Music of the Waswahili of Lamu, Kenya

COLLECTED BY ALAN W BOYDETHNIC FOLKWAYS RECORDS FE 4094Music of the Waswahili of Lamu, KenyaVOLUME 2other Sacred MusicZefe with boys playing matariCOVER DESIGN BY RONALD CLYNEProduced in cooperation with the Indiana University Archives of Traditional MusicEthnomusicological SeriesSeries Editor: Louise S. Spear

ETHNIC FOLKWAYS RECORDS FE4094Music of the Waswahiliof Larnu, Kenya VOL. 2Other Sacred MusicCOLLECTED BY ALAN W. BOYDOTHER SACRED MUSICSIDE 1Band 1 SamaiBand 2 KasidaSIDE 2Band 1 DhikiriBand 2 ZefeBand 3 Funeral ProcessionTHE KENYA COAST \\SOMALIA\\\oKEN YASource J Oe v Allen. lomu, Kenya cuec 1983 MAM®© 1985 FOLKWAYS RECORDS & SERVICE CORP.632 BROADWAY, N.Y.C., 10012 N.Y., U.S.A.Music of the Waswahiliof Larnu, Kenya VOL. 2Other Sacred MusicDESCRIPTIVE NOTES ARE INSIDE POCKETETHNIC FOLKWAYS RECORDS FE 4094

ETHNIC FOLKWAYS RECORDS Album Nos. FE 4093, FE4094, FE4095© 1985 by Folkways Records & Service Corp., 632 Broadway, NYC, USA 10012Music of the Waswahiliof Lamu, KenyacoUected by Alan W. BoydVolume IMaulidiVolume IIOther Sacred MusicVolume IIISecular MusicProduced in cooperation with the Indjana University Archives of Traditional MusicEthnomusicological SeriesSeries Editor: Louise S. Spear

Music of the Waswahili of Lamu, KenyaCollected and annotated by Alan W. BoydSwahili is one of the most widely known ethnicnames of Africa. It is associated with Kenya and JomoKenyatta, Tanzania and Julius Nyerere and such wordsas simba, safari and ijumaa. Yet very little is commonlyknown about who the Waswahili (the Swahili people)are, where they are located or what their culture is like.Swahili is thought to be an Africanized version of theArabic term for coast, sahel The Waswahi/i are coastalpeople living in cities, towns and villages on the eaSternlittoral of Africa from Kilwa at the mouth of the RufijiRiver in the south to Mogadischu in Somalia in thenorth. The common characteristics of people whocan be called Waswahili are a more-or-less-knowndescent from Arabic families, especially from thesouthernmost portions of the Arabian peninsula; theMuslim religiOUS faith; speaking a mutually understandabledialect of Kiswahili; and association with, ifnot actual occupation of, urban centers.Swahili culture and language are thought to haveoriginated long before the birth of the ProphetMuhammad with the contact between Arab traders,sailors and merchants, and Bantu groups along the FastAfrican coast. This process reached a high point duringthe internal struggles for preeminence in the enlargingMuslim world during the centuries following hisdeath. By the thirteenth century, Arabic settlementswere widespread along the whole of the Fast Africancoastline. From that time on, settlers arrived on theFast African coast in successive waves. Descendantsof earlier immigrants became more and moreAfricanized, so that today, although Arab influenceis readily perceived in much of Swahili culture, andmany people still maintain considerable contact withthe Saudi Arabian peninsula, the culture is clearlyAfrican.The three volumes in this Waswahili series contain amusical portrait of Swahili culture as it exists in lamu.Kenya, and its environs. They clearly illustrate thedeeply rooted Arabic influence, and yet they alsodemonstrate the African foundations of Swahili culture.Lamu was chosen as the focus for this collectionand the research it represents because it has been acenter of Swahili culture for many centuries and isstill a relatively unadulterated location for Swahili life.This is not to say that all Kiswahili-speaking peopleare like the people of lamu, or that this collectionexhausts the variety of musical expression that can befound in Swahili towns, but it does represent Swahilimusical life well and provides examples of many ofthe forms in common use. The notes for each bandprovide more detail on the styles of music as well asfurther elaboration on the history of Lamu, Swahilisociety and the culture relevant to it.Music oj the Waswahilt oj Lamu, KenyaVolume IVolume IIVolume IIIMaulidiOther Sacred MusicSecular MusicLamuLamu, Kenya, is at the same time, a district in thegovernmental segmentation of Kenya, an archipelagoof islands off the northeast coast of Kenya, one of theislands in that group, and the major town on thatisland (see Map I). Lamu Island, which is about tensquare miles in area, lies one hundred kilometers southlatitude. Directly to the north of Lamu is Manda Island,which is approximately the same size as the island ofLamu, and north of Manda is Pate, the largest island ofthe group, on which are found the towns of Pate, Faza (orRasinj) and Siyu, as well as a few other smaller villages.Although the exact dates of the first settlements onLamu Island are not known, preliminary archeologicalexplorations suggest that settlements occurred in thevicinity of the present town at least as early as 1200 AD.lamu Island is a sand bar in the shape of a bow!. Thecenter holds fresh water, while the rim prevents thebrackish sea water from penetrating the disc. Sincewells can be dug near the edge of the island, townscame to be established on its coast. The present daycity of Lamu lies on the northeastern edge of this bowlin a protected bay. The town of Matandoni lies on the2

The lamu waterfront, a zeJe procession underwayopposite coast of the island and rests near the mouthof the lamu bay.lamu has never been an isolated community. Althoughit is not easily reached by land even today, it has alwaysbeen accessible by sea, either from the north or thesouth, depending on which way the monsoon winds areblowing. The town has a rich history of conflict andalliance with neighboring towns, especially Pate.The Pate Chronicle, an indigenous description of thetraditions and events in the history of Pate, which wasreduced to writing at the turn of the twentieth century,is full of references to political, economic and religiousdisputes with the inhabitants of lamu (Werner:1915).lamu's history, then, indicates a pattern in which thetown sought both religious and commercial independencefrom its neighbors, but was never able tofully achieve either. Today it is still a mixture of a desirefor independence and friendly relations with otherpolitical bodies, so long as the interaction resultsin advantage to the leading families of lamu.Most residents of lamu today describe the townas divided into two halves-Mkomani to the north andLangoni to the south (see Map II). The northern portionis characterized as the place of stone houses, whereold established families reside, while the southern issaid to be the place where wageni, i.e., visitors, livein mud-walled, thatched-roof houses.Persons from old, established families are proneto emphaSize the names of the two locations, to pointout wageni on the streets and to call attention towhere people live, whereas more recent settlers inthe community pay less attention to the division.When they speak of it at all, it is with a resentful toneof voice and a suggestion of defiance of an obsoletedistinction.Today, although the names of the divisions of theto\',ll1 are widely used and the social distinctions theyimply are !mown to nearly everyone living in lamu, thepolitical structure that was once contained within themhas been elaborated and modified. The existence ofa modern, independent Kenya has brought a newdimension to lamu's political structure, which hasbeen partially assimilated into the old didemic arrangement,and which has partially changed to meet the neworder. A town council still exists, but instead of itsmembership consisting of leaders of the dominantfamilies, the wangwana, the positions are held byelected representatives, some of whom represent theinterest of recent immigrants to the town or of recentlyenfranchised servant classes. Some of the prestigiouswazee, the leaders of important families, still exerciseinfluence upon the decision-making processes, butthey do so through behind-the-scenes pressure uponrelatives or allies from other families.The political organization of lamu is closely intertwinedwith the religiOUS organization, which exercisesgreat influence on every aspect of lamu society. "Islamhas an order of clergy but no priesthood" (Trimingham1962:37). The role of leadership in each local mosque3

African influence.Drums are played in ensembles with a double reedaerophone called zumari, which is played with acircular breathing technique. In vugo, the zumari hasbeen replaced by a modem trumpet, called tarumbeta.Another instrument in the ensemble is the utasa, aflat metal dish placed inside a larger metal cookingtray, sania, which is struck with two pieces of thickrope called zibojolo. Used in almost every ensemble,the utasa adds a higher pitched, almost piercing,rhythmic sound to the lower throb of the drums.Three other instruments are limited to religiouscontexts. The first of these is the tari (pI. matari), aframe drum which is held in the left hand and struckby the fingers or palm of the right hand. The tariresembles a large tambourine because of its Singlehead, the metal discs placed in holes in its frame andthe manner in which it is held. Because it is struckwith intricate finger and hand patterns in ensemblewith other matari and without the shaking that is socharacteristic of tambourines, and because its sound isdeep and resonant rather than sharp and ringing, it isbest classified as a drum. The Arabic name for the tariis daf, although the daf does not usually include themetal discs in the rim of the drum that are part of the tari.The second instrument is the kigoma (pI. vigoma), asmall Single-headed drum which is struck hard by thefingers of one hand, adding a snapping sound to thematari ensemble. The third is the nai, a small endblownflute with five finger holes on the upper surfaceand a thumb hole underneath. Today nai are made ofmetal or plastiC, but formerly they were crafted frombronze or wood.The instruments played to accompany secularevents are never played in mosques. In addition, thenai, the tari and the kigoma have been accepted intothe mosques of lamu only since the early years of thiscentury, and a minority of men still oppose such usage.They say a mosque should be a quiet place, a place ofprayer; instruments create noise. The large majority oflamuans disagree with them and so the dispute todayis limited to only one mosque in which no instrumentsare permitted. Most people would agree with aleading teacher in lamu who says that it is better thatboys make mUSic, sing and dance in the mosques topraise Allah than to be forced to sing in the streetsfor secular reasons.ReferencesTrimingham, J. Spencer1%2 Islam in East Africa. London: Edinburgh HousePress.Werner,A1915 A Swahili History of Pate. Journal of the RoyalAfrican Society, 14: 148-161,278-297, 392-413.AcknowledgmentsThese recordings were made while conductingfield research in lamu, Kenya, in 1976-1977. Theresearch was made possible by a National ScienceFoundation Grant for Improving Dissertation Researchin the Social Sciences, a National Defense Fellowshipfrom Indiana University, and a personal loan frommy brother, Dr. Howard W. Boyd.The Archives of Traditional Music at IndianaUniversity generously provided the blank tapes forthese field recordings and the facilities for preparingthe master copies for the discs. I am particularly gratefulto Louise Spear, Associate Director, Anthony Seeger,Director, and Frank Gillis, Librarian Emeritus andformer Director of the Archives of Traditional Music,for their support throughout this project. My thanksalso to Amy NOvick, Archives librarian, for her editingand creativity during the production of these discs.The photographs used in this booklet were takenby Susanne N. Boyd. The publication ofthese recordingswas supported by a Baker Fund Award from OhioUniversity.The original recordings on these discs were madeon a, Nagra IS-DT recorder at 3314 ips using SennheiserMD21 and AKG CK8 microphones.Alan W. BoydMaster tapes: Nancy A Cassell and Alan W. BoydPhotographs: Susanne N. BoydGraphic design: Amy E. Novick5

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The first volume in this collection contains examplesof five forms of maulidi: Maulidi ya Kiswahil~ Maulidiat-Habshi, Maulidi Barazanji, Maulidi Diriji andMaulidi Sharaful Anam or Kukangaya.Maulidi is the most popular musical form in I.amu.It is first of all a Muslim ritual marking the birth ofthe Prophet Muhammad, but it is also, both to thelocal participant and to the outside observer, anexciting performance. It reaches a peak of public display'during the month-long annual celebration of the actualbirth of the Prophet, but it also occurs throughout theyear in private celebrations in homes or public recitalsin the mosques or on the streets of the town. The fivedifferent styles in use in I.amu all consist of chantedreadings and hymns in praise of the Prophet. In spite ofthe strong musical component in maulidi, people referto it as "readings" rather than music, thereby reflectingthe orthodox Muslim reluctance to be involved in theoverindulgence or uncontrolled expression oftenVolume IMaulidlSide 1Maulidt ya KtswahUtassociated with musical performance.The forms of maulidi contain texts describing eventsin the life of the Prophet and maxims for proper livingderived from the Prophet's example. These are chantedby a religiOUS leader in a style similar to the chantingof the sacred Koran. Interspersed with these readingsare the hymns in praise of the Prophet, usually sung byall in attendance. In three of the styles, the matariaccompany the hymns, while in two, the hymns aresung without instrumental accompaniment, usingbody rhythm to establish the basic pulse.The examples on this record demonstrate clearlythe commonality of structure of the five styles. Thedifferences among them should also be apparent.Different groups and individuals in I.amu have theirfavorite styles, which are used at various times andon different occasions, but nearly everyone in I.amuwould heartily agree that maulidi is undoubtedly theirmost treasured musical form.Maulidi ya Kiswahil; as it exists today, has developedout of older forms which can no longer be clearlydescribed by the people of I.amu. The readings used inMau/idi ya Kiswahili are often referred to as Maulidiat Debi, a form published in 1912 in Bombay, India,but no doubt composed much earlier. Knowledgeableinformants ~y that the Debi readings have been alteredby the addition of poems original to I.amu or materialfrom other forms of maulidi. 10 addition, Maulidi yaKiswahili is occasionally referred to as Maulidi ya Rama,the "shaking maulidi," referring to the movementsmade at the climax of the hymns. Some think Maulidiya Rama was once a distinct form of maulidi in itsown right, but most evidence indicates it is an earlierand perhaps derogatory name for what is called Maulidiya Kiswahili today.Maulidi ya Kiswahili is the only style of maulidi inI.amu in which Kiswahili is used. The language of sacredritual is Arabic, so that, even in Maulidi ya Kiswahil~the readings and many of the hymns are in Arabic.Traditionally, new songs or verses were created on thespur of the moment in the midst of heightened devotion,but this rarely happens today. Old favorites are therule. Maulidi ya Kiswahili readings often occur in streetswhich have been set off for the purpose by placingmats on the ground and enclosing the central area withropes tied to temporary poles. lights are strung betweenthe poles and colored bits of cloth or paper are tiedto the ropes. At the height of a reading more than onehundred men and boys participate while others gatheraround the perimeter.The participants sit in two long rows on the matsfacing each other. One row contains the readers andother leading religiOUS figures of ramu and the threematan players. Exact position in this row is determinedby age or respect for a person's status, especially in thereligiOUS hierarchy of the town. The other row containsyounger men and boys who at certain points in theritual perform stylized dances on their knees, swayingfrom side to side. The drums accompany the hymns8but are silent during the readings. Each drum is tunedto a particular tension or pitch and each drummerplays a different rhythmiC pattern. The three drumstogether create a dynamic and forceful accompanimentto the singing.A Maulidi ya Kiswahili reading begins with fatiha,opening prayers. These are followed by the openinghymn which is the same at every reading. The first eightor nine verses are chanted by a teacher and the restare sung by various individuals, with the whole groupjoining in the chorus. Another reading, chanted by oneof the leading teachers present follows the hymn.Readings and hymns alternate until the maqam, theverse which mentions the birth of the Prophet, isreached. At this point everyone rises and a series ofhymns unique to this part of the reading is sung. Afterthe singing of five or six of these hymns, everyone sitsdown again, final prayers called dua are said, andrefreshments of dates and coffee are served. The wholereading usually takes about two and a half or three hours.The readings themselves are well known to nearlyeveryone involved since they occur at every performance.However, the leader can choose to leave out or includeparticular sections on a given night depending on theenthusiasm of the men participating or other subjectivejudgments. The first two hymns are the same for everyreading, but the rest are chosen spontaneously byanyone who wishes to do so, merely by reciting thechorus of the hymn as soon as it becomes apparentthe reader has finished. The timing of the entranceof the hymns is remarkable; there is very little pausebetween readings and hymns. Direct competition oftwo hymns beginning at the same time is also rare.The hymns consist of a chorus which is sung byeveryone, and verses which are introduced spontaneouslyby various individuals. Most of the versesare familiar to the others and many join in with theoriginal reciter before he finishes his lines. The versesfor a given hymn vary from reading to reading and areinterchangeable from hymn to hymn, so long as they fit

the scansion of the musical line. The number of versesalso varies from ten to as many as thirty. On occasion,someone chants a longer verse than usual in a stylecalled kukangaya, which means shaking. This style isborrowed from the form of maulidi called Maulidi yaKukangaya, which is now known only by a small numberof older religious devouts. Examples occur in thisrecording, and the single performance of kukangayawitnessed in the field is excerpted on this record.At an indeterminate point the group begins to recitethe last phrase or line of the hymn over and over again.This repetition is accompanied by synchronized bodymovements of all the younger men in the facing row,who rise up onto their knees and quickly adjust theirpositions so that their shoulders are lightly touchingand their knees are aligned. The movements consist ofgentle swaying from side to side and forvvard and backwith the arms held at angles in front of the body or withhands on shoulders. The duration of the repetitionsdepends again upon the enthusiasm of the participants.Tension mounts during this chant, being encouragedby the intensity of the drums, until one of the leadersbegins a repetition of the entire hymn and the wholegroup joins in. This ends that hymn and the nextreading begins.Maulidi ya Kiswahili is performed on the averageSide 2, Band 1Maulidi al-Habshiof once a week by one of two loosely organized groupsin the town, for no reason other than to praise theProphet. It is believed that praises of the Prophet resultin blessings on those who do it, and so the more oftenit is done, the better. BeSides, for the people of Iamu,it is an exciting addition to their regular prayers andthey take great satisfaction in a well executed reading.Malarl players accompanying Maulldl yaKlswabIUMaulidi al-Habshi is the most recent form ofmaulidi to be introduced into Iamu. All informantsagree that it was written by Ali ibn Muhammadal-Habshi, who taught in the Hadramaut on the southerncoast of the Saudi Arabian peninsula around the turn ofthe twentieth century. One informant mentioned 1295a.h. (1915 a.d.) as an approximate date for the deathof al-Habshi.Sources in Iamu knowledgeable about the life ofal-Habshi say that the ritual came to the East Africancoast because the Sultan of Hadramaut becamealarmed at the rising influence al-Habshi was gainingwith Bedouin tribesmen, who were attracted to histeachings because of the maulidi celebrations heregularly performed. In order to prevent his teachingsfrom being suppressed by governmental action,al-Habshi dispatched students to other parts of theMuslim world which had regular contact with theHadrarnaut and probably contained Hadrami settlements.These included Java, Singapore, and Significantly,Iamu.Al-Habshi's maulidi was adopted for local use inIamu by a saintly ascetic teacher, Saleh ibn Alwy ibnAbdullah Jamal Al-lail, who has come to be called HabibSaleh, Habib being an honorific title meaning "beloved,"which is attached to the names of especially saintlyteachers after their deaths. Habib Saleh attracted manystudents both by his energetic teaching and throughthe use of Maulidi al-Habshi as a devotional device.Because of his widespread influence as a teacher, hishouse came to be used by many people as a mosque.Some time before his death a new and larger mosque,called the Riadha Mosque, was built near his originalhouse. The Mosque-is nowone of the most influential9schools of Muslim law and practice in all of East Africa.Hisdescendants and their pupils still practice Maulidial-Habshi on a regular basis. It is the form used for theannual celebration of the birth of the Prophet,organized and led by the teachers of the Riadha Mosque,and attended by thousands of visitors from alloverEast Africa.The performance of Maulidi al-Habshi resemblesMaulidi ya Kiswahili, containing regular readingsinterspersed with hymns, beginning with fatiha andending with dua. However, the readings or hymnsused in Maulidi al-Habshi never occur in Maulidi yaKiswahili or vice versa. In addition, the social organizationof Maulidi al-Habshi readings is very different. Inthe first place, all the readings are done by teachersfrom the Riadha Mosque rather than by a variety ofreligiOUS leaders. Secondly, the teachers start all thehymns and recite the verses. The verses are regular foreach hymn, the same ones being used each time aparticular hymn is performed. Other participants joinin repetitions of the verses and the chorus of hymnsand responses during the readings. The most activeparticipants in a Maulidi al-Habshi reading are studentsfrom the Riadha Mosque. Others attend the readings,but are less directly involved than they are in Maulidi yaKiswahili readings.The hymns are accompanied by two matari, playedby young teachers from the Riadha Mosque. Occasionally,when the reading becomes very enthusiastic, afew boys or one or two men who participate in nearlyevery public maulidi reading in town beat the singleheadeddrum, kigoma, with a snapping motion thatenhances the sound of the matari. This also happens onoccasion in a Maulidi ya Kiswahili reading. The boys,

who are seated facing their teachers and other dignitarieswho are attending the reading, dance with a subduedswaying and forward and back motion. The dancingis not as coordinated as in Maulidi ya Kiswahili readings,but when the fervor reaches its peak, it does allowconsiderable room for individual expression.After the maqam with its accompanying hymnsand the dua, a special song is often sung by one ofthe Riadha leaders. Occasionally, someone preaches asermon. Neither of these features exists in MaulidiOccasionally, at a celebration that appears to theoutside observer to be Maulidi al-Habshi because theRiadha sharifs are present, the readings being usedare actually those of Maulidi Barazanji, interspersedwith hymns from Maulidi al-Habshi. Maulidi Barazanjiis customarily read without instruments and with onlyone song immediately following the maqam. It mostoften occurs in private readings attended only by areligiOUS leader, the family sponsoring the event anda small number of invited friends. The occasion for thereading is often to fulfill a promise of praises to Allah ifa child is safely born, a business venture is successful,or someone's desire to make the pilgrimage to Meccahas become a reality. Maulidi Barazanji is commonlyused by women for private devotions. Some readings,especially those in honor of a deceased relative or anhonored teacher, have become annual events.The form of Maulidi Barazanji is similar toThis recording of Maulidi Diriji is unique. It wasperformed in Pate, a village which today sits in the middleof the ruins of a much larger and more powerful town,which was dominant in the northern coastal regionuntil the seventeenth century. Maulidi Diriji wasplayed during a large wedding celebration in Pateto which many people from Siyu, another town aboutan hour's walk away on the same island, were invited.It is likely that some of the drummers and "readers"were from Siyu.People said very little about Maulidi Dinji, exceptthat it was old and its performance was restricted toPate and Siyu. Its form is similar to other maulidiBand 2Maulldi BarazanjiBand 3Maulldi DlrljiBand 4Maulldi Sharaful Anam (Kukangaya)ya Kiswahili readings.During the month long celebration of the birth ofthe Prophet, Maulidi al-Habshi is read in nearly everymosque in ramu. Maulidi ya Kiswahili is not read at allduring that month. After the celebration reaches itsclimax in the Riadha Mosque itself, the teachers andstudents travel to many of the towns on the islandssurrounding ramu, bringing the celebration andreading of Maulidi al-Habshi to those mosques as well.Maulidi ya Kiswahili and Maulidi al-Habshi, consistingof jatiha, four basic chapters which can be supplemented,and dua. The whole reading takes less than anhour. Refreshments after the reading are often veryelaborate since a small number of people attend andthe success of the reading is a reflection upon thegenerosity of the host.Maulidi Barazanji can be enlarged by the additionof sacred songs or hymns, but it has no hymns of its own.As is heard on the second volume in this set, the use ofMaulidi Barazanji readings combined with aparticular style of hymn, samai, is becoming verypopular in ramu. When it is used in this way, thereadings are referred to by the name of the musicalstyle rather than as maulidi. The recording of MaulidiBarazanji on this record is as it is most commonlyknown in ramu.consisting of chanted readings (recitations would bea better word, since there is no book present) andhymns chanted by a number of men at the same time.The readings are longer than those contained inMaulidi ya Kiswahili or Maulidi al-Habshi and arerecited in a more songlike style. The whole formcould be said to consist of hymns alone, but withoutfurther study, this judgement should be withheld.The hymns were accompanied by seven, or occasionallyeight, matan, which were larger than those used inramu and most of which did not have the metal ringsin their rims.Maulidi Sharajul Anam means "the model of mankind."It is a form that is known only to a few men inramu, and it was performed only once during the yearof my stay there. It is executed without instrumentalaccompaniment and is performed without referenceto any written sources. It consists of three parts calledWitina, Hamzia and Burdai. The whole of MaulidiSharajulAnam takes more than twelve hours to perform,ideally with each section performed from beginning toend without interruption. If time does not allow fora complete reading, the first section is interrupted inthe middle and the second started. The performancefrom which this excerpt is taken lasted nearly sevenhours.10Another name for Maulidi Sharajul Anam is MaulidiKukangaya, which refers to the "trembling" vocalquality used during the solo singing. The songs consistof sections chanted by the leader interspersed withrepetitions and choruses by the whole group. However,because very few know this form in its entirety, mostparticipants were able to join in only sporadically.In fact, the leader of this performance, which tookplace in the house of a deeply religiOUS man in ramu,was from Siyu. He brought a group of his students toassist him, and these men contributed the bulk ofthe group recitations.Occasionally kukangaya-style chanting is used duringa hymn. When this happens, the group activity

is interrupted while a leader chants. The texts usedmay be from Maulidi SharaJul Anam, although no onecould identify them as such. Only the style of presentationwas recognized as kUkangaya. As was mentionedin relation to Maulidi ya Kiswahili, this style has carriedover into that form also.Maulidi SharaJul Anam is considered to be veryold. The latter two sections are said to have beencomposed by a teacher called al-Busry. KukangayaThe distinction between religiOUS and secular musicis indigenous to Lamu. It is not expressed in categoricalterms, but becomes apparent in the attitudes of peopletoward certain song styles and instruments and towardthe context in which they occur. In fact, with the exceptionof funeral processions, each of the musical formsheard on this disc occur in close association tornaulidi, the paramount religious musical form of Lamu.Samai is performed during the annual celebrationof the birth of the Prophet Muhammad by members ofmosques other than the Riadha Mosque, as anenthusiastic supplement to the central readings.Kasida and dhikiri are performed by the celebrantsSarnai in Arabic means "spiritual concert." Itoriginally was applied to mystical performances whichincluded song, dance and teaching. In Lamu the termis usually applied to a particular song style rather thanto an entire ritual, although sarnai performances ofteninclude all three of the original elements.Sarnai is said to have been introduced into Lamuby Habib Saleh, the same teacher who was responsiblefor the development of Maulidi al-Habshi in the religiouslife of the community. It is usually played bymembers of the Jamal al-Lail family, descendants ofHabib Saleh, or by their students. Many of the songsare thought to be very old, but others are known tohave been composed by contemporary musicians,particularly two leading teachers from the Jamal al­Lail family.Sarnai songs are sung to the accompaniment of atleast three rnatari. In addition, several nai, smallKasida is an Arabic term which in Lamu is appliedto many hymns and songs sung in praise of the Prophet.It is not applied to the hymns used in any form ofrnaulidi, nor to sarnai songs, although on occasiona kasida may be sung as an added hymn of praise orbe performed with rnalari and nai accompaniment.Kasida are sung by men, women and children at almostany time of day for no more reason than to enjoy thepleasure of the song. The origins of particular kasida arenot well known; they are simply part of the repertoireof nearly every person in town.Contemporary musicians compose kasida forreligiOUS performance whenever the opportunity arises.Volume IIOther Sacred MusicSide 1, Band 1SarnaiBand 2Knsida11came to Siyu over three hundred years ago from theComoro Islands, which have had contact with theLamu Archipelago for many centuries. It is said thatal-Busry composed Burdai, which refers to Muhammed'souter garment, during an illness when he had a vision ofthe Prophet covering him with his cloak. All the menfamiliar with Maulidi SharaJul Anam treasure it highlyand were delighted when a reading of it was performed.after a maulidi reading in order to continue the praisesof the Prophet for several more hours. ZeJealways occurat the high point of the annual celebration.The instruments that appear in sacred musicalperformances are the rnatari, the tambourine-likeframe drums used in maulidi, nai, the small, end-blownflutes, and occasionally a very small single-headed i drum,ngorna. Sacred performances occur both inside andoutside mosques and in private homes.The combination of maulidi and these other sacredforms rounds out the exciting religiOUS musicalrepertoire of Lamu, Kenya.end-blown flutes, are used. Originally these fluteswere crafted out of bronze or wood, but most modemnai are plastiC or metal. They have five finger holeson the upper surface and a thumb hole underneath.The nai is placed on the mouth slightly off center sothat the player is not blowing directly into the end,but is also not blOwing strictly across the opening. Thesound is not as clear as that of a recorder nor as "breathy"as many side-blown flutes. The clarity of sound dependsupon the mastery of the instruments by the player.Many young boys and men play the instrument in Lamu,but few have learned to control the sound.The singing style of sarnai songs resembles thatused in Maulidi al-Habshi readings. A leader singsverses while the group joins in the repeat of thechoruses. Often during the performance of a modernsarnai song, a nai player executes a solo passage ina manner not unlike a jazz musician playing a riff.The song on this recording, Mzuri sana Nabia, isperformed by the composer, Hussein Badawy Jamalal-Lail. He is a well-known teacher and musician inEast Africa, having founded mosque colleges in Dar esSalaam, Tanzania and Arua, Uganda, where he wasresiding at the time of the recording. He has recordedseveral other of his songs for public distribution todisseminate his appealing songs of praise of theProphet. This song was recorded on the porch of ahouse near the beautiful mosque college in Mambrui,Kenya. The college was founded in a coastal villagenear the resort town of Malindi by a son-in-law ofHabib Saleh and is now led by Muhammad Sharif

Said, who pLayed the nai in the previous sarnai selection.The musical as well as religious contribution ofthis family to the East African Muslim community isprofound.Dhikiri is not regularly performed in Iamu. Severalinformants encouraged me to attend a dhikiri performance,but I could not locate one until one night, inMambrui, Kenya, I happened to be present whendhikiri was performed. The mosque in Mambrui is asatellite of the Riadha Mosque in Iamu, being notedfor its musical rituals. Several of its teachers are outstandingmusicians.Dhikiri is known to occur in many parts of the Muslimworld. It is supposed to be based upon the Quranicinjunction, "Remember God with frequent remembranceand glorify Him morning and evening." Thismandate has evolved into recitations that involve thechanting of songs, accompanied by constant repetitionof the name of Allah. In some places these recitationsreach a high pitch of intensity, due at least in part tothe hyperventilation that results from aspirating "Allah"A zeJe is a procession, not a styLe of music, yet inlamu some music was used exclusively in zeJe. Hymnsfrom Mauiidi ya Kiswahili and kasida were alsoperformed, but exclusively zeJe songs were especiallypopular. They are performed in grand processionsthrough the streets of the town before crowds of womenand children and an occasional tourist who is attractedby the music. ZeJe usually precede and often followa ritual called ziara, which is a visit to the graveof an honored person to sing praises of the Prophetand to heap blessings upon the head of the deceased.Some zeJe were more elaborate than others, the largestof all being the one to the gravesite of Habib Saleh atthe end of mauiidi, the celebration of the birthof the Prophet, sponsored by the Riadha Mosque. Themany visitors to Iamu for the festival contribute greatenthusiasm to the zeJe, each group performing musicassociated with its own village or school. One of themost popular songs is a justification of singing mauiidi,directed at those who oppose such "noisy" displaysThe chants sung by a group of school boys whoprecede the procession and by the men bearing thecoffin of a deceased person to the burial ground areamong the most sensitive musical lines to be heardin Iamu. The contrast between praise and sorrow asexpressed in these songs is a clear expression of thereligious convictions that permeate Iamu society andthe tragedies that affect the lives of every man andwoman.The body of the deceased is prepared for the burialat home and is then taken to a mosque where familySide 2, Band 1DhikirlBand 2ZeJeBand 3Funeral Processionover and over again. On occasion, some may experienceseizures by the spirit or indulge in self-flagellationduring dhikiri.In Mambrui, the performance of dhikiri reached apeak of emotional intensity and one seizure did occur,but most of the performance was marked more by theinvolvement of the men in the joy of their praises andin the beauty of the hymns. The soloist in the first songon this recording is Mohammad Khitami, a youngteacher, scholar and musician who was teaching inMalindi at the time. He is a son of one of the leadingdescendants of Habib Saleh. The reciter and leader ofthe second song is Hussein Badawy, the singer andcomposer of the kasida heard on side 1, band 2, ofthis record. The combination of these two men togetherwas electrifying.ZeJe being led by teachers dancing enthusiasticallyof overenthusiastic devotion. Today, there are fewsuch opponents in Iamu, but in the past such resistancewas much more widespread. Songs like this one reflecta tension that was once a serious problem for theteachers and leaders of the community.and friends gather for prayers. Immediately thereafterthe coffin is borne to the graveyard for interment. Theboys walk first and are followed closely by the menwho are continuously replacing each other as pallbearers.At the grave the body is placed on a terracedug out of the side of the grave, lying on its side facingMecca.After the burial special prayers and praises are sungeither at the homes of close relatives or in mosques.Women close to the deceased must remain indoorsand mourn for at least three days.12

Volume IIISecular MusicSecular music in lamu is clearly marked by thecontexts in which it occurs. The first and most importantcontext is the wedding. Although marriage iscontracted in the presence of a religious leader, oftenin a mosque, the great majority of events that occurduring a wedding are non-religious, being clearlyviewed as separate from the short, formal ceremonyitself.Men dance goma, kirumbizi and, on occasion,chama. Women process in the street canying giftsand dancing vugo and, on the morning after the consummationof the marriage, they carry msuwaki to thegroom's home. During the previous night they dancechakacha nonstop until dawn. Meanwhile, the menhave been listening to tarab while enjoying cups oftea.Chama and goma have also become associatedwith national patriotic celebrations, being performedduring public ceremonies and on the streets throughouta holiday.The instruments used in these dance forms neverappear in mosques or during religiOUS ceremonies.This distinction alone is enough to clearly mark theseparation of sacred and secular music in lamu.Coma is associated with Siyu and Faza. It was seenonce in lamu itself and that was when visitors from theseother towns performed it on the occasion of the annualcelebration of maulidi in front of the Riadha Mosque.A space about twenty-five feet square is roped offfor the performance. Chairs for special guests may beplaced inside the ropes on one side of the squarewhile the accompanying ensemble is placed on theopposite side. The instrumentation consists of a goma,a large single-headed drum standing on the ground onits own feet, a chapuo, an utasa and a zumari. Otherobservers stand outside the ropes. The dancers, dressedin white gowns called kanzu, and small hats calledkojia, assemble in a line, Single file, shoulder toshoulder, along the third side. They each carry a caneabout four feet long, called bakora, in the right hand.The dance is divided into two parts as can bediscerned on the recording. During the first part thedancers quietly shift their weight from left to right whilegesturing with the canes. The dancer begins thesequence holding the cane straight up along his rightside. On the second half of a count of eight he lifts thecane up to a forty-five degree angle in front of himself.Simultaneously with a heavy thud being struck on thegoma, he snaps his wrist and the cane away from hisbody. He then brings it down again beside his body. Atintervals the group sings short songs.Side 1, Band 1GomaBand 2ChamaDuring the second half of the dance the drum beatis faster, the gesture with the canes is not done, andno songs are sung. On another occasion than the oneon this recording, various other gestures wereperformed with the canes, such as holding themparallel to the ground in both hands in front of thebody, or dropping the ends to the ground while leaningon them.Throughout the entire dance a leader, kiongozt; walksback and forth in front of the line calling on thedancers to keep themselves in order. The dancersmust keep their eyes fixed, not allowing themselvesto be distracted. Friends may approach a dancer andplace a lighted cigarette or a piece of candy in his mouth,or pin money on his clothing. In addition, women mayline up outside the cleared area facing a horizontalpole which they strike in time with the drumming.Sometimes Coma is performed by two groups at thesame time, as a competition. The contest is one ofendurance as the dance continues throughout thenight. However, when Coma is performed as part of awedding celebration, it lasts only two or three hours.It is followed by a procession to the bride's house wherethe dancing continues a little longer and appropriatesongs are sung. This part of the performance is callednimbi herero.Chama is a men's dance which is indigenous toMatandoni, the small village on the opposite side of theisland from lamu, near the mainland. It is the newestvillage on the island. Its inhabitants are principallydescendants of immigrants from towns north of lamu,especially Pate and Siyu. The people of Matandonihave carved out their place in the area by becomingshipbuilders, the town's location being ideal forpreparing a dhow and launching it on its maidenvoyage. The harbor is shallow and is nearly waterless atlow tide.The performance of chama on this recording wasdone by a group of visitors to a wedding in lamu.Seventeen men and boys from Matandoni performed13the dance in a vacant space on the waterfront. Theywere dressed in white kanzu and kojia, the traditionaldress of respect for religiOUS men. Each man was alsodecorated with sashes and garlands of flowers andcarried a sword or a cane which he waved in synchronywith the others, not unlike the movements of goma. Afew wore belts with bells which jingled as they danced.The men entered a roped-off enclosure in a singleline, doing a shuffling step which required that the feetremain in the same relationship to each other, theright foot always being in front. The left foot was crossedbehind the right, just touching the ground with the ballof the foot. The line undulated as the men shuffledfirst to the right and then to the left. After all had

entered and circumnavigated the enclosure, they formeda line along one side of the square. At this point, a manemerged from the line and began to shout instructionsconcerning which song to sing, the position of thecanes and coordination of movements. At one point,they all laid their canes and swords on the ground,crossed their arms on their chests and swayed from sideto side in unison while continuing the gentle shuffle.The dance ended when the groom joined the lineand they processed away from the enclosure and downthe street, leading him home.The instrumental ensemble for chama consists ofa large single-headed drum, simply called ngoma kuu,"the large drum," which is struck with the left hand andwith a stick held in the right hand; two vyapuo, smalldouble headed drums played with both hands; utasa, asmall metal plate placed inside a larger one and struckwith a knotted piece of rope called ziboj%; and azumari, an oboe-like double reed instrument with fivefinger holes.ZumarlTarab is the salon music of Uunu. It does not usuallyaccompany dancing, but rather is heard when men orwomen are lounging during a wedding celebration,passing time until another important part of thefestivities begin. It is a recent addition to the Uunurepertoire, being borrowed in part from Far Easternsources. None of the instruments is indigenous to theEast African coast. In fact, the harmonium, the twosmall Single-headed drums and the bongos are allimported from the Far East. On the other hand, thepoems sung to tarab tunes are in kiswahili and conformto traditional Swahili verse forms. These consist of twoshort lines, the second of which is linked to other setsBand 3TarabSide 2, Band 1Ktrumbiziof lines by a rhyme in the last syllable. Some of thetunes are original to the poets, others are borrowedfrom Indian movies which are frequently shown in Uunu.This performance by the Hararnbee Music Club waspart of a daily exhibition the young men presented in asmall room for the pleasure of their friends, themselves,and an occasional tourist. The poem was composed byFamau, the singer, who accompanies himself on theharmonium with the rest of the group playing therhythmic background. There are several other groupsplaying tarab in the vicinity of Uunu, all in competitionwith each other.Kirumbizi is a highly competitive stick dance whichusually occurs during wedding celebrations. Two menstep around the perimeter of a large clearing approximatelysixty feet across, carrying sticks in their righthands. The sticks, called mpweke, are over five feet long.At first the men walk in a stylized fashion paying littleattention to one another, but soon they turn andapproach the center of the circle. Occasionally one orthe other strikes the ground with a stick. Finally onestrikes the other's stick a hard blow and then quicklyholds the stick and his other arm in front of his ownhead as if to parry a counterattack. Each man does thisuntil someone else enters the circle or until one of thecombatants runs to the edge and tosses his stick to14someone else.Although the competition is basically friendly, oncein a while tempers flare. The lead drummer, playing avumi with two sticks, can control the intensity byreducing his intricate drum pattern to a Single beat.Whenever he does this, the contestants are supposed toback away and resume the circumlocution of theclearing. On one occasion, a drummer did not slowhis beat in time to prevent a few vicious blows frombeing administered. The surrounding crowd becamevery angry at the drummer, not the offending dancer.The other instruments used in kirumbizi are achapuo, a goma, a zumari and an utasa. The vumiis the lead drum.

Vugo is a very popular women's dance, whichcustomarily is done as a procession through the streetsof the town. During a wedding celebration, gifts aretaken from the groom's family to the bride's household.Some of the gifts are carried on cloth-covered plattersborne on the heads of important women of the groom'sfamily. The procession is accompanied by a small bandconsisting of a trumpet, called a tarumbeta, and twodrums that can be carried by means of a sash thrown overthe drummer's shoulder. One of these is usually a chapuo;the other is given various names such as vumi or kunda.Occasionally, a western bass drum, called beni, is usedwith a snare drum.The women in the procession carry cattle hornsIn lamu and the surrounding towns, chakacha isa women's dance. It is performed inside houses orin courtyards enclosed by mats hung from ropesstrung between poles which are especially placed forthe dance. Men, except for the musicians, are notsupposed to witness a chakacha performance, andtraditionally, girls who have never married are notpermitted to perform, although today this prohibitionis breaking down.The instruments used in chakacha are two vumi,which are tuned a minor third apart by heating theheads, a chapuo and a long single-headed drum playedby a standing drummer with the drum between his legs.In addition, a trumpet and rattles, called kayamba, areused. Kayamba are most often made from gourds,Band 2VugoBand 3ChakachaBand 4Msuwakicalled pembe, which they strike with sticks at variouspoints in their songs. One or two members of theprocession act as song leaders; the others join in assoon as they recognize the song, or respond with loudexclamations. At frequent intervals the processionstops and the group forms a rough circle and dances,bowing down and lifting up the horns while strikingthem more rapidly. On some occasions these steps areprearranged to occur in front of the houses of relativesof the bride, while at other times they occur whenevera leader decides it should happen.The songs sung during vugo processions refer tothe bride, events during the wedding or advice onalthough on one occasion they were made with emptytin cans and broken bottle glass.The dance is done in a circle with the womenfollowing each other closely in a counterclockwisedirection. Some put their hands on the shoulders ofthe one in front while others move independently.Each woman moves her feet, hips and shoulders intime with the music. The movements are not unlikesome latin American dances. Songs are sung occa­Sionally, usually in response to the trumpet player.Many songs can be used interchangeably in chakacha,vugo or kishuri, a dance not often seen today, but whichwas probably the forerunner of chakacha. Chakachadances last all night until time for the msuwaki justbefore dawn.Msuwaki is not a dance, but rather a procession,during which a gift, also called msuwaki, is broughtfrom the bride's family to the groom. The processionoccurs after the all-night chakacha. The gift consistsof perfume, soap and other personal articles, but theessential factor is the poem that is sung as the processionarrives at the men's party. This is a personal song,composed especially for the occasion and sung by afew women or, if a tarab band is present, by one ofthe musicians.15

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