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The Industrial Vagina: The Political Economy of the Global Sex Trade

The Industrial Vagina: The Political Economy of the Global Sex Trade

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Feminists and <strong>the</strong> global sex industry 31o<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong>ir worksites (Pesar and Mahler, 2003). Laura Agustin,for instance, argues that prostitution is economically valuable in apiece entitled ‘Contributing to “Development”: Money Made Selling<strong>Sex</strong>’. It is valuable, she says, because, ‘recent studies reveal howmoney sent home by migrants finances important social and structuralprojects known as “development” ... This goes for moneymade picking strawberries ... and selling sex ... <strong>the</strong> amounts mean<strong>the</strong> same no matter how <strong>the</strong>y were earned, and <strong>the</strong>y are usedto finance construction projects, small businesses and cooperativeagriculture for families, communities and whole regions’ (Agustin,2006b, p. 10). She says that ‘most cultures do have <strong>the</strong>ir own visions<strong>of</strong> developing, and migrants who send money home contributed to<strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> those visions, including <strong>the</strong> millions who sell sex’(ibid., p. 10).Jyoti Sanghera makes <strong>the</strong> same argument. She says prostitutedwomen contribute to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir ‘larger cultural communitiesby financing <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> schools, religious shrines,post <strong>of</strong>fices and o<strong>the</strong>r public service facilities. Remittances <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>irearnings from abroad help <strong>the</strong>ir governments service <strong>the</strong> nationaldebt <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country’ (Sanghera, 1997, p. 10). Moreover, Sangheraargues, encouraging governments to assess <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> prostitutionto <strong>the</strong>ir economies would be helpful: ‘Societies that allow sex businessesto flourish and proliferate could include <strong>the</strong>m in governmentaccounting’ (ibid.). This positive approach does not factor in <strong>the</strong>harms <strong>of</strong> prostitution to <strong>the</strong> life-courses and economic possibilities<strong>of</strong> those who are prostituted. It does not consider <strong>the</strong> expenses thatstates may have to enter into in order to support <strong>the</strong> girls and womenwho have been harmed when through age or physical and mentalhealth problems <strong>the</strong>y are no longer valuable to <strong>the</strong> industry, <strong>the</strong>expenses <strong>of</strong> policing and <strong>the</strong> operation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> legal system involvedin combating trafficking and o<strong>the</strong>r problems integral to <strong>the</strong> industry.<strong>The</strong>re is no question that <strong>the</strong> prostitution <strong>of</strong> women has playeda significant role in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> many national economiesand continues to do so. What is in question is whe<strong>the</strong>r this shouldbe celebrated or condemned. <strong>The</strong> role <strong>of</strong> black slavery in <strong>the</strong> construction<strong>of</strong> British economic supremacy in <strong>the</strong> 19th century, forinstance, is considered a cause for shame ra<strong>the</strong>r than celebration(Fryer, 1989). It is not obvious that <strong>the</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> prostitutedwomen in debt bondage should receive a much more positive treatment.<strong>The</strong>re is evidence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> way in which <strong>the</strong> prostitution <strong>of</strong> girlsand women has contributed to <strong>the</strong> historical economic development

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