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On Multiple Wh-Fronting - University of Chicago

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O N M U L T I P L E W H - F R O N T I N G 377(65) a. Ion a auzit zvonul caÆ Petru a cumpaÆ rat CE?Ion has heard the-rumor that Petru has bought whatb. *Ce a auzit Ion zvonul caÆ Petru a cumpaÆ rat?Assuming that islandhood is syntactic in nature, we are dealing here with a syntactic exceptionto the obligatoriness <strong>of</strong> MWF in Romanian. The exception is readily accounted for under theMove F analysis, on which Romanian wh-phrases undergo Move F if phrasal movement is notpossible. Ochi (1998) and Agbayani (1998) argue that phrasal movement but not feature movementis subject to non–Relativized Minimality–type islands. According to them, feature movement issubject only to Relativized Minimality islands through Attract Closest. If they are right, fullphrasal movement <strong>of</strong> the echo wh-phrase in (65a) is not possible. The wh-phrase can then underg<strong>of</strong>eature movement. 4 5 The Move F analysis enables us to account for (65a) while still having thewh-phrase undergo movement to C, which is desirable given the ungrammaticality <strong>of</strong> (53). Giventhat (65a) is unacceptable on the true question reading, the question arises why the Move Fderivation is unavailable on this reading. I speculate that Cheng’s (1997) clausal typing is theculprit. A whole wh-phrase, including its phonological features, must be present in Spec,CP inovert syntax in Romanian to type a clause as a question. This rules out the possibility <strong>of</strong> wh-insituon the true question reading in Romanian.The verb-second (V2) effect raises a potential problem for the Move F analysis. Normally,in both subject and nonsubject questions verbal elements occur in the second position on boththe echo and nonecho readings <strong>of</strong> the fronted wh-phrase. As a result, they precede the subject innonsubject questions.(66) Ce a spus MaÆ daÆ lina?what has said Madalina‘<strong>Wh</strong>at did Madalina say?’Under the Move F analysis (65a) is a nonsubject question with the verbal elements following thesubject. This is not a problem if the V2 effect is phonological in nature, as suggested in Boeckx1998, BosÏ ković 2001, Chomsky 1995, and Rice and Svenonius 1998, among others, for variouslanguages. Alternatively, we can assume that the subject in (65a) is located in a pre-Spec,CPtopic position.Turning to the PCA, under this analysis (65a) involves phrasal movement <strong>of</strong> the echo whphrasein overt syntax. The head <strong>of</strong> the chain created by the movement is deleted and the copyis pronounced. (Deletion <strong>of</strong> the head must be sanctioned by PF considerations,which are discussedbelow.)(67) ce . . . [ N P . . . ce]45 With wh-islands, full phrasal movement is allowed. As expected, feature movement is degraded.(i) a. CE se õˆntreabaÆ Ion cine a cumpaÆ rat?what REFL wondered Ion who has bought‘<strong>Wh</strong>at did Ion wonder who bought?’b. ?(?)Ion se õˆntreabaÆ cine a cumpaÆ rat CE?

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