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16commercial enterprise. On the other hand, smaller household-level projects have beenpossible only where applicants are relatively well-off and can contribute their ownresources, avoiding the need to inflate the group size to access further grant funding andinstead registering each member of a household as a beneficiary to reduce the owncontributionto grant ratio. Between these two models is a third possibility: small-scaleproduction by poor households on their own land, whether held in common or not. Thisis a crucial gap, a model that is not being promoted at present and is probably the mostimportant area for the future of land reform, if it is to directly address the situation of poorpeople living in rural areas.Policy Options for Land and Agrarian ReformProgramme for Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape
173. HOW LAND USE IS CURRENTLY PLANNEDLand reform is premised on the assumption that land reform will result in changes in landuse, and it is these changes, rather than the mere transfer of a capital asset, that areintended to bring about direct benefits for ‘beneficiaries’, in the form of income, food andsecure tenure (DLA 1997). Land reform also has the potential to generate wider,beneficial impacts on the surrounding population and economy, in the form of increasedspending, demand for local inputs and labour, as well as the supply of food and othergoods to local markets or into secondary industries (Aliber et al 2007, DLA 1997, WorldBank 2007). However, transfer or restructuring of ownership does not necessarily lead tochange in the organisation of production or the way in which benefits are distributed. Asthis review shows, much planning for land reform has done the opposite. Based onassumptions about how production and tenure regimes are to be organised, projectplans have often aimed to minimise the changes in production and to keep existingfarming systems intact through the process of redistribution. But what do policy and lawsay about land use, and what would a transformatory agenda have to confront?National and provincial levelLand use planning has remained very much a technocracy… [and] it hasalways proved difficult to impose these plans. Maybe this is just as well(Dalal-Clayton 2003:45).At the national level, there is limited planning for land use. Agriculture is recognised asan important sector of the economy, in terms of its contributions to employment,supplying food into local markets, and as an earner of foreign exchange. The StrategicPlan for Agriculture emphasises growth, competitiveness and deracialisation throughsupport to new entrants, but contains no vision plan for land reform to change patterns ofland use and to transform the agricultural sector to play a new and reinvigorated role ineconomic development (DOA 2002). From the side of land reform policy, the WhitePaper says very little about land use but does note that:smaller sized agricultural units are often farmed more intensively, and aremore labour absorbing. There are over a hundred thousand small scaleand subsistence farmers in South Africa who could be assisted by theland redistribution programme to expand their land resource base throughpurchase or lease. The land reform programme thus offers the potentialfor more intensive irrigated farming, for contract farming in importantsectors of the agricultural economy such as cotton, timber and sugar, andthe potential to intensify agricultural production in areas of highagricultural potential (DLA 1997).A system of classifying agronomic regions (particularly distinguishing summer and winterrainfall areas) was used in the past by the Department of Agriculture when it wasnational. Now, agriculture is a concurrent competency and planning is decentralised toprovincial level, based on spatial development plans and provincial growth andPolicy Options for Land and Agrarian ReformProgramme for Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape
Page 1 and 2: The Programme for Land and Agrarian
Page 3 and 4: 31. INTRODUCTIONLand reform is a po
Page 5 and 6: 52. PATTERNS OF LAND USE IN LAND RE
Page 7 and 8: 7“This tendency often sets partic
Page 9 and 10: 92003). Case studies of LRAD projec
Page 11 and 12: 11natural resources for basic house
Page 13 and 14: 13strategic partnerships where land
Page 15: 15In contrast, the option of state
Page 19 and 20: 19communal areas on the other (Mane
Page 21 and 22: 21their existing livelihoods and va
Page 23 and 24: 23this has not happens, and argues
Page 25 and 26: 25The key findings on livelihood st
Page 27 and 28: 27(Kirsten and Machethe 2005 - emph
Page 29 and 30: 295. DYNAMICS IN THE COMMERCIAL FAR
Page 31 and 32: Farming units31R15 billion, and exp
Page 33 and 34: Farming debt33emerged as dominant c
Page 35 and 36: 35Table 4: Budget allocations to se
Page 37 and 38: 37value chain, in partnership with
Page 39 and 40: 39up to 80% of the land). In these
Page 41 and 42: 416.3. Links with the non-farm econ
Page 43 and 44: 437. TOWARDS ALTERNATIVE LAND USES
Page 45 and 46: 45One approach to assessing the soc
Page 47 and 48: 47some land affairs officials, muni
Page 49 and 50: 49schools, so that we can sell to t
Page 51 and 52: 51Second, the level of organisation
Page 53 and 54: 53The increase in overall state sup
Page 55 and 56: 559. RECOMMENDATIONSThe recommendat
Page 57 and 58: 579.3. Regulation of land useLimit
Page 59 and 60: 599.7. Institutional implicationsIn
Page 61 and 62: 61Blackie, M. 2006. “Indigenous K
Page 63 and 64: 63ECARP (Eastern Cape Agricultural
Page 65 and 66: 65MALA (Ministry of Agriculture and
Page 67:
67Land and the South African Econom
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