro<strong>the</strong>lsin debt bondage during <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> time, 18 months, that <strong>the</strong> applicationstake to process. <strong>The</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> legalized bro<strong>the</strong>ls makestrafficking relatively trouble free. It is estimated that 300 women aretrafficked for prostitution to Australia each year, and 1,000 womenare held as ‘sex slaves’ in <strong>the</strong> country at any one time. Most traffickedwomen are from South Korea, Thailand and China. While<strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> women from South Korea has recently risen, <strong>the</strong>rehas been a fall in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> women trafficked from Thailand(ibid.). Women who are recruited by traffickers are told on arrivalthat, because <strong>the</strong> industry is legal, <strong>the</strong>y have no grounds to complainto police about <strong>the</strong>ir conditions <strong>of</strong> ‘employment’ (Fergus, 2005).<strong>The</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> tolerated as well as legalized sex industries creates<strong>the</strong> significant problem <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> corruption <strong>of</strong> police, <strong>of</strong>ficials andpoliticians. When police are not involved in regulating prostitution<strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> corruption moves from <strong>the</strong> police to local council<strong>of</strong>ficials. <strong>The</strong> sex industry constantly bucks against any legal restrictionsthat exist to contain its growth, such as limits on <strong>the</strong> rangeand size <strong>of</strong> businesses, restrictions on advertising for workers andclients, and zoning restrictions. In Nevada, for instance, bro<strong>the</strong>ls arelegal outside <strong>the</strong> city <strong>of</strong> Las Vegas, in smaller cities and in countrysideareas, but not in <strong>the</strong> big city itself. Strip clubs are legal, however, andprostitution operates through <strong>the</strong>se venues. Politicians are bribed tooppose bye-laws that create a statutory distance that should existbetween strippers and <strong>the</strong> male buyers in order to prevent prostitutionin <strong>the</strong> clubs. <strong>The</strong>y are bribed to vote in particular ways onzoning laws that affect <strong>the</strong> sex industry (Farley, 2007). Council <strong>of</strong>ficialscan be corrupted in legalized environments also. Thus in Sydneya corruption inquiry was told in 2007 that Wade Fryar, employed byParramatta Council, took bribes <strong>of</strong> cash and sexual services while heheaded a team that enforced council policies on <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> premisesas bro<strong>the</strong>ls (ABC News, 2007a). One witness said she paid Fryar upto $500 per month to warn her about council inspections becauseshe feared her business would be closed down. He took bribes fromat least 12 illegal bro<strong>the</strong>ls.Police corruption is also endemic in tolerated and legalized prostitution.When prostitution is de facto illegal, but in fact tolerated,as has traditionally been <strong>the</strong> case in male dominant states prior tode jure legalization, police corruption is rampant (Frances, 2007).