A Grammar of Togo Kan - Dogon and Bangime Linguistics

4.2.6 Uncompounded agentives .................................................................644.2.7 Expressive iteration ...........................................................................644.3 Pronouns....................................................................................................644.3.1 Basic personal pronouns....................................................................644.3.2 Personal pronouns as complements of postpositions ......................664.4 Demonstratives .........................................................................................664.4.1 Demonstrative pronouns and Definite morphemes .........................664.4.1.1 Postnominal Definite morpheme absent....................................664.4.1.2 ‘This/that’ (deictic demonstrative pronouns)............................664.4.1.3 Prenominal Discourse-Definite kó ‘that (same)’ ......................674.4.1.4 Anaphoric/logophoric demonstrative pronouns........................684.4.2 Demonstrative adverbs ......................................................................684.4.2.1 Locative adverbs .........................................................................684.4.2.2 Emphatic and Approximative modifiers of adverbs.................684.4.3 Presentatives (ùŋǒy, ùŋò, yògò, ègè)................................................684.5 Adjectives..................................................................................................704.5.1 Types of adjectives ............................................................................704.5.2 Adverbials with adjectival sense ‘flat’ (pv́tv̀=>)..........................734.5.3 Iterated (fully reduplicated) adverbials ............................................734.6 Numerals ...................................................................................................744.6.1 Cardinal numerals..............................................................................744.6.1.1 ‘One’, ‘same (one)’, and ‘other’ ................................................744.6.1.2 ‘2’ to ‘10’.....................................................................................754.6.1.3 Decimal multiples (‘10’, ‘20’, …) and their combinations (‘11’,‘59’, …) 754.6.1.4 Large numerals (‘100’, ‘1000’, …) and their composites........764.6.1.5 Currency ......................................................................................784.6.1.6 Distributive numerals .................................................................784.6.2 Ordinal adjectives ..............................................................................784.6.2.1 ‘First’ (kò-kɛ̌:) and ‘last’ ............................................................794.6.2.2 Other ordinals (suffix -nìrⁿí) ......................................................794.6.3 Fractions and portions .......................................................................805 Nominal and adjectival compounds ............................................ 815.1 Nominal compounds.................................................................................815.1.1 Compounds of type (n̄ n̄) ..................................................................815.1.2 Compounds of type (n̄ ǹ) ..................................................................825.1.3 Compounds of type (ǹ n̄) ..................................................................835.1.4 Compounds with final Verbal Noun, type (ǹ VblN) .......................845.1.5 Agentive compounds of type (x̀ v́) ...................................................845.1.6 Possessive-type compounds (n̄ n̂) or (n̄ ń) .......................................865.1.7 Compounds with í:ⁿ ‘child’ and variants..........................................866

5.1.8 ‘Man’ (àrⁿá), ‘woman’ (yɛ̀)...............................................................885.1.9 Compounds with ‘owner’ (n̄ báŋá)...................................................895.1.10 Loose and tight compounds with ná: (‘authentic’, ‘entire’) .........905.1.11 Natural-species compounds with medial -nà:-...............................915.1.12 Instrumental relative compounds (‘oil for rubbing’).....................925.1.13 Other phrasal compounds................................................................935.1.14 Unclassified nominal compounds...................................................935.2 Adjectival compounds..............................................................................935.2.1 Bahuvrihi (“Blackbeard”) compounds .............................................935.2.1.1 With adjectival compound final (n a)........................................945.2.1.2 With numeral compound final (n num).....................................946 Noun Phrase structure................................................................. 976.1 Organization of NP constituents..............................................................976.1.1 Linear order........................................................................................976.1.2 Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, etc.) ..............986.1.3 Detachability (in relatives)................................................................996.1.4 Internal bracketing and tone-dropping (unpossessed NP)...............996.2 Possessives..............................................................................................1026.2.1 Tonal changes on possessed NPs after a possessor .......................1036.2.1.1 Possessed-noun {H} for prosodically light simple nouns......1036.2.1.2 Possessed-noun {HL} for heavy and complex nouns ............1046.2.1.3 Possessed-noun {L} for a few monosyllabic nouns ...............1076.2.1.4 Downstep in possessed noun....................................................1086.2.2 Treatment of modifiers following the possessed noun..................1086.2.3 Pronominal possessors ....................................................................1096.2.4 Inalienable possession (kin terms)..................................................1116.2.5 Recursive possession.......................................................................1126.3 Noun plus adjective ................................................................................1126.3.1 Noun plus regular adjective (core NP) ...........................................1126.3.2 Adjective gàmá ‘certain (ones)’, ‘some’ ........................................1136.3.3 Expansions of adjective...................................................................1146.3.3.1 Adjective sequences..................................................................1146.3.3.2 Adjectival and other intensifiers ..............................................1146.3.3.3 ‘Good to eat’ (má).....................................................................1166.4 Core NP plus cardinal numeral..............................................................1176.5 Noun plus determiner .............................................................................1176.5.1 Prenominal kó ‘the (afore-mentioned)’..........................................1176.5.2 Postnominal demonstrative pronouns.............................................1186.6 Universal and distributive quantifiers ...................................................1196.6.1 ‘All’ (sâⁿ, fú=>, wò=>).............................................................1196.6.2 ‘Each’ (wò=>)...............................................................................1207

6.6.3 Universal and distributive quantifiers with negation.....................1216.7 Accusative...............................................................................................1227 Coordination ...............................................................................1237.1 NP coordination ......................................................................................1237.1.1 NP conjunction (‘X and Y’)............................................................1237.2 Disjunction..............................................................................................1237.2.1 ‘Or’ (mà=>) as disjunctive particle with NPs.............................1237.2.2 Clause-level disjunction ..................................................................1248 Postpositions and adverbials.......................................................1258.1 Dative and instrumental .........................................................................1258.1.1 Dative (nì, ≡ǹ)..................................................................................1258.1.2 Instrumental and Comitative (bè) ...................................................1268.2 Locational postpositions.........................................................................1268.2.1 Tonal locatives.................................................................................1268.2.2 ‘In, on’ (basic Locative) (bîn).........................................................1278.2.3 ‘On X’ and ‘over X’ (kûⁿ)...............................................................1298.2.4 ‘At the edge of X’ (kâⁿ)...................................................................1308.2.5 ‘On top of X’ (árà)...........................................................................1308.2.6 ‘Next to, beside X’ (bɛ́:-gɛ̀rɛ̀) .........................................................1308.2.7 ‘In front of’ (giŕè) ............................................................................1318.2.8 ‘Behind X’ (doǵò), ‘after X’ (doǵó ní:) .........................................1318.2.9 ‘Under X’ (bɔ́rɔ̀) ..............................................................................1328.2.10 ‘Between’ (gân) .............................................................................1338.2.11 ‘Among X’ (kɛńɛ̀)..........................................................................1338.2.12 ‘From X to Y’ ................................................................................1348.2.13 Combinations with tɔ̀ ~ tɛ̀ ‘toward’.............................................1348.3 Complex relational postpositions ..........................................................1358.3.1 Purposive-Causal ‘for’ (gɛ́-ɛ̀:, gì) ...................................................1358.3.2 Source (númɔ̀)..................................................................................1368.4 Other adverbs (or equivalents)...............................................................1368.4.1 Similarity (gí:ⁿ ‘like’) ......................................................................1368.4.2 Extent (gàr-á=> or sɛŷⁿ ‘a lot’, daǵ-à=> ‘a little’)..................1378.4.3 Specificity ........................................................................................1378.4.3.1 ‘Approximately’........................................................................1378.4.3.2 ‘Exactly’ (té=>, já:tì).............................................................1388.4.4 Evaluation ........................................................................................1388.4.4.1 ‘Well’ and ‘badly’.....................................................................1388.4.4.2 ‘Proper, right’ (jâ:ⁿ) ..................................................................1388.4.5 Spatiotemporal adverbials...............................................................1388

8.4.5.1 Temporal adverbs .....................................................................1388.4.5.2 ‘First’ (lá:) .................................................................................1398.4.5.3 Spatial adverbs ..........................................................................1398.4.6 Expressive adverbials ......................................................................1408.4.6.1 ‘Straight’ (dɛẃⁿ=>) ...............................................................1468.4.6.2 ‘Apart, separate’ (dɛýⁿ=>) ....................................................1468.4.6.3 ‘Always’ (já-wò=>), ‘never’ (nańà) .....................................1478.4.7 Reduplicated (iterated) adverbials ..................................................1478.4.7.1 Distributive adverbial iteration ................................................1478.4.7.2 ‘Scattered, here and there’ (tâŋ-tâŋ) ........................................1489 Verbal derivation ........................................................................1499.1 Reversive verbs (-rv, -rⁿv) .....................................................................1499.2 Deverbal causative verbs........................................................................1529.2.1 Productive suffixed causative (-mv)...............................................1529.2.2 Minor causative suffixes (-gv̀, -ŋv̀, -nv̀).........................................1559.3 Passive and Transitive............................................................................1579.3.1 Mediopassive -i: (-ɛ:-) versus Transitive -rv..................................1579.3.2 Passive suffix (-m̀)...........................................................................1609.4 Ambi-valent verbs without suffixal derivation.....................................1609.5 Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs ..........................................1619.6 Denominal verbs.....................................................................................1639.7 Obscure verb-verb relationships............................................................16410 Verbal inflection........................................................................16510.1 Inflection of regular indicative verbs ..................................................16510.1.1 Suffixes and chained verbs ...........................................................16510.1.2 Overview of indicative categories ................................................16710.1.3 Verb stem shapes ...........................................................................16710.1.3.1 Cv and Cv: verb stems............................................................16810.1.3.2 Irregular Cv and Cv: stems ....................................................17010.1.3.3 Bisyllabic stems ......................................................................17110.1.3.4 Bisyllabic stems with final nonhigh vowel ...........................17110.1.3.5 Bisyllabic stems with final high vowel .................................17210.1.3.6 Verbs with -i: in bare stem and Perfective only....................17410.1.3.7 Trisyllabic stems.....................................................................17410.2 Positive indicative AMN categories....................................................17710.2.1 Perfective positive system (including perfect).............................17710.2.1.1 Simple Perfective (-ɛ/-e, -sɛⁿ) ................................................17710.2.1.2 Experiential Perfect ‘have ever’ (-tɛ́-jɛ̀) ................................18210.2.1.3 Recent Perfect (jɛ̀) ..................................................................1839

10.2.1.4 Reduplicated Perfective (Cv̀-…-è/ɛ̀/ì)...................................18410.2.2 Imperfective positive system ........................................................18610.2.2.1 Imperfective (positive) (-jú, -nṹ, -jí, -nĩ́)...............................18610.2.2.2 Reduplicated Imperfective (Cv̀-…-jú) ..................................18810.2.2.3 Delayed Future (-jà sá)...........................................................18910.2.2.4 Progressive (-táŋà, -téŋè)........................................................18910.2.2.5 Reduplicated Progressive (Cv̀-…-táŋà)................................19110.2.3 Negation of active indicative verbs ..............................................19210.2.3.1 Perfective Negative (-lí, -lâ:) .................................................19210.2.3.2 Experiential Perfect Negative (tɛ̀-lí, tɛ̀-lâ:) ...........................19410.2.3.3 Recent Perfect Negative (jɛ̀-lí, jɛ̀-lâ:) ....................................19410.2.3.4 Imperfective Negative (-rò, -rè).............................................19410.2.3.5 Variant Imperfective Negative (-jǎ:, -já:)..............................19610.2.3.6 Progressive Negative (-wɔ̀rɔ̀, -wèrè) .....................................19710.2.3.7 Reduplicated Progressive Negative (Cv-…-wɔ̀rɔ̀) ...............19910.3 Pronominal paradigms for non-imperative verbs ...............................19910.3.1 Subject pronominal suffixes .........................................................19910.3.2 Nonhuman versus 3Sg subject......................................................20010.4 Stative form of verbs (reduplicated and unreduplicated)...................20010.5 Post-verbal temporal particles .............................................................20210.5.1 Past clitic absent ............................................................................20210.6 Imperatives and Hortatives ..................................................................20210.6.1 Imperatives and Prohibitives.........................................................20210.6.1.1 Positive imperatives (Imperative stem, Plural -ỳ) ................20210.6.1.2 Prohibitives (-lé, Pl -lé-ỳ).......................................................20410.6.2 Hortatives .......................................................................................20610.6.2.1 Positive Hortatives (-má, plural -má-ỳ).................................20610.6.2.2 Hortative Negative (-m-lé, plural -m-lé-ỳ)............................20710.6.3 Syntactic status of second-person subject in imperatives ...........20910.6.4 Imperative verb with non-second person subject ........................21110.6.4.1 Imperative with third person subject .....................................21110.6.4.2 Imperative with implied first person singular subject ..........21111 VP and predicate structure.......................................................21311.1 Regular verbs and VP structure ...........................................................21311.1.1 Verb types (valency)......................................................................21311.1.1.1 Defective or absent subjects...................................................21311.1.1.2 Objects.....................................................................................21311.1.2 Valency of causatives....................................................................21511.1.3 Verb Phrase ....................................................................................21611.1.4 Fixed subject-verb collocations ....................................................21611.1.5 Fixed verb-object combinations ...................................................21810

11.1.5.1 Verb and noncognate noun.....................................................21811.1.5.2 Formal relationships between cognate nominal and verb ....21811.1.5.3 Grammatical status of cognate nominal ................................22311.2 ‘Be’, ‘become’, ‘have’, and other statives ..........................................22411.2.1 ‘It is’ clitics ....................................................................................22411.2.1.1 Positive ‘it is’ (≡y, ≡ì:) ...........................................................22411.2.1.2 ‘It is not’ (≡y≡lò:, ≡i:≡lò:)......................................................22711.2.2 Existential and locative quasi-verbs and particles.......................22811.2.2.1 Existential (yɛ́) ........................................................................22811.2.2.2 Locational quasi-verb (wɔ̀, kɔ̀-, negative wɔ̀:-rɔ́, kɔ̀:-rɔ́) .....22911.2.3 Positional statives ..........................................................................23311.2.4 ‘Know’ and ‘want’.........................................................................23311.2.4.1 ‘Know’ (í:ⁿ wɔ̂, negative ińɛ́).................................................23311.2.4.2 ‘Want’ (iỳɛ́).............................................................................23411.2.5 Morphologically regular verbs......................................................23511.2.5.1 ‘Remain’ (siǵɛ́-) ......................................................................23511.2.5.2 ‘Become’ (táŋá) ......................................................................23511.2.5.3 ‘Take place’ (bɔ̀r-î:)................................................................23511.2.5.4 ‘Fear, be afraid’ (liẃ-ì: ~ liý-ì:) ............................................23511.3 Quotative verb ......................................................................................23611.3.1 ‘Say’ (pórì, gí)................................................................................23611.4 Adjectival predicates ............................................................................23711.4.1 Positive adjectival predicates........................................................23711.4.1.1 Simple adjective stem plus copula.........................................23711.4.1.2 Adverbial extension of adjective stem (e.g. -í=>) plus copula23711.4.2 Negative adjectival and stative predicates (≡lá, ≡lé)...................23911.5 Possessive predicates............................................................................24011.5.1 ‘Have’ (sà, sè) ................................................................................24011.5.2 ‘Belong to’ predicates ...................................................................24111.6 Verb iteration ........................................................................................24111.6.1 Uninflected iteration of type [verb 1 -verb 1 (-verb 1 …)] ................24112 Comparatives ............................................................................24312.1 Asymmetrical comparatives.................................................................24312.1.1 Predicative adjective with là ‘than’ and comparandum ..............24312.1.2 Verbal predicate plus sìgɛ̀ ‘more’ and là ‘than’...........................24412.1.3 ‘Be better, more’ (ìré)....................................................................24412.1.4 ‘Best’ ..............................................................................................24512.2 Symmetrical comparatives...................................................................24512.2.1 ‘Be equal to’ (bǎ:)..........................................................................24512.2.2 ‘Same (equal)’ (kɛẃ-kɛ́w, kɛ́-kɛ́w) ..............................................24611

12.2.3 ‘Attain, equal’ (dɔ̌:) .......................................................................24712.3 ‘A fortiori’ (sá:-gàrà, sɔ̂:) .....................................................................24713 Focalization and interrogation..................................................24913.1 Focalization...........................................................................................24913.1.1 Subject focalization .......................................................................25013.1.2 Object focalization.........................................................................25513.1.3 Focalization of PP or other adverb ...............................................25513.1.4 Focalization of postpositional complement .................................25613.2 Interrogatives ........................................................................................25613.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogatives (mà) ................................................25613.2.2 ‘Who?’ (ǎ:).....................................................................................25713.2.3 ‘What?’ (ìŋé), ‘with what?’, ‘why?’.............................................25813.2.4 ‘Where?’ (yǎ:)................................................................................25813.2.5 ‘When?’ (yǎ: doǵùrù, yǎ: téŋé bè) ...............................................25913.2.6 ‘How?’ (nã̂ŋ)..................................................................................25913.2.7 ‘How much/many?’ (à:ŋá) ............................................................26013.2.8 ‘Which?’ (yǎ:-kɔ̀)...........................................................................26113.2.9 Embedded interrogatives...............................................................26114 Relativization.............................................................................26314.1 Basics of relative clauses .....................................................................26314.1.1 Coordinated relatives with a shared head.....................................26414.1.2 Tone-dropping in an unpossessed NP as head of relative clause26414.1.3 Addition of a possessor NP to a relative-clause head NP ...........26514.1.4 Restrictions on the head noun in a relative clause.......................26714.1.5 Relative clause with conjoined NP as head .................................26714.1.6 Headless relative clause ................................................................26814.1.7 Preverbal subject pronominal in relative clause ..........................26814.1.8 Relative-clause verb ......................................................................26914.1.8.1 Positive perfective-system verbs in relative clauses.............26914.1.8.2 Positive imperfective-system verbs in relative clauses ........27314.1.8.3 Negative perfective-system verbs in relative clauses...........27514.1.8.4 Negative imperfective-system verbs in relative clauses.......27614.1.8.5 Stative verbs (positive and negative) in relative clauses......27714.1.8.6 Other predicates in relative clauses .......................................27714.1.9 Same-subject má connecting nonsubject relative to main clause27814.1.10 Relative clause involving verb- or VP-chain.............................27914.1.11 Demonstratives following the participle ....................................28014.1.12 Universal quantifier ‘all’ following the participle.....................28012

14.2 Subject relative clause..........................................................................28114.3 Object relative clause ...........................................................................28314.4 Possessor relative clause ......................................................................28414.5 Relativization on the complement of a postposition ..........................28515 Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clauses ...............................28715.1 Direct chains (without chaining morpheme) ......................................28715.1.1 Verbal Noun of directly chained verbs ........................................28915.1.2 Presence of AMN suffix in nonfinal verb in direct chains .........28915.1.3 Linear position and arguments of directly chained verbs ...........28915.1.4 Negation of direct verb chains ......................................................29015.1.5 Iterated {HL}-toned verbs plus a final motion verb....................29015.1.6 Chaining with jíjɛ̀ ‘go with’ ..........................................................29115.2 Adverbial clauses with overt chaining or subordinating morpheme.29215.2.1 Imperfective and durative subordinated clauses..........................29215.2.1.1 Progressive adverbial clause (-táŋà, plural -téŋè).................29215.2.1.2 Different-subject ‘while’ clause (-nì) ....................................29315.2.1.3 Same-Subject ‘while’ clause (-ní:) ........................................29515.2.1.4 ‘Until getting tired’ (pó=> dɛń-ɛ̀) .......................................29515.2.2 Anterior clauses .............................................................................29515.2.2.1 Same-Subject Anterior clause (-ɛ: ~ -e:)...............................29615.2.2.2 Past Anterior (ma)...................................................................29815.2.2.3 (Pseudo-conditional) Future Anterior (dè)............................29915.2.2.4 Different-subject Anterior clause (kɛ̂:ⁿ) ................................30015.2.3 ‘Since …’ clauses (gì:ⁿ) ................................................................30115.3 Noun-headed temporal clause (‘the time when …’) ..........................30315.3.1 Reverse anteriority clause ‘before …’ (jà)...................................30415.4 Spatial and manner adverbials .............................................................30615.4.1 Spatial adverbial clause (‘where …’)...........................................30615.4.2 Manner adverbial clause (‘how …’).............................................30715.4.3 Headless adverbial clause as spatiotemporal or manner clause..30715.4.4 ‘From X, until (or: all the way to) Y’ (nã̀ŋá, dɔ̀:) ........................30815.5 Past time constructions.........................................................................30915.5.1 Perfect with pór-ì ‘say’ after ‘go’ .................................................30915.5.2 Perfect with gàrá yè (y-ɛ̀) ‘pass’...................................................30916 Conditional constructions.........................................................31116.1 Conditional antecedent with dè ‘if’ .....................................................31116.1.1 Simple dè........................................................................................31116.1.2 Reduced form of Simple Perfective of Cv verb before dè..........31216.1.3 Extensions of dè (táŋá: dè, tí-∅ dè, gí dè) ..................................31313

16.1.4 ‘Unless’ antecedent .......................................................................31416.2 Alternative ‘if’ particles .......................................................................31416.2.1 ‘Even if …’ (hâl … kaǹ) ...............................................................31416.2.2 ‘As soon as …’ (dè fú=>) ..........................................................31516.3 Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents (‘whether X or Y …’) ........31516.4 Counterfactual conditional (kaǹ)..........................................................31617 Complement and purposive clauses..........................................31717.1 Quotative complement .........................................................................31717.1.1 Direct versus indirect in quotative complements.........................31717.1.2 ‘Say that …’ with inflectable ‘say’ verb (pórì, gí:) .....................31817.1.3 Quotative particle wà.....................................................................31917.1.4 Quotative Subject wà.....................................................................31917.1.5 Jussive complement (reported imperative or hortative)..............32017.1.5.1 Quoted imperative ..................................................................32017.1.5.2 Embedded hortative................................................................32217.2 Factive (indicative) complements........................................................32217.2.1 ‘Know that …’ factive complement .............................................32317.2.2 ‘See (find, hear) that …’ factive complement .............................32317.2.2.1 Imperfective complement of ‘see’ and ‘hear’.......................32417.2.3 Clause with tájìrì ‘it is certain (that)’ ...........................................32417.3 Verbal Noun (and other nominal) complements ................................32517.3.1 Structure of verbal noun clause ....................................................32517.3.2 ‘Prevent’ (gǎ:ǹ)..............................................................................32717.3.3 ‘Dare’ (dǎ:rì) with imperfective complement..............................32717.3.4 ‘Consent’ (yɔẁɔ́, ma:n) with verbal-noun or imperfectivecomplement...................................................................................................32817.3.5 ‘Cease’ (dàgá) with verbal-noun complement.............................32917.3.6 ‘Want’ (iỳɛ́) with verbal-noun or imperfective complement......32917.3.7 ‘Forget’ (náŋá) with imperfective complement ...........................33017.3.8 Obligational ‘must VP’ (koý) .......................................................33117.3.9 Normative ‘it is right that …’ (jâ:ⁿ kɔ̀) with imperfectivecomplement...................................................................................................33217.3.10 ‘Fear, be afraid to’ (liẃ-ì: ~ liý-ì:) with imperfectivecomplement...................................................................................................33217.3.11 ‘Begin’ (tɔŕɔ́) with verbal-noun or purposive complement ......33217.3.12 ‘Finish’ (kiĺì) with verbal-noun complement.............................33417.4 Locative verbal noun or other nominal complement..........................33417.4.1 ‘Help’ (bàrá) as {L}-toned nonfinal verb in chain ......................33517.5 Chained-verb complement clause........................................................33517.5.1 ‘Be able to, can’ (bɛ̀rɛ́) ..................................................................33517.5.2 bɛ̀rɛ́ in respectful requests.............................................................33614

17.6 Purposive, causal, and locative clauses...............................................33617.6.1 Purposive clauses with postposition gɛ́-ɛ̀: or gí dè......................33717.6.2 Tonal purposive clauses of type (ǹ v̂) before motion verb .........33917.6.3 Purposive clauses with -lí..............................................................33917.6.4 Causal (‘because’) clause (sábú dè=>) .....................................34018 Anaphora...................................................................................34118.1 Reflexive ...............................................................................................34118.1.1 Reflexive object (saň) ....................................................................34118.1.2 Reflexive PP complement.............................................................34218.1.3 Reflexive possessor (Sg saň, Pl saň bè) ........................................34218.1.4 Reflexive with antecedent in higher clause..................................34318.1.5 Emphatic pronouns........................................................................34518.1.5.1 sań-ɔ́: ‘(by/for) oneself’..........................................................34518.2 Logophoric pronouns ...........................................................................34518.2.1 Logophoric ɛǹɛ́ for second and third person antecedent.............34518.2.2 Logophoric Plural ɛǹɛ́ bè for original-utterance 1Pl pronoun....34618.2.3 Logophoric ɛǹɛ́ syntactically a pronoun ......................................34618.2.4 Logophorics in nested quotations.................................................34718.2.5 Non-logophoric topic-indexing function......................................34818.3 Reciprocal .............................................................................................34818.3.1 Simple reciprocals (saǹ-tuń) ..........................................................34818.3.2 ‘Together’ (wò=>, mɔ̀rⁿ-î:)........................................................34918.4 Restrictions on reflexives.....................................................................34918.4.1 No antecedent-reflexive relation between coordinands ..............34919 Grammatical pragmatics ..........................................................35119.1 Topic......................................................................................................35119.1.1 Topic (wɔⁿ).....................................................................................35119.1.2 ‘Now’ (kà:ná, nɛ́:-wⁿɔ́)..................................................................35219.1.3 ‘Also’ (kàrⁿà ~ kà:ⁿ) ......................................................................35319.1.4 ‘Even’ (hâl, kàrⁿà ~ kà:ⁿ) ..............................................................35419.2 Interclausal discourse markers.............................................................35519.2.1 ‘But …’ (gà:)..................................................................................35519.2.2 ‘Otherwise …’ (dɔ̀ŋɔ̀rⁿɔ̀) ...............................................................35519.3 Pragmatic adverbs or equivalents........................................................35519.3.1 ‘Again’ (piĺé-m-ɛ̀:), ‘not again’ ....................................................35519.4 ‘Only’ particles .....................................................................................35619.4.1 ‘Only’ (sǎy) ....................................................................................35619.4.2 ‘Just (one)’ (leẃⁿ) ..........................................................................35619.5 Phrase-final emphatics .........................................................................35715

19.5.1 Phrase-final já:tì ‘exactly’.............................................................35719.5.2 Clause-final koý (confirmation) ...................................................35719.5.3 Clause-final dé (warning)..............................................................35719.6 Backchannel and uptake checks ..........................................................35719.7 Greetings ...............................................................................................35720 Text ............................................................................................36016

1 Introduction1.1 Dogon languagesThis is one of several grammars of Dogon languages produced by me and othersas part of a project begun in 2004.There are some 20 Dogon languages by a conservative count. Many have“dialects” that have their own names in local languages and that could beconsidered to be languages.The wider relationships of Dogon are not well understood. Traditionallythey have been ascribed to the Niger-Congo family, but a formal demonstrationof this or other genetic relationship has yet to be made.1.2 Togo-Kan languageTogo-Kan (or TK for short) is spoken in the eastern part of Dogon country, stillin Mali but not far from the Burkina border. Villages, in their TK native nameand in the usual official (i.e. French) name, are in (xx1).(xx1) TK name official name coordinatesNWaǹàkaǵà Anakaga 14 00 03 18bìrgɛ́ Birga 14 02 03 15jìmɛŕⁿú Djimerou 14 10 03 19dɔ̂ⁿ Don 14 11 03 17geẃrú Guéourou 14 10 03 13kuǹúŋgoŕó Kontogourou 14 05 03 21koỳⁿ-gìrⁿí Koporo-(Kenie-)Na 14 08 03 22kɔǹpɛň Koporo-(Kenie-)Pe 14 13 03 18ójútá:ŋà Oustanga 14 08 03 19pɛ́:rú Pel 14 05 03 16peĺédùrù Peledourou 13 56 03 25tɔ̀:nɔ̀ŋú Taounougou 14 06 03 19tɛ̀:ⁿgoŕò Temegolo 14 08 03 15teǹâ: Tena 13 51 03 23teńè Tenndeli 14 05 03 251

1.4.2 FieldworkMy fieldwork on Togo-Kan began in late December 2009 and has continued offand on since. Boukel Togo, a native of Koporo-Pe village, was recruited as thefirst Malian intern in our project. He was with me in Douentza for severalmonths during 2010.During much of this time Boukel sat at an aging desktop computer andkeyboarded TK words and short phrases into our comparative Dogon lexicalspreadsheet. Then he and I jointly edited the lexical material, some of which hasfound its way into this grammar (particularly sections on derivationalmorphology, compounding, and the like). Some additional grammaticalelicitation was also done during this period, though I was simultaneouslyworking on other Dogon languages.1.4.3 AcknowledgementsThe fieldwork on Togo-Kan is being carried out under grant BCS 0853364 fromthe National Science Foundation (NSF), Documenting Endangered Languages(DEL) program, 2009-12.The larger work on Dogon languages began with grant PA-50643-04 fromthe National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) for solo fieldwork onJamsay. This led to the idea of a comparative Dogon linguistic project. The firstphase thereof was funded by NSF, grant BCS 0537435, for the period 2006-08.The current grant referenced above is for the second phase. Completion of theoverall project, i.e. detailed documentation of some 20 Dogon languages, willrequire a third funding phase.My collaborators in the collective project have been Abbie Hantgan, LauraMcPherson, Kirill Prokhorov, Steve Moran, and the late Stefan Elders. Ourprimary Malian assistant (and my Jamsay informant) is Minkailou Djiguiba.3

2 SketchA few highlights of the grammar will be given here for purposes of initialorientation. Features distinguishing Togo-Kan (TK) from other Dogonlanguages are emphasized.2.1 Phonology2.1.1 Segmental phonologyThe consonantal inventory is a typical Dogon one, with the followingtypologically variable features. Sibilants: s but not z is present. Palatoalveolars:j but not c is present. Nasalized sonorants {wⁿ yⁿ rⁿ} are present noninitially. cis largely absent.Vowels: the usual Dogon inventory with seven vowel qualities, long andshort. Nasalized vowels are present, with short as well as long vowels. Midheightvowels constitute two classes, [+ATR] {e o} and [-ATR] {ɛ ɔ}, that areat the basis for some ATR-harmonic phenomena. High vowels areextraharmonic, while a patterns as [-ATR].TK is notable for the full or partial deletion of word- and stem-finalsonorants and short high vowels. The disappearance of a final nasal may bereflected by nasalization of the preceding vowel, but final semivowels maydisappear without a trace.2.1.2 ProsodyCv with short vowel is an allowable stem shape for verbs and nouns, alongsidethe more common Cv:, CvCv, CvCvCv, etc. Verbs must end in a vowel, whileother stems including nouns may end in a consonant.Nearly all stems, nouns as well as verbs, have either {H} (all-high) or {LH}(rising) as the basic lexical tone contour. For verbs, but not other stem-classes,the tone-class is partially predictable from initial consonant. The lexical tones ofverbs are subject to erasure by overlaid tone contours controlled by verbalinflectional categories. For nouns, adjectives, and numerals, the tone contoursare more syntactic in nature, expressing relationships among words in a NP. The4

usual possessed-noun contour is {H} for prosodically light unsegmentablestems (one or two moras) and {HL} for heavier stems.Dying-quail intonation (prolongation of the final syllable plus pitch decline)is the basic NP conjunction device. Prolongation without pitch drop is foundwith a number of adverbials.2.1.3 Key phonological rulesThe phonology, aside from the tonal morphophonology, is fairly simple.There is some deletion (Syncope, Apocope) of short high vowels inpositions like CvC_Cv and CvC_, especially in verbs.Nasalization-Spreading is observable, especially in verbal derivationalsuffixes after a stem with a final syllable with a nasal consonant plus a vowel.However, when the relevant nasal consonant reflects an older nasal-stopsequence, e.g. ŋ from *ŋg, it behaves like the original cluster and does notinduce nasalization of a suffixal consonant.Some (but not all) verb stems of the shapes Cvrv and Cvrⁿv reduce to CvandCvⁿ-, respectively, before most inflectional suffixes.2.2 Inflectable verbsA verb form has the general shape [stem-derivation(s)-AMN-pronominal]. Thestem is followed by any derivational suffixes; the productive ones areReversive, Causative, and Mediopassive. The simple or derived stem isfollowed by an AMN (aspect-mood-negation) suffix, sometimes zero(Imperative). There is a final pronominal-subject position, though in TK it isreduced to singular versus plural subject, and even this distinction is notrigorously made. The AMN category may force tone-contour changes on thestem.2.3 Noun phrase (NP)Unpossessed NPs consist of words whose linear order is noun-adjective(s)-numeral-demonstrative-Pl-‘all’. Tone-dropping is controlled by adjectives (onthe preceding noun or adjective) and by demonstratives (on both a precedingnumeral and on the final word in the noun-adjective sequence).Possession can be nonappositional (i.e. direct), with all possessors exceptthe 1Sg pronoun preceding the possessed NP. The 1Sg possessor in thisnonappositional construction is mà following the possessed NP. When the5

possessor precedes the possessed NP, the latter is subject to an overlaid {H}tone contour, or {HL} if heavy (more than two moras).Pronominal possession can also be expressed by an appositionalconstruction of the form [Y [X kè]] ‘the Y of X’, where kè ‘possession’ is inapposition to the possessed NP Y.When a possessed NP functions as head NP in a relative (‘Seydou’s dogthat fell’), the possessive construction is rebuilt as an appositional constructionwith the possessor now preceding the possessed NP: [[X kè] Y]. This allows Yto undergo tonal and other changes as head NP of the relative, with nointerference from the possessor.NPs functioning as head NPs of relatives break up, with the noun,adjective(s), and numeral remaining intact inside the relative clause, whiledemonstratives, the Plural morpheme, and ‘all’ quantifiers are positioned afterthe verb.2.4 Case-marking and PPsAdpositions are postpositions, i.e. they follow the NP or pronominalcomplement.There is no Accusative case marker, though the 1Sg pronoun has a specialdirect-object form. There is a Dative postposition used broadly for indirectobjects (nominal and pronomnal). There are other postpositions for Instrumentaland various spatiotemporal categories.2.5 Main clauses and constituent orderConstituent order in main clauses is SOV. The limited pronominal-subjectmarking in verbs encourages the use of subject pronouns, which occupy thesame position as subject NPs at the beginning of the clause. Dative andinstrumental PPs normally follow direct objects (xx1), but the preferred positionfor spatiotemporal adverbials is between subject and object.(xx1) a. seýdú bú:dú àmàdú≡ǹ ò-èS money A≡Dat give-Perf.L‘Seydou gave (the) money to Amadou.’b. wó seẁaŕà yè-y3SgS S go-Perf.SgS.L‘He/She went to Sevare (a city).’6

c. ɛḿɛ́ wòrú yá: wàr-è1PlS farming yesterday do.farm.work-Perf.PlS.L‘We did farming (farm work) yesterday.’d. iń yá: [ɛẃɛ́ bîn] wó ɔ̀-ɛ̀1SgS yesterday [market in] 3SgO see-Perf.SgS.L‘I saw him/her yesterday in the market.’e. iń yògó péjú dɔ́-nṹ1SgS tomorrow sheep sell-Impf‘I will sell (the) sheep-Sg tomorrow.’f. [nǎ bè] já-wò=> nî nã̌: nĩ́:-nĩ́[person Pl] always here meal eat-Impf.SgS‘The people always eat here.’g. ɛḿɛ́ nṹ: [pòrùkɛ́: bè] gɛ̀rɛ̀-jù1PlS millet [harvesting.knife with] harvest-Impf.L‘We harvest millet with a harvesting knife.’2.6 Nominalized clauses and constituent orderwriteverbal-noun (and any similar nominals) as complementsexpression of direct object and subject of verbal noun2.7 Relative clauseswritehead NP (tone-dropping, Relative marker ?)determiners and non-numeral quantifiers separated from core NP and numeral,displaced to post-participial positionverb replaced by participle (agreement in nominal features with head NP?)2.8 Interclausal syntaxwritemost important clause and VP combinationsdirect verb chaining (no special morpheme)7

looser VP chains with chaining (subordinating) morphemefactive and other complement clauses8

3 Phonology3.1 GeneralIn comparison to other Dogon languages, a notable feature of TK is theabundance of short-voweled monosyllabic Cv, particularly in noun andadjective stems. Many of the relevant stems have lost an etymological syllablefnalsonorant such as *y or *n (the latter may leave a trace in the form of vowelnasalization).3.2 Internal phonological structure of stems and words3.2.1 SyllablesThe typical syllable of TK is Cv (i.e. short-voweled open syllable) or, less often,Cv:. Stem-finally, and sporadically stem-interally, CvL with a final sonorant Lis also possible.3.2.2 Metrical structureIf we assume that a shift to high vowels {i u} can reflect metrically weakpositions in multisyllabic words, we can argue that the second and third of threesyllables in a trisyllabic verb stem with final-syllable rhotic are weak in thechaining form (and related paradigmatic forms), but not in the imperative orsome other verb forms. We can see this in alternations like túŋì-rⁿì ‘cause tokneel’ (chaining form, ) and its imperative túŋɔ́-rⁿɔ̀. For other trisyllabic verbstems (i.e. with a consonant other than a rhotic in the final syllable), the second(but not third) syllable is weak even in the imperative, as in kuḿuńũ̀ ‘crumple’(chaining form), imperative kúmuń̃ɔ́.3.3 ConsonantsThe primary consonants of TK are those in (xx1). Parentheses indicate marginalor restricted consonants. Nasalized {wⁿ yⁿ rⁿ} are present, while {z ʃ ʒ} areabsent except in recent loanwords. f and h are not original Dogon consonants9

ut occur in a fair number of loanwords, mostly from Fulfulde, and are lessforeign-sounding than the sibilants mentioned. Glottal stop ʔ is a predictablejunctural element in some reduplicated forms of vowel-initial stems and isomitted from our normal transcription.(xx1)Consonants1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9labial p b m (f) w wⁿalveolar t d n s l r rⁿalveopalatal (c) j ñ y yⁿvelar k g ŋlaryngeal (h) (ʔ)c is IPA [tʃ], j is [dʒ], ñ is [ɲ], and y is [j].key to columns: 1. aspirated voiceless stops (c is affricated); 2. voicedstops; 3. nasals, 4. voiceless fricatives (including sibilants); 5. laterals;6-7. respectively oral and nasalized sonorants (semivowels andrhotics); 8-9. laryngealsThere are important asymmetries in the positional possibilities of obstruentsand sonorants, respectively. Excluding loanwords, reduplications, compounds,and nouns derived historically from compounds, most obstruents (stops andfricatives) occur predominantly in stem-initial position; an exception is that g ismoderately common noninitial syllables. By contrast, rhotics occur only inintervocalic position (i.e. never stem-initially). Sonorants (along with g) areoverwhelmingly dominant in noninitial syllables of stems. Non-rhotic oralsonorants occur freely in stem-initial position, but sonorants (oral and nasalized)are dominant in noninitial syllables.3.3.1 Alveopalatals (c, j)There is no particular tendence for velar stops {k g} to front to {c j} beforefront vowels (as they do in Jamsay, for example). Thus kɛ́jɛ́ ‘cut’ (not #cɛ́jɛ́)and gìré ‘eye’ (not #jìré).A j distinct from g is fairly common in a variety of vocalic environments.Examples are bàjá ‘pull’ and jùjɔ́ ‘brush against’.Voiceless c, on the other hand, is virtually absent. In a working lexicon ofseveral thousand items, only the flagrantly onomatopoeia cî:ⁿ-câ:ⁿ (sound ofsmall birds chirping) contains this consonant.10

3.3.2 Voiced velar stop g and spirantized γVoiced velar stop g is phonetically spiranizted to [ɣ] between any combinationof preceding and following a and ɔ. This appears to be a low-level allophonicprocess, and except in narrow phonetic transcriptions I write g.3.3.3 Back nasals (ŋ ñ)ŋ and ñ are distinguished before all vowels, with no tendency to merge beforefront vowels. We hear a clear ŋ in e.g. (óŋó) sá:ŋì ‘make a yawn’, but ñ in e.g.nińĩẃⁿɛ́ ‘sister’s child’.3.3.4 Voiceless labials (p, f)p is one of the basic consonants: examples are paǵá ‘tie up’ and pɛ́:gù ‘break inhalf’. In native vocabulary it is normally in stem-initial position, but it occursintervocalically in loanwords like ná:piĺá ‘optional Muslim prayer’ (often, ashere, reflecting *f in the source language), in frozen reduplications like puṕuǵɔ́‘out of shape’, and in various onomatopoeic or expressive forms like pɔ̀gɔ̀rɔ̀pɔ́‘toy rifle’ and poṕ ‘landing powerfully’. Cluster mp occurs in a few loans likelàmpań ‘(modern) lamp’.f occurs in a few Fulfulde and French loanwords. From the working lexiconI can cite má:fɛ́ ‘red sauce’, fú:r ‘oven’, and two important expressive elementsfó=> … ‘all the way to …’ and fú=> ‘all, entirely’. As noted above,original *f in loanwords is normally realized as p.3.3.5 Laryngeals (h, ʔ)h is not an original Dogon consonant, but it occurs stem-initially in Fulfuldeloans and in a few other regionally widespread forms: haýà ‘well, …’, hâl ‘evenif’, há:jù ‘card (cotton)’, haḿp-ì: ‘chew (tobacco)’, hɔ̂:l ‘trust [verb]’, hí:jí‘pilgrimage (to Mecca)’. One of the ‘yes!’ forms is the ubiquitous ɔǹhɔń.Phonetic glottal stop [ʔ] is heard at the juncture between vowels within aword, in ɔń-ɔǹ (one of the ‘no!’ forms) and in Cv- reduplications of stems withno initial consonant like (stative) ì-iǵɛ̀ ‘be standing’. In our normaltranscription, the glottal is not indicated.11

3.3.6 Sibilants (s, ʃ, z, ʒ)s is a basic consonant in stem-initial and intervocalic position. There is nospecial tendency for it to palatalize before front vowels, as in sí:rì ‘cook(meal)’.Other sibilants {ʃ z ʒ} are absent except in poorly-assimilated loanwords.3.3.7 Nasalized sonorants (rⁿ, wⁿ, yⁿ)Nasalized semivowels occur intervocalically and syllable-finally. The nasalizedrhotic occurs intervocalically (rhotics in general do not occur in other positions).We begin with examples where the nasalization is autonomous, i.e. not in stemsthat contain a nasal consonant in a preceding syllable.Examples of rⁿ are, tiŕⁿí ‘go get (firewood)’, and kúmɔŕⁿɔ́ ‘(fire) start upagain’ (imperative). In some other Dogon languages, n corresponds to TK rⁿ.Examples of wⁿ are kuẃⁿ-ì: ‘shut (eyes)’, aẃⁿá ‘(animal) be in goodcondition’, tɔẃⁿɔ́ ‘do for a long time’, and expressive adverbial dɛẃⁿ=>‘looking straight at’. In some other Dogon languages, m corresponds to TK wⁿ.yⁿ is less common and is mostly found stem- (and therefore syllable-)finally. These include compounds ending (at least historically) in a desyllabifiedform of -í:ⁿ ‘child’, such as dɔ̌yⁿ ‘pestle’ and tuẁɛ̌-yⁿ ‘flint (for lighter)’. Otherstems with final yⁿ include sɛŷⁿ ‘a lot, very’ and dǎyⁿ ‘boundary’. In a fewnouns yⁿ is intervocalic; the known examples are dɔỳⁿɛ́ ‘ashes’ (which hascognates with yⁿ in some other Dogon languages, but cf. Najamba dɔ̀dɛ̌:) andtwo items of cultural vocabulary, buỳⁿɛ́ ‘tassels’ and kaỳⁿɛ́ ‘bit (mouthpiece)’.There are also several expressive adverbials with syllable-final yⁿ like kɔýⁿ=>‘oversized (teeth)’ and dɛýⁿ=> ‘apart’.Sequences of intervocalic nasalized sonorants co-occur in e.g. gɛẃⁿɛŕⁿɛ́‘charcoal’ and suẃⁿùrⁿù ‘stalk [verb]’. The sequence is usually wⁿ then rⁿ sincerhotics but not semivowels are typical sonorant consonants in the third or latersyllables of complex words.Nasalized sonorants often occur in stems or derivational verbal suffixeswhen preceded by a nasal syllable (such as na or baⁿ). In such cases one couldargue that the nasalization of the sonorant is phonologically secondary.Examples are nɛẃⁿɛ́ ‘scales (on skin)’, sɛ́ŋɛ́rⁿɛ́ ‘foot-chain’, and gàmúrⁿù‘divide’. In cases like nãẁⁿuŕⁿù ‘scold’, the nasalization appears to spreadrecursively, starting from the initial nasal. However, TK has many stems thatfail to spread nasalization from a nasal to a subsequent sonorant: deḿéré ‘fat,stout’, mùŋú-rù ‘untie’ (reversive), bòmí-rì ‘put (child) on the back of (sb)’. Inmost such cases it can be shown that the nasal consonant reflects a cluster *mb12

‘lamp’, haḿp-ì: ‘chew (tobacco)’ (

present. Note the combination (cognate nominal plus verb) daẃrú daẁírì ‘castspells’, where the usual pronounciation is CvCCv for the noun but CvCvCvwith medial high vowel for the verb (cf. imperative dàwaŕá). ‘Rifle, musket’ isusually heard as màrùpá:.Clusters are more common at boundaries in compounds. Any combinationof an allowable stem-final consonant with an allowable stem-initial consonant ispotentially possible. Note that only certain consonants are allowed stem-finally.Except as the result of low-level syncope of high vowels in trisyllabics, thereare no consonant clusters at boundaries in inflected verb forms, since every verbstem ends in a vowel.3.3.8.4 Medial triple CCC clustersTriple CCC clusters are virtually nonexistent. One is mpl in the poorlyassimilated loanword sɛ́mplɛś ‘type of modern rifle (from Europe)’, said toderive from cinq plus on the label. Another is wŋg in gaẃŋgá ‘furrow (or otherlow spot) in a field’.3.3.8.5 Final CC clustersFinal CC clusters are also nonexistent except in poorly assimilated loanwords.3.4 VowelsThe inventory of oral vowels is the standard one for Dogon languages, withseven vowel qualities, long and short. Nasalized vowels are less common thanoral vowels but are well represented. Nasalized vowels may be long or short,unlike the situation in some other Dogon languages where they must be long.(xx1)Vowelsoralnasalizedshort long short longu u: uⁿ u:ⁿo o: oⁿ o:ⁿɔ ɔ: ɔⁿ ɔ:ⁿa a: aⁿ a:ⁿɛ ɛ: ɛⁿ ɛ:ⁿ15

e e: eⁿ e:ⁿi i: iⁿ i: n3.4.1 Oral short and long vowelsThe short oral vowels are common in all positions, as the most typical shapes ofstems include Cv, CvCv, and CvCvCv. Within a stem, excluding loanwords,there are vowel-harmonic constraints, particularly in verb stems; see §3.xxx,below. There is an issue whether short and long vowels following a nasal ornasalized consonant should be considered phonologically oral or nasal; fordiscussion see §3.4.2, below.Long oral vowels are most common in stems of the shapes Cv: and Cv:Cv.They also occur in longer stems with shapes such as Cv:CvCv, but these areusually either loanwords or compounds (including frozen compounds).Examples of the main syllabic shapes with short oral vowels are in (xx1),using verbs, nouns, adjectives, numerals, and various grammatical words andparticles. In formulae like CvCv, the initial C position may be vacant.(xx1)Short oral vowelsformglossa. Cvverb stems, all non-nasal examples knownó‘give’tí‘send’jê‘take away’ (most forms based on jâ:-)yě‘go’ (most forms based on yǎ:-)noun stems, all non-nasal examples knownlǒ‘medication’bɛ̌‘beard’jǎ‘fiber’lɛ̌‘slashing earth [noun]’té‘tea’ (

wókóyîyɛ̂wɔ̀kɔ̀yɔ́, yɛ́tɔ̀bè3Sg pronoun‘that’ (definite demonstrative)‘here’ (generalized)‘there’ (definite)‘be (somewhere, human)’‘be (somewhere, nonhuman)’Existential particle‘around (somewhere)’Instrumental postpositionb. CvCv (very common)stems (sample)gìré‘eye’nàŋá‘cow’tuḿó‘(sun) rise’pɛŕú‘ten’ɛĺú‘sweet’ìŋé‘what?’c. CvCvCv (fairly common, but include frozen derivatives)stems (sample)áwìrì‘lay out (mat)’kɛǵɛŕɛ́ ‘saddle [noun]’deḿéré ‘fat, stout’CvC is not very common, since so many final sonorants have been lost.However, we can cite lǎy ‘garlic’ (French l’ail)In the fairly small number of Cv nouns and noun-like compound elements(xx1.a-b), if we exclude ‘woman’ (whose short Cv form before adjectives and incompounds has parallels in other Dogon languages) and the loanword ‘tea’, weare left with a set of stems that have probably lost an original final semivowel.For example, ‘beard’ has cognates like Toro Tegu bɛ̌w, and ‘medication’ hascognates like Jamsay lǒy. Cv̌ (from *Cv̌-y) is a regular verbal noun form forCv: verb stems, and some nouns with this shape (including the rising tone)originated as verbal nouns. A case can be made that verbs ó ‘give’ and tí ‘send’also formerly ended in semivowels, compare Toro Tegu oẃ ‘give’ and tiẃ‘send’. These are the only two verb stems whose TK paradigm is basedconsistently on Cv rather than Cv: shape. There are no Cv numerals oradjectives in TK. So except for grammatical morphemes, Cv as a shape forstems may be an innovation.The main stem shapes for long oral vowels are illustrated in (xx2). Thenumber of Cv: stems is considerably greater than that of Cv stems, showing thatCv: is the more productive pattern.17

(xx2)Long oral vowelsformglossa. Cv:verb stems (for a long list see §10.xxx)noun stems (all known examples)ɔ̌:‘moon, month’bɛ́:‘excrement’bɔ̌:‘member’dí:‘water’tɛ̌:‘honey’tɛ̌:‘pile of millet grain spikes’gɛ̌:‘hunger’gɔ̌:‘granary’gó:‘(courtyard) wall’pó:‘tankard, drinking cup’ (French pot)só:‘pail’ (French seau)tɔ̌:‘sprout(s)’sɔ̌:‘matter, issue’jɔ̌:‘fishhook’lɔ́:‘mother’s younger sister’; ‘step-mother’dɛ̌:‘senior twin’sǒ:‘awareness’X kè:‘X’s (possession)’sí:‘saw (tool)’ (French scie)kǔ:‘yam (Dioscorea)’ (

yá:lá:bà=>nɔ́:kɛ̌: bà=>otherwàlâ:y‘yesterday’‘at first’‘since’‘this’‘in the past’‘by God!’ (swearing an oath)b. Cv:Cv (fairly common)stems (sample)gó:ró‘kola nut’là:rá‘fields next to the village’ɛ́:rɛ́‘peanut, groundnut’wǒ:ŋù ‘(liquid) be at full boil’sí:rì'cook (meal)'pɛ́:gù‘harvest (grain spikes) by breaking or pulling off’Cv:C is not a normal stem shape, but it occurs in the loanword fú:r ‘coveredoven’ (French four) and lá:m ‘razor blade’ (French lame).In bisyllabic stems, and to a lesser extent in trisyllabic and longer stems(many of which originated as compounds), the initial syllable is favored forlong vowels. However, TK has a considerable number of nonmonosyllabicstems (other than verbs) with a final long vowel, and a few of these have finallong oral vowels not preceded by a nasal consonant. All examples from myworking lexicon are in (xx3).(xx3)Final long oral vowel in nonmonosyllabicsformglossa. bisyllabicnoun stems (not obviously recent loanwords)àtí:‘bird trap’ (also in Jamsay, perhaps with àprefix,§4.xxx)òtě:‘well (for water)’ (cf. Toro Tegu teẃó)aǹdí:‘year’ (frozen compound)bɛ̀sɛ́:, bɔ̀sɛ́: ‘father’s younger brother’ (frozen compound)sàrɛ́:‘legal proceeding’ (contracted from *sàriýá)saŕɛ́:‘diarrhoea’ (contracted from *sáriýɛ́ or the like)àrⁿù jɔǹkɛ̌: ‘first heavy rain’adjectivesbɔ̀rɔ́-sɛ̀:bɛ̀: ‘skinny-buttocks’ (bahuvrihi compound)French loanwords (nouns and adjectives)kèpí:‘cap’ (French keṕi)19

sàpó:‘hat’ (French chapeau)pòlí:‘pulley’ (French poulie)kiĺé:‘key’ (French clé)tiỳó:‘tube’ (French tuyau)kàkî:‘tan (color)’ (French khaki)adverbs, expressive adverbialsdùrô:‘(garment) on backwards’otheriỳɔ̂:‘want’ (irregular stative verb)b. trisyllabic or longerbaǹàkú: ‘cassava; sweet potato’ (

kuń‘head’kań‘mouth’daň‘size’tuň‘fabric, garment’tiň‘firewood’jɔń‘private field’kɔň‘daba (hoe)’kɔň‘weeping [noun]’dɛň‘waterjar’jɛń‘handle (of pail)’; ‘forked stick’bań‘wooden bench’ (French banc)paň‘shortage of water’jɔň‘dyer’sań‘religion (Islam), prayer’bɔň‘tomtom’bɔń‘name’kɛň‘pointed instrument’pɔň‘bridge’ (French pont)adjective stems: all known exampleskuń‘unmarried’pɛň‘olddɛň‘poorly developed (millet)’bań‘red’sɛń‘good’tɔń‘mild-mannered’compound initials and finals[nùmɛ̀-yⁿ]-duń ‘pinky finger’aǹũ̀-gɔň ‘roselle plant’kɔ̀rɔ̀-gań ‘meningitis’grammatical morphemessaňReflexivetuńReciprocal-gińCharacteristic derivational suffix (human)There are also some short nasalized vowels in nonmonosyllabic words.Most nasalized vowels are in stem-final syllables. For nouns they may reflectoriginal compounds with a L-toned initial followed by *-í:ⁿ ‘child’. Nasalizedvowels in nonfinal syllables, in the absence of a nasal or nasalized consonant,are attested but uncommon.Autonomous long nasalized vowels in monosyllabics are in (xx2).(xx2)Long nasalized vowels (autonomous) in monosyllabicsformgloss21

a. Cv:ⁿverb stems (for a long list see §10.xxx)noun stems: all known examplesɛ́:ⁿ‘soda ash’í:ⁿ‘child’gɔ́:ⁿ‘griot (caste)’gí:ⁿ‘theft’kɛ́:ⁿ‘inheritance’gɔ́:ⁿ‘vestibule’dɛ̌:ⁿ‘elder same-sex sibling’compound initials and finalsnã̀ sá:ⁿ ‘light (illumination)’iǹ-tá:ⁿ‘friend’adjective and numeral stems: no known examplegrammatical morphemeshɔ́:ⁿ‘here! take (this)!’gí:ⁿ‘like, similar to’otherjâ:ⁿ‘what is right’ (adverbial)Final nasalized vowels in nonmonosyllabic stems are in (xx3). Those in(xx3.b) are probably frozen diminutives. For the human nouns in (xx3.c), thenasalization may be a vestige of a former suffix, compare Jamsay HumanSingular -n and Human Plural -m.(xx3)Final nasalized vowelsa. nonhumanhà:rɛňduẁɔ̀lɛňdɛ̀bɛńsùsùlɛńuśuĺańsàriń‘Muslim holy day associated with cousins’‘mirror’‘(modern) mat’‘whip (branch)’‘incense’‘plow’b. frozen diminutivemɔ̀riń ‘small amulet’gàriń ‘kidney’aǹĩ̀-gɔ̀:giń ‘soft spot above collarbone’lɛ̀giń ‘rolling pin for cotton’kòkòriń ‘shuttle in loom’c. humandɔ̀gɔň‘Dogon (person)’22

ɔ̀gɔňtɛĺɛńdeǵeńhɔ́:rɔńyeŕińwaĺiń‘Hogon, chief’‘Tellem (person)’‘short person’‘noble, freeborn person’‘visitor, guest’‘seer’The stems in (xx4) have a nonfinal nasalized vowel. Those in (xx4.b) alsohave a final nasalized vowel. Nonfinal nasals are not common.(xx3)Nonfinal nasalized vowelsa. nonfinal nasalized vowel onlytańtú ‘tent’maĺɛńkɛ́ ‘angel’iǹsìrⁿí ‘urine’b. nonfinal and final nasalized vowelssiǹkań ‘a match (for sth)’ɔńsaǹ ‘cemetery’guǹsań ‘full outback’siǹsiń ‘childhood’3.4.3 Phonetically nasalized vowels next to nasal consonantsThere are also many stems with syllables like na or rⁿi, where a nasal ornasalized consonant is followed by a vowel. The vowel is phoneticallynasalized, but except in special cases involving morpheme breaks there is nophonological opposition between oral and nasalized vowels in this position. Thesame phonetic nasalization applies to vowels preceding a nasalized consonant,as in sequences like ana.My assistant had a clear sense that such nasal-adjacent vowels arenasalized. For example, he would syllabify a sequence like ana as [aⁿ]-[naⁿ],and would render the vowel of the second syllable (stripped of the preceding n)as [aⁿ]. He would correct me if I suggested pronunciations with oral vowels.The vocalic nasalization in stems like nǎ ‘person’ can be strong enough tolead to optional pronunciations with (what sound like) homorganic nasal-stopsequences in e.g. plural nǎ bè ‘people’, i.e. [nǎmbè]. However, there is noproductive process of the type /naga/ > naŋga within stems. Note, for example,(causative) verb suńú-gù ‘take down’, not #suńú-ŋgù. Likewise aḿuǵì ‘holdagainst one’s chest’ and mańuǵú ‘thought’. Having said this, I note that a quickrun through the working dictionary shows that the vast majority of23

nonmonosyllabic stems (excluding recent loans) that begin with a nasal haveother nasals in following syllables, so that stems like nàŋuŕⁿù ‘next year’ withthree consecutive Nv syllables (and therefore continuous phonetic nasalizationfrom start to finish) are entirely typical.Examples of nasal-plus-vowel combinations are in (xx1).(xx1)Nasal or nasalized consonant (N) plus vowelformglossa. Nvverbs stems: only examplenú'go in'noun stems: all known examplesnǎ‘person’ñɛ̌‘woman’ (in compounds also yɛ̀- etc., §5.xxx)nɛ́‘blood’mɔ́‘laughter’mɔ̌‘gum arabic’nã́‘ground’mɛ̌‘cut (wound)’adjective stems: only examplemǎ‘dry’grammatical morphemes (sample)mà1Sg possessornî‘here’b. Nv:verb stems (for a long list see §10.xxx)noun stems: all known examplesnǔ:‘death’nã̌:‘meal’mɛ̌:‘salt’ñɛ́:‘fire’nṹ:‘millet’nǐ:‘cow-pea’nǐ:‘father’s sister’mǎ:‘light metal’adjective stems: all known examplesná:‘primary’nú:‘hot’mǐ:‘fine (powder)’grammatical morphemes (sample)nɔ́:‘that’ (demonstrative)piĺé mɛ̀: ‘again’24

c. bisyllabic and longer stems (sample)CvNvgìrⁿí‘house’pàŋá‘power’CvNv: (uncommon)sɔḿɛ́:‘spices’ (Jamsay sɔḿɔŷⁿ)nùmɔ̀-dìŋɛ̌: ‘thin bead bracelets’ (-dìŋɛ̌: also in other jewelrytypecompounds, and is itself probably a frozencompound from *dìŋɛ-yń)Cv:Nvà:ŋá‘how many?’pó:nù‘greet’NvCv (uncommon)nũ̀gú‘herb (Amaranthus dubius)’ (

3.4.5 Stem-final vowelsFinal vowels are usually short, but some final long vowels occur; see §3.xxx.3.4.6 Vocalic harmonyThe vowel-harmonic sets are [+ATR] {e o} and [-ATR] {ɛ ɔ}.High vowels {u i} are extraharmonic and may co-occur with either vowelharmonicset within the stem. Low vowel a is associated with [-ATR], to judgeby verb forms like Perfective paǵ-ɛ̀ (not #paǵ-è) ‘tied’ from stem paǵá ‘tie’.There are only a handful of known cases where different forms of the sameword family, e.g. noun and verb, diverge in vowel-harmonic class (xxx).(xxx)Harmonic divergencesa. dòŋó ‘pound (to dislodge grain from spike)’dɔǹ-dɔ́ŋɔńṹ ‘area at edge of village where women poundmillet spikes in large mortars’b. mɔḿ mòmó ‘carry out second round of weeding’ (cognatenoun plus verb)c. ɛẃɛ́ ‘sell’ɛẃɛ́‘market’eẃ‘(a) purchase’3.4.7 Vowel symbolismAs in other Dogon languages, there are a few lexical families containingsemantically and consonantally related stems that differ in vocalism in a mannersuggesting a limited vowel-symbolic system. The sets in question are generallyverbs and expressive adverbials.For TK, consider the set (xx1), which additionally involves consonantalrepetition (reduplication is perhaps too strong a word). The form with e-vowels(hence with higher second formant) has diminutivizing sense, as often with eand ɛ in similar sets in other Dogon languages.(xx1) a. gògó ‘eat (soft fruit)’b. gègé ‘(grasshopper, mouse) nibble at (food)’c. gùgɔ́ ‘chew cud’; ‘spit up (food) into mouth’26

Connecting the verbs in (xx1) further with gɔ̀gɔ́ 'say one's beads (fingeringthe beads of a rosary)' and 'set (rifle cock)' is more of a stretch.See also the discussion of vowel sequences in nouns with full-stem iteration(§4.1.6).3.5 Segmental phonological rules3.5.1 Trans-syllabic consonantal processes3.5.1.1 Nasalization-SpreadingIn many (but not all) stems, including suffixally derived verbs, a semivowel orrhotic consonant appears in nasalized form when preceded by a nasal syllablesuch as nv, rⁿv, or Cvⁿ. Among many examples are rⁿ in báŋárⁿá ‘shin’, wⁿ innɔẁⁿɔ́ ‘meat’, and yⁿ in gàmù kàrⁿiýⁿá ‘watermelon for cooking’. These formsreflect what was probably once a productive Nasalization-Spreading process.However, there are a significant number of counterexamples where {w y r}remain unnasalized in a nasalizing context. These are generally cases where anasal-stop cluster has simplified in TK to just the nasal. Examples are nèŋèrèkuń‘knee’ (compare Perge nìŋgé) and lèmúrú ‘citrus fruit’ (Perge lèmbuŕù,from Bambara). Since these forms seem to be stable, we cannot assert asynchronically productive Nasalization-Spreading process.This is a phonological problem insofar as it applies to a verbal derivationalsuffix, namely Reversive -rv. As shown in §9.1, below, this suffix nasalizes to-rⁿv after some but not all stems that end in a nasal syllable. For example,óŋù-rⁿù ‘uncrumple’ has a nasalized rⁿ, but téŋì-rì ‘un-hobble (animal)’ has oralr, reflecting an earlier form of the type *téŋgì-rì whose *ŋg cluster had nonasalizting effect on following suffixal segments. We are therefore stuck with alexically arbitrary phonological rule by which some stems allow Nasalization-Spreading to a suffixal consonant while others do not.In verbal inflectional morphology, the Imperfective (positive) suffix -jú isnasalized to -nṹ after most stems ending in a nasal syllable, defined as either asyllable with a nasal or nasalized consonant as onset (e.g. na, mo, wⁿe), or asyllable with a nasalized vowel as in monosyllabic stems like jǐ:ⁿ 'fart'. Thusgúŋɔ́-nṹ 'will take out', jǐ:ⁿ-nṹ ' will fart'.This suffixal nasalization does not apply to a subset of such verbs whosenasal consonant reflects an etymological nasal-stop sequence, e.g. ŋ from *ŋgand n from *nd. Thus téŋé-jú ‘will hobble (quadruped)’, miǹé-jú ‘will roll up’,dùŋó-jú ‘will stop up (hole)’, biǹé-jú ‘will turn (e.g. pocket) inside out’, all with-jú instead of -nṹ.27

3.5.1.2 Consonantal metathesisMetathesis is not a common process. We see it on an isolated basis in the wordfamilywith noun bárⁿuẃⁿá ‘wound [noun]’ and transitive verb baẁⁿúrⁿù‘wound (someone)’. Here the verb has metathesized, cf. Jamsay baŕmɛ́ ‘wound(someone)’ and other related forms (probably from Fulfulde).My assistant showed variation between g/j and j/g sequences in the verbkójùgù ~ koǵùjù ‘cough’.3.5.2 Vocalism of suffixally derived verbs3.5.2.1 Suffixal Vowel-SpreadingBecause derivational suffixes on verbs almost always result in heavy stems,derived verbs belong to the type with final short high vowel in the bare stemand Perfective. In other inflected forms, the vowel of the derivational suffix isbased on the vocalism of the stem. An exception is Causative -m̀, which followsa different pattern. See Chapter 9 passim for examples of derivational suffixes.3.5.2.2 Presuffixal V 2 -RaisingIn CvCv-Cv verbs with some derivational suffixes (but not Causative -m̀), themedial syllable raises its short vowel to a high vowel {u i}. See Chapter 9 forexamples involving Reversive and Transitive suffixes.3.5.3 Vocalic rules sensitive to syllabic or metrical structure3.5.3.1 EpenthesisI know of no vocalic epenthesis processes in TK.3.5.3.2 rv-DeletionSome CvCv stems (chiefly verbs) ending in rv or rⁿv, where v is a short vowel,lose this syllable without compensatory lengthening in a metrically weakposition before a consonant-initial suffix.28

The process applies to several verb stems of the bimoraic bisyllabic shapesCvrv and Cvrⁿv, before certain suffixes. Some stems of the same shapes fail toreduce. gɛ̀r-í: ‘look’ is treated as /gɛ̀rɛ́/ before suffixes, and it is affected, butother Cvr-i: and Cvrⁿ-i: mediopassives are not, presumably because of the longsuffixal vowel.(xx1)Verb stems undergoing rv-Deletiongloss bare stem Impf ImpfNeg PerfNega. Cvrv stems subject to rv-Deletion‘get’ bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ̌-jú bɛ:-rò bɛ̀-lí‘pass’ gàrá gǎ-jú ga:-rò gà-lí‘add’ bàrá bǎ-jú ba:-rò bà-lí‘do’ bìrɛ́ bǐ-jú bi:-rò bì-líirregular e ~ ɛ alternation‘come’ yɛ̀rɛ́ yě-jú ye:-rò yè-líirregular (partial mediopassive morphology)‘look’ gɛ̀r-í: gɛ̌-jú gɛ:-rò gɛ̀-líirregular (imperative pɔ́-nɔ́)‘say’ poŕì pó-jú pô:-rò pò-líb. Cvrⁿv stems subject to rv-Deletion‘be able’ gɔ̀rⁿɔ́ gɔ̌-nṹ gɔ:-rⁿò gɔǹ-lí‘kill’ dàrⁿá dǎ-nṹ da:-rⁿò daǹ-lí‘beat drum’ bàrⁿá bǎ-nṹ ba:-rⁿò baǹ-lí‘sell’ dɔ̀rⁿɔ́ dɔ̌-nṹ dɔ:-rⁿò dɔǹ-líc. Stems not subject to rv-Deletionunderived, with r‘begin’ tɔŕɔ́ tɔŕɔ́-jú tɔŕɔ̂:-rò tɔ̀rɔ̀-lí‘suckle’ aŕá aŕá-jú aŕâ:-rò àrà-lí‘pound’ teŕé teŕé-jú teŕê:-rò tèrè-lí‘be difficult’ kiŕɛ́ kiŕɛ́-jú kiŕɛ̂:-rò kìrɛ̀-lí‘ripen’ iŕɛ́ iŕɛ́-jú iŕɛ̂:-rò ìrɛ̀-líunderived, with rⁿ‘cut in strips’ siŕⁿí siŕⁿí-nṹ siŕⁿî:-rⁿò sìrⁿì-líMediopassive‘jump’ kiŕ-ì: kiŕ-é:-jú kiŕê:-rò kìr-è:-líThe verbal suffixes that do and do not trigger rv-Deletion for the relevantverb stems are listed in (xx2). Only suffixes beginning with a Cv syllable(whether or not the vowel is subject to apocope) are included.29

(xx2)Suffixes and rv-Deletiontrigger deletiondo not trigger deletiona. derivational-m Causative (rarely) -m Causative (usually)-rv Reversive (becomes -lv) -nv Inchoative-gv Causativeb. inflectional-jú ~ -nṹ Imperfective jɛ̀ Recent Perfect-rò Imperfective Negative-lí Perfective Negative-lá Stative Negative (infrequently)-tɛ́-jɛ̀ Experiential Perfect-táŋà Progressive-wɔ̀rɔ̀ Progressive Negative-lé Prohibitive-má Hortative-m-lé Hortative Negativec. subordinating-nì Different-Subject ‘while’ (§15.2.1.2)Examples can be found in the relevant sections of Chapters 9 and 10. Fromthe array of suffixes in (xx2), it is not clear how a synchronic phonologicalanalysis could neatly explain why some suffixes do and others do not allow rv-Deletion.Regarding Causative (and occasionally Passive) -m̀, rv-Deletion is attestedin a few high-frequency forms: gɛ̌-m̀ ‘cause to look’, gǎ-m̀ in dàgá gǎ-m̀ ‘allowto go past’, and bɛ̌-m̀ ‘be obtainable’. However, deletion is not productive here:aŕá-m̀ ‘nurse, give suck to’, wàrá-m̀ ‘have (animal) plow’, (kɛńɛ́) párá-m̀ ‘make(sb) angry’.For the Reversive (normally -rv), the phonology is non-transparent in taŕá‘affix, glue’ and reversive tá-lì ‘remove (sth affixed)’, and gòró ‘cover(opening)’ and reversive gǒ-lì ‘remove cover from (opening)’. Arguably thesuffixal /r/ dissimilates, becoming l, before rv-Deletion applies to the secondstem vowel.For the minor derivational suffixes that do not trigger rv-Deletion, examplesare yɔ̀rú-gí ‘become soft’ and gùrú-nì ‘become long’.rv-Deletion does not apply to most heavier stems, e.g. Cv:r(ⁿ)v- orCvCvr(ⁿ)v-. For example, (saň) ná:-rⁿì ‘remember’ and kiǵìrì ‘return’ retaintheir full shapes before suffixes, e.g. (Perfective Negative saň nà:-rⁿà-lí, kìgèrè-30

lí). It does not affect mediopassive derivatives of the shape Cvr(ⁿ)-i:, e.g. kiŕ-ì:‘jump’ (Perfective Negative kìr-è:-lí). There is, however, one irregular Cv:rvstem that does undergo rv-Deletion, namely jɛ̌:rì ‘bring’, which has forms likeProgressive jê:-táŋà.There are few opportunities for rv-Deletion to apply word-internally tostems other than verbs, because of very limited suffixation for those stems.However, there is an occasional compound or tightly-knit noun-adjectivesequence that shows the deletion. gìrⁿí ‘house’ occurs in gì-ná: ‘extendedfamily’, though no deletion occurs in other common compounds such as gìrⁿìdú‘courtyard (with its apartments)’, in more transparent compounds such aslɔ̀gɔ̀ [gìrⁿì tàr-ú] ‘earth for replastering’, or in sequences of ‘house’ with anadjective or numeral. àrⁿú ‘rain’ retains its segmental shape as compound initial:àrⁿù-dúrú ‘thunder’, àrⁿù-dí: ‘rainwater’. àrⁿá ‘man’ is also generally resistant torv-Deletion, but I can cite one case of deletion, namely, aǹ kaǹá ‘newlywedman’ (§5.1.8).The derivational suffix -ná in deadjectival extent nouns (§4.xxx) does nottrigger rv-Deletion: gù-gùrù-ná ‘length’, wò-wòrù-ná ‘depth’. LikewiseCharacteristic -giń, as in nùrⁿù-giń ‘sick person’.As for numerals, pɛŕú ‘10’ undergoes rv-Deletion to pɛ́- before a singledigitnumeral in compound numerals from ‘20’ to ‘90’, e.g. pɛ́-lɔý ‘20’(§4.7.1.3).3.5.4 SyncopeSyncope is deletion of a vowel medially in a word, i.e. of the second vowel inCvCvCv.Syncope is not widespread in TK, assuming that we treat it separately fromrv-Deletion. However, a short high vowel {i u} in the environment CvC_Cv isdeleted under certain conditions.daǹí-gì ~ daǹú-gù ‘make (sth) good, fix’ (§9.xxx)), irregular causative ofdàg-î: ‘be good, turn out well’, is normally heard in unsyncopated form in thebare stem and Perfective. The forms with stem-final a are generallysyncopated,e.g. Imperative daň-gá and Imperfective daň-gá-jú, though carefulpronunciations like daǹú-gá-jú can be elicited. The divergence within theparadigm suggests that a following high vowel disfavors Syncope, while afollowing a favors it.Syncope was not observed in nũǹú-gì ‘ruin’ or its paradigmatic forms suchas Imperative nũnú-gó. Since the n…g consonant sequence is the same as for‘make good, fix’, this suggests that a following o vowel, like a following highvowel, disfavors Syncope.kaẃá ‘become separated’ has an irregular causative kaẃ-gì, imperativekaẃ-gá. Assuming underlying /kawu-gv/, we again have Syncope, this time in31

all forms of the paradigm. This suggests that the preceding homorganic w playsfavors Syncope of u, regardless of the following vowel.more exx?3.5.5 ApocopeApocope is word-final deletion of a (short) vowel.3.5.5.1 Final High-Vowel ApocopeAs part of the general attrition of word-final segments, a final short high vowel{i u) is deleted under some conditions. Actual synchronic alternations arelimited to verbs.The important “bare stem” form ends, for some verbs including all heavystems (Cv:Cv, trisyllabic), in a final short high vowel. This final vowel isusually deleted after an unclustered {m n ŋ l }, i.e. any sonorant other than arhotic, semivowel, or ñ. There are, however, careful pronunciations with thefinal high vowel audible. Other forms of these verbs have a clear (nonhigh)vowel, for example in the Imperative. Examples are in (xx1).(xx1)Verb stem apocopebare stem Imperative glossgúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́ ‘take out’bàgá-m̀ bàgá-mú ‘cause to fall’wań̀ wańá ‘shallow-fry’mǎ:-ŋ̀ má:-ŋá ‘harden’pôl poĺó ‘break up’verbal noun, e.g. gǔŋ-∅ ‘taking out’Perfective - in combinations only: dè ‘if’3.5.6 Local consonant cluster rulesNone.32

3.5.7 Vowel-vowel and vowel-semivowel sequences3.5.7.1 Hiatus between adjacent vowels in reduplicationsThe hiatus between the vowel of a Cv- reduplicant (in this case just v-) and astem-initial vowel is filled by a phonetic glottal stop. See, for example, §4.1.4for nouns, and §10.2.1.4 (among others) for verbs.3.5.7.2 VV-ContractionThere are relatively few situations where two vowels come together at aboundary and contract. Some vocalic sequences are tolerated, even aside fromthe reduplications with glottal-stop hiatus. Verbs often show uncontractedsequences like oe and aɛ in the Perfective. Compound final -í:ⁿ ‘child’ is oftenuncontracted after an initial ending in a vowel, though various contracted formsalso occur (§5.xxx).Some pronouns contract with Quotative Subject (w)à, hence 1Sg má à,pronounced [mâ:], and 3Sg wɔ́ ɔ̀ from /wó wà/.The Imperfective Negative of verbs is -rò after a form of the stem withlengthened final vowel that also shifts from H-tone to {HL} (falling) tone, e.g.paǵâ:-rò ‘will not tie’. This is likely to have resulted from contraction of thestem with a bisyllabic suffix (complex).3.5.8 Local vowel-consonant interactions3.5.8.1 /i/ > u before labialThere is no productive process of this type, though short high vowels dofluctuate between i and u especially in verbs, and the consonantal environmentprobably plays a role in the phonetics.The alternation of mediopassive ìm-î: ‘lie down’, Stative ù-uḿò ‘be lyingdown’, and irregular causative ú:-ǹ ‘lay (sb, sth) down’ (perhaps from *úmú-ǹ)represents an isolated and archaic case.3.5.8.2 Monophthongization (/iy/ to i:, /uw/ to u:)Examples of this are Perfective nĩ́-ỳ ‘ate (meal)’, which is pronounced [ɲî:], andverbal noun of is bǔw-∅ (apocopated from /buẁ-ú/), which is pronounced [bǔ:],cf. verb buẁɔ́ ‘scrub’.33

3.6 CliticizationThere are no second-position (“special” or Wackernagel’s-position) clitics.It is difficult to justify (on precise phonological grounds) a distinctionbetween suffixes, clitics, and particles, and I cannot defect every orthographicdecision I have made in this respect.The best case for cliticization is when the putative clitic is reduced to asyllable-final consonant, pronounced with the final syllable of the precedingword. This is clearly the case with ≡y ‘it is’, which also acquires its tone fromthe preceding word (§11.xxx), and with the short allomorph ≡ǹ of Dativepostposition nì (§8.1.1).In verbal morphology, the boundary between suffixation and chaining is notclearcut, and some “suffixes” that follow the same form of the verb used innonfinal position in chains might be reanalysed as (auxiliary) verbs. See §10.1.1on this matter.3.7 TonesCurly brackets {} enclose tone contours, defined as combinations of H[igh] andL[ow], that are applied to stems of variable syllable and mora counts. Forexample, {LH} can be realized as a rising tone on a monosyllable, a LHsequence on a bisyllabic, and so forth. No brackets are used for such syllableby-syllablerepresentations, except that a contour tone on a syllable is expressedusing angled brackets. For example, {LH} could be realized in theory as (monosyllabic), as LH or L or H on a bisyllabic, and so forth.Syllables in TK are H, L, (rising), (falling), and (bellshaped).The tonal diacritics are, respectively, x́, x̀, x̌, x̂, and x, where x is avariable over vowels. is not a lexical tone contour for monosyllabicstems, but it does occur (in a predictable fashion) in the “bare form” (andrelated perfectives) of some verbs that have in other forms. Example:mɔ̌:ǹ ‘gather, assemble’ (from /mɔ̌:nù/). It also occurs in the ImperfectiveNegative of several verbs, e.g. bi:-rò ‘will not do’. Among nouns, one can citethe archaic compound ñɛ̌-yǹ 'girl; daughter' .In Dogon languages, verbs generally have restrictive tonal (as well asvocalic) properties that do not apply to non-verb stem-classes. Typically verbsbelong to either {H} or {LH} lexical classes, and the choice is partiallypredictable from the initial consonant (C 1 ). If C 1 is a voiced obstruent, we get{LH}, if C 1 is a voiceless obstruent we get {H}. If there is no C 1 , or if C 1 is asonorant, whether the stem is tonally {H} or {LH} is not predictable and mustbe learned verb by verb. By contrast, in these other Dogon languages, nouns,adjectives, and numerals have a broader range of lexically possible tone34

contours, to wit {H} {HL} {LH} {LHL} and (in Toro Tegu) {HLH}, and thereis absolutely no correlation of lexical tone with the C 1 or with any othersegmental property of the stem.In TK, verbs generally follow this widespread Dogon pattern. The basiclexical distinction is {H} versus {LH}, and if C 1 is an obstruent we can predictthe lexical tone (except in recent loanwords). However, there is an importantclass of verbs with a final high vowel in the “bare stem” and in some relatedforms. This class includes all stems of three or more moras (for example, alltrisyllabics), as well as some bimoraic bisyllabics. In this class, the bare stemhas a final L-tone, so the possibilities are {HL} and {LHL} allowing for thelexical distinction in the initial tone. Since the final L-tone in the bare stem ispredictable, and since it is absent in the imperative and some other inflectedforms, we could argue that the real lexical distinction for verbs of this class is{H} versus {LH}, exactly as in other verbs.Moreover, TK non-verb stem-classes have inched closer to verbs. They stilldiffer from verbs in showing no correlation of tone contour with initialconsonant type. However, they have replaced {HL} by {H} and {LHL} by{LH}. There is likewise no sign of {HLH}, if it existed in relevant protolanguages.The effect is to consolidate non-verb stem-class tone contoursaround {H} and {LH}, as in verbs.It should be added immediately that lexical tone contours of all stem-classes(except expressive adverbials) are subject to partial modification or to fullerasure, as syntactically or suffixally controlled tone contours are overlaid onsome or all syllables of the stem. For example, all stem-classes drop their tonesto {L} in specified morphosyntactic contexts, and some nouns have an {HL}tone when possessed.3.7.1 Lexical tone patterns3.7.1.1 At least one H-tone in each stemAll verb, noun, adjective, and numeral stems have at least one H-tone in theirbasic lexical form. There is no indication in the paradigms of monosyllabicverbs that any of them have underlying {L} tone contour. The important effectof this is that a morphosyntactically controlled {L} contour, when overlaid on astem, is always audible.35

3.7.1.2 Lexical tone contours of verbsIn the bare stem and in the closely related Perfective, the possible lexicalcontours for verb stems are {H}, {LH}, and {HL}. The {LHL} contour islimited to cases where a final vowel has been apocopated, as in mɔ̌:ǹ ‘gather,assemble’. The tone contour of a verb stem is partially predictable from a) theinitial consonant, and b) whether the stem ends in a high or non-high vowel(representing two major classes of verbs). With the exception of one (partially)Cv: verb (‘take away’), the {HL} and {LHL} stems show the final L-tone onlyon the final high vowel of the bare stem or Perfective, and appear as {H} and{LH}, respectively, before other suffixes such as Imperfective -jú. One cantherefore treat them as special cases of {H} and {LH}, respectively.The facts are summarized in (xx1).(xx1)Syllabic shape and lexical tone contours of verbspossible contourscommenta. Cv{H}{LH}only ó ‘give’, nú ‘go in’, tí ‘send’, gí ‘say’only ɔ̌ ‘see’ (treated as ɔ́- in some inflections)b. Ce/Cv: (irregular){LH} only yě ‘go’, presuffixal yǎ:-{HL} only jê ‘take away’, presuffixal jâ:-c. Cv:, also CvCv with final nonhigh vowel in bare stem{H} required with C 1 = voiceless obstruentsome with C 1 = sonorant or zero{LH} required with C 1 = voiced obstruentsome with C 1 = sonorant or zerod. CvCv with final high vowel in bare stem{H} e.g. piŕⁿí ‘milk (a cow)’{HL} e.g. poŕì ‘say’, gúŋ̀ < /gúŋù/ ‘remove’e. Cv:Cv and longer stems with final high vowel in bare stem{HL} required with C 1 = voiceless obstruentsome with C 1 = sonorant or zeroa few loanwords with C 1 = voiced obstruent{LHL} usual with C 1 = voiced obstruentsome with C 1 = sonorant or zero36

The association of {H} and heavy {HL} with initial voiceless obstruent,and conversely of {LH} and heavy {LHL} with initial voiced obstruent, is fairlyrobust. Leaving aside the odd heavy {HL} loanword in (xx1.e), like jańtì ‘bekidding’, the stems that challenge the correlation with voicing are those in(xx1.d). This is probably because stems like gúŋ̀ ‘remove’ (apocopated from/gúŋù/) that really should be {LHL}, because of their affiliation to the subset of(xx1.e) with initial voiced obstruent, do not have enough moras to easilyarticulate three tone elements, and reduce to {HL}.3.7.1.3 Lexical tone contours for unsegmentable noun stemsFor uncompounded and unpossessed common nouns, the normal lexical tonecontours are {H} and {LH}.A difficulty in studying nominal tones is the thin line between beingcompounded and simple, and between being reduplicated and simple. Tonalpatterns, notably the position of tone breaks, suggest that many nouns that onlyoccur in one form are nonetheless analysed by native speakers as containingeither a compound break or a reduplicative break.The lexical tone contours are exemplified in (xx1).(xx1)Lexical tone contours for morphologically simple noun stemsa. {H}í:ⁿtoǵúlaśiŕíb. {LH}ñɛ̌gìrⁿídɛ̀:rⁿɛ́puǹǎyⁿòsoŕó‘child’‘shed’‘couscous’‘woman’‘house’‘rest’‘flour’‘earth’c. [for {HL} and one case of {HLH}, see below]There is no issue regarding the tone break in the {H} stems, but the issue isproblematic for the {LH} stems; see §3.xxx, below.Personal names and toponyms may have {HL} contours. There isconsiderable variation in the pronunciation of personal names like ‘Seydou’ and‘Fanta’, which occur in all Malian languages. In TK they sometimes havecontours ending in H (like common nouns), and sometimes have final L (as in37

several neighboring languages). The list of local village names in §1.2 showsseveral with {HL} and {LHL} tones, which are not allowed formorphologically simple common nouns. Among morphologically complexcommon nouns, {LHL} is notably present in àrⁿá-ỳⁿ ‘boy’ and ñɛ̌-yǹ ‘girl’,which end in a reduced form of ‘child’ as compound final (§4.1.2).In the infrequent {HL} noun like ɔńsaǹ ‘cemetery’ that is not transparentlycompounded, one suspects nonetheless that it is still treated prosodically as acompound. Compare Jamsay cognate ɔẁⁿɔ̀-sǎyⁿ.{HL} and {LHL} adverbs, including some that are rather noun-like, arewell attested. For example, ‘last year’ is nàŋuŕⁿù, and ‘day after tomorrow’ isyògò-dɛŕⁿɛ̀ (with yògó ‘tomorrow’).The word for ‘(non-boiling) kettle’ is sátàlá, with a unique {HLH} contour,best heard in sátàlá mà ‘my kettle’. The final H-tone is otherwise hard to hear.This noun is found in all languages in the region.3.7.1.4 Lexical tone contours for adjectives and numeralsUncompounded adjectives have the same lexical choice between {H} and {LH}as uncompounded common nouns. See §4.5.1, below, for a long list.kùrújù is either an adjective or a compound final with rare {LHL} contour.It denotes the occasional cow-pea or roselle seed that is too hard to use for food,e.g. nì: kùrújù.3.7.1.5 Tone-Component location for verb stemsCvCvCv and Cv:Cv stems are the most useful for identifying tone-breaklocations.{LH} and {LHL} stems, i.e. those with an initial L-tone segment, show thebreak from L to H as close as possible to the left edge. A trisyllabic example is{LHL} bare stem yɔ̀rú-gì ‘slacken’ with {LH}-toned imperative yɔ̀rú-gɔ́. ACv:Cv example is {LHL}-toned mɔ̌:ǹ ‘assemble’ and its {LH}-toned stem inImperfective mɔ̌:nɔ́-nṹ.Aside from ‘take away’, most of whose forms are based on jâ:-, a final L-tone occurs only on the final syllable of stems ending in a short high vowel, andeven for them only in the bare stem and Perfective. This affects heavy {LHL}-toned verb stems (Cv:Cv, CvCvCv), as seen just above in yɔ̀rú-gì and mɔ̌:ǹ. Inthe other suffixed forms, and in the Imperative, these verbs lose the final L-tone,shifting from {LHL} to {LH}.For {HL}-toned CvCvCv stems, which likewise lose the final L-tone inmost inflected forms but show it in the bare stem and Perfective, the tone break38

can be after the first or second syllable. The data in §10.xxx show a strongcorrelation of Cv́Cv̀Cv̀ with C 3 = rhotic as in pińì-rⁿì ‘open (door)’, and ofCvĆv́Cv̀ with C 3 = other than rhotic.3.7.1.6 Tone-break location for bitonal noun stemsHere we focus on uncompounded, underived {LH}-toned common nouns.There is of course no tone break in the other normal contour for such nouns,namely {H}. Angled brackets indicate contour tones in specific syllables, soCv̀Cv̌: is represented as L.For monosyllabic {LH} nouns, the break is of course within the singlesyllable: mɔ̌ ‘gum arabic’, dɛň ‘waterjar’, dɔ̌yⁿ ‘pestle’, biň ‘belly’. It should benoted that CvC is not a completely regular shape for nouns; dɔ̌yⁿ is probably anold compound ending in ‘child’, and biň still varies with biǹí.For nonmonosyllabic stems, it is advisable to begin by separating offapparent Cv- reduplications, or rather by disregarding the tone of the initialsyllable. For example, rather than treating Cv̀-Cv́Cv́ and Cv̀-Cv̀Cv́ as LHH andLLH, respectively, with a lexical choice of tone-break location, it makes moresense to treat them as reduplicated derivatives of ordinary bisyllabic {H} and{LH} stems, respectively, i.e. as L-HH and L-LH including the hyphen. Thetone breaks are no longer problematic phonologically. Examples are in (xx1).For a fuller list and more discussion, see §4.1.4.(xx1)Nouns with L-toned reduplicanta. CvCvL-Hgɛ̀gɛ́L-nũǹũ̌b. CvCv:L-Hdèdé:kòkó:L-kòkǒ:c. CvCvCvL-HHkùkuḿóL-LH‘jaundice’‘cold weather’‘father’ (dialectal variant dèdě:)‘scab’; ‘slough [noun]’ (Jamsay kògó)‘(fish) scale; (tree) bark’ (Jamsay kì-kǒw)‘smoke’39

kàkàrá‘armpit’Other bisyllabic and trisyllabic {LH} nouns, including nominal compoundfinals, are illustrated in (xx1). Any longer (i.e. quadrisyllabic) stem is likely tobehave tonally like a compound.(xx1)Morphologically simple {LH}-toned nounsa. CvCvLHnàŋádoǹógìrⁿíàrⁿágùjúguǹsańLfinal i̊ⁿmuǹĩňgùriňother[none]c. Cv:CvLHlà:rátà:rádɛ̀:ŋɛ́gè:jégɛ̀:mɛ́wò:míbà:nã́bɔ̀:nɔ́sùgùrù-jè:léL[none]d. CvCvC, CvCv:LHbàsá:ⁿràsá:kèpí:sàpó:bùtɔ́:ⁿsiǹgɔḿ‘cow’‘cat’‘house’‘man’‘skin’‘plain (topography)’‘Mossi (person)’‘Gourou(person)’‘fields next to the village’‘collective hunt’‘earthenware pot’‘thin cotton thread’‘shard’‘pancake-like cake’‘eating bowl’‘shoulderbag’‘earring’‘bassam (fabric)’‘sneaker’ (

Lpuǹǎyⁿmòtǎme. CvCCv and Cv:CCvlàmpańaǹdańpàrnípɔ̀rsɔńpà:ndékògò-tɔ̀:ŋɔ́‘flour, powder’‘scorpion’‘lamp’ (loanword)‘tiny fly sp.’‘fritters’ (

kaǹ-kɛ̀ruẁɛ́iǹsìrⁿítìŋìrⁿípìrìgíbòlòsíàrùkópòrùkɛ́nàmàsálɛ̀-lìgìjíbàràdáLLgɔǹɔ̀sɔň‘sideburns’‘urine’‘baobab fruit’‘wide-brimmed hat’‘cotton fabric’‘boubou (robe)’‘long boubou’‘banana’‘slashing earth (not in rows)’‘tea keetle’‘slave-snatcher’LHLkǎwrù bè:‘excuse me!’ (confirmed)writeFor bi- and tritonal noun stems, where are the tone breaks in CvCv, Cv:Cv,CvCCv, CvCvC, etc. Before last syllable (even if heavy) as in CvCv: andCvCvC, before last mora as in CvCv: and CvCvC, or before last vocalic moraas in CvCv: and CvCvC? Or is the choice lexically variable?3.7.1.7 Tone-break location for tritonal noun stemswriteSimilar to preceding, paying attention to syllabic structure especially of finalsyllable. Nouns usually prefer LLH rather than LHH, even in languages thathave LHH as the {LH} contour for verbs.3.7.2 Grammatical tone patternswritesubsections below discuss how the morphology and syntax change the lexicaltone contours of stems. Distinguish stem-wide tone overlays (which erase theunderlying lexical tone contour) from local modifications.42

3.7.2.1 Grammatical tones for verb stemsThe tone contours overlaid on verb stems are generally morphological (wordlevel)rather than syntactic in nature.The Imperfective Negative does not cast a tone contour over the entire verbstem, instead it merely lengthens the final vowel and adds a final L-toneelement to it (to give it a falling tone). Thus paǵâ:-rò ‘will not tie’ from paǵá,but dàgâ:-rò ‘will not leave’, preserving the distinction between verbs withinitial H- and initial L-tones.The Perfective Negative suffix -lí, on the other hand, controls stem-widetone-dropping on the verb, so the lexical tone contour is erased. Thus pàgà-lí‘did not tie’ and dàgà-lí ‘did not leave’, with no difference in stem tones.The Perfective (positive) generally preserves lexical tones, but Cv̌: stemshave Cv́-é/ɛ́ instead of Cv̀-é/ɛ́.In the Imperative, {LH}-toned Cv̌: and Cv̀Cv́ stems become {H}-toned.Further tonal changes occur in focalized clauses and in relative clauses.3.7.2.2 Grammatical tones for noun stemsNouns are subject to three morphosyntactically controlled tone-contour overlayprocessed.The first is tone-dropping controlled by a following modifying adjective ordemonstrative, or due to function as head NP of a relative. Tone-dropping isphonologically simple: all H-tones drop to L, so the entire stem has {L}contour. See chapter 6 for interactions of nouns with adjectives anddemonstratives, and chapter 14 for relative clauses.The second is a possessed-noun contour that is controlled by a preceding(but not following) possessor. The preceding possessor may be a pronoun (otherthan 1Sg) or a nonpronominal NP. The lexical tone contour of the possessednoun is erased, replaced by {H} if the stem is light and {HL} if it is heavy(three or more moras).The possessed-noun contour and the tone-dropped contour do not conflictin relative clauses, since possessors of a relative head NP are restructured intoappositional forms that do not interact with the head NP tonally. However, thepossessed-noun contour and the tone-dropped contour do potentially conflict incombinations like [possessor [noun adjective]], where the noun is subject to a{H} or {HL} possessed-noun contour from one direction, and to a tone-droppedcontour controlled by the adjective from the other. In this case, the possessorwins out; indeed, the adjective as well as the noun are subject to the possessednouncontour, which is always {HL} in this case.43

The third context where a noun is subject to tonal overlays is in compounds.For the most part, this involves either tone-dropping to {L}, or a {H} contourlike that of possessed nouns.3.7.2.3 Grammatical tones for adjectivesAdjectives undergo the same tonal processes as nouns, insofar as they can occurin the same positions.3.7.2.4 Grammatical tones for numeralswrite section based on chap 4 and 6Final word in unpossessed core NP (often an adjective) not a relative-clausehead is not tone-dropped. With a possessor (‘Seydou’s big house’), the overlaidpossessed-NP contour {L} pr {HL} should apply to the first word (i.e. the nounstem), so that {HL} is realized as on a monosyllabic noun, with the lowtonein {L} or {HL} then spreading to the end of the core NP (i.e. to allmodifying adjectives), as in [Seydou(‘s) dog.HL big.L].Does the low tone also spread to a numeral, as in [Seydou(‘s) dog.HL three.L]?If determiners induce tone-dropping, check these possessed-NP patterns in NPswithout an overt determiner.Cardinal numeral should be tonally autonomous from core NP (if no possessor,and if not relative-clause head). Usually a numeral and (the final word of) thecore NP simultaneously tone-drop as relative clause head (‘[a/the] three dogswho barked’) and, in languages where determiners force tone-dropping, beforea determiner (‘these three dogs’, ‘the three dogs’).3.7.2.5 Grammatical tones for demonstrativeswrite44

3.7.3 Tonal morphophonologywritethe more purely phonological side of tonology3.7.3.1 Autosegmental tone association (verbs)writeEspecially for verbs, it may be possible to detach the tone contour, e.g. {LH},from the segmental and syllabic level(s). In this case, the L and the H of {LH}must be connected to various syllabic shapes by explicit rules. The tone breakmay be after the first (vocalic) mora or before the final (vocalic) mora (=finalsyllable, if no final long vowels on nonmonosyllabic verb stems), depending onthe language. This autosegmental approach is most useful in languages with thelatter pattern, since it accounts directly for the tone contour of suffixalderivatives (reversive, causative), as in CvCv, derived CvCv-Cv.3.7.3.2 Phonology of H(H…)L and H(L…)L tone overlayswritesummary of data presented elsewhere as to how the {HL} contour is expressedin various word classes and morphological contexts, for example HLL or HHLon trisyllabics.Consider: {HL} as lexical contour for nouns, adjectives, numerals; {HL} aspossessed-noun contour; any {HL} contours in verbal morphology; {HL} onadjective or numeral as compound final in bahuvrihi compounds (‘Blackbeard’,‘three-head[ed]’); and special tone contours in iterated (fully reduplicated)verbs, e.g. {HL}-{L}-{L}… iterations of verbs to emphasize prolongation of anactivity (such as motion) in a story. The different contexts may involve differentways of applying the H and L components, e.g. HLL versus HHL.3.7.3.3 Atonal-Morpheme Tone-SpreadingMost affixes, clitics, and subordinating particles have intrinsic tones, so there islimited scope for a role accounting for the tones of intrinsically atonalmorphemes.However, verbal derivational suffixes like Reversive -rv- get their tone(high in most inflected forms) by spreading from the verb stem to the left,45

subject to possible erasure by overlaid tone contours controlled by inflectionalcategories.The postvocalic allomorph ≡y of the ‘it is’ clitic is atonal, acquiring its toneby spreading from the syllable that it forms part of. Thus fańtà≡ỳ ‘it’s Fanta’,ú≡ý ‘it’s you-Sg’. See also Contour-Tone Stretching (§3.7.4.2).3.7.3.4 Tone polarizationTonal dissimilation of two morphemes, by which one adopts the tone oppositeto that of the adjacent morpheme, is not a regular process in TK. However, thecopulas kɔ̀ (Nonhuman), wɔ̀ (Human Singular), and wè (Human Plural) shift toH-tone when preceded by an all-{L}-toned expressive adverbial, such as thoselisted in (xx1.f) in §8.4.6. Example: sɔỳ kɔ́ ‘it is oily’. Since expressiveadverbials are the only word-class that allow all-{L}-toned stems, this tonalpolarization is rather limited.The other place in the grammar where a kind of tonal polarization occurs isin decimal numerals. These all begin in a form of pɛŕú ‘10’ that has undergonerv-Deletion to pɛ-. This pɛ- polarizes tonally vis-à-vis the initial tone of thefollowing single-digit numeral, with the exception of pɛ́-lɔ́y ‘20’. Thus pɛ́-tà:nù‘30’, but pɛ̀-kuŕé: ‘60’.3.7.4 Low-level tone rules3.7.4.1 Rising-Tone Mora-AdditionThis process does not occur in TK, where vowels are not lengthened toaccomodate contour tones. There are many Cv̌ stems with short vowels andrising tone; see §3.xxx. Although {HL}-toned stems are not allowed in themajor stem-classes, there are some Cv̂ functional elements such as sâⁿ ‘all’.3.7.4.2 Contour-Tone StretchingThere are few word-final CvC syllables since most final sonorants have beenlost. The -C suffixes (Singular and Plural for nouns and adjectives, pronominalsubject for verbs) that are so common in other Dogon languages are likewiseabsent. So there is not much need for a rule stretching out a contour tone when afinal consonant is added.However, the (atonal) ‘it is’ clitic allomorph ≡y can be added to amonosyllabic noun with rising tone, e.g. kɔň ‘daba (hoe)’. I write the result as46

kɔň≡yń for purposes of structural clarity, but a phonetically more accuratetranscription would be kɔǹ≡yń, with the arc of the rising tone spread out over thesyllable.3.7.4.3 Final-Tone ResyllabificationwriteCv̌ or Cv̂ before Cv clitic3.7.4.4 Rightward H-SpreadingThe spreading of a H-tone element to subsequent syllables, erasing or displacingprior L-tones, is not a common process in TK. For example, the {HL} contouroverlaid on heavy nouns by a preceding possessor is realized as HLL on atrisyllabic noun and as HL on a heavy bisyllabic noun, and remains so evenwhen the noun is followed by a {L}-toned postposition. Thus noun sí:nɛ́ ‘knife’,{HL} possessed form sí:nɛ̀ in e.g. ɛ́mɛ́ sí:nɛ̀ ‘our knife’, and no further tonalchange in PP [ɛ́mɛ́ sí:nɛ̀] bè] ‘with our knife’.However, there is some H-tone spreading in phonologically similarenvironments in relative clauses, where the H-tone originates in the relevantword itself. There is a position following the relative clause proper where a{L}-toned noun or number marker can occur, essentially resuming or agreeingwith the clause-internal head NP. This can be bàŋà ‘owner’ (for humansingular), Human Plural nà, or a noun like ‘place’, ‘time’, or ‘manner’. Whensuch a {L}-toned word is present, a word at the end of the relative clause (e.g. arelative Perfective verb, or quantifier sâⁿ ‘all’) that otherwise would have{(L)HL} contour spreads its H-tone to the end of the word, so that the tonebreak coincides with the boundary of the relative clause proper.A number of examples are given in Chapter 14. For example, the verb ‘takedown’ has a relative Perfective form suńú-g-ì in the absence of a following {L}-toned word resuming the head NP. However, when Plural nà is added, we getsuńú-g-í nà, see ex. (xx3.a) in §14.1.8.1.3.7.4.5 Stranded-Tone Re-LinkingA tone may be stranded due to the deletion of the vowel it was previouslyassociated with. The relevant phonological processes that can strand a tone areApocope and Syncope (vowel-deletion rules affecting short high vowels in47

some medial and some final positions), and rv-Deletion which deletes thesecond syllable of some CvCv stems (mostly verbs) before a suffix.The stranded tone re-links to the left. When the tone of the deleted vowel isidentical to that of the preceding syllable, no audible re-linking occurs. Forexample, from poŕì ‘say’ we expect Imperfective poŕó-jú, but since this stem issubject to rv-Deletion the actual result is pó-jú. We could laboriously derive thisfrom /póró-jú/, becoming /póH-jú/ with H = unlinked H-tone, becoming pó-júby merger of the first two H-tones. Or we could just take poŕó as having a singlestem-level H-tonal autosegment, with no relocation required on the deletion ofthe second syllable. However, when the stem is {LH}-toned, as in gàrá ‘pass’,the H-tone element does re-link to the left when the second syllable is deleted,resulting in a rising tone in e.g. Imperfective gǎ-jú.Similar examples involving Apocope of a word-final /u/ are bare stem wań̀‘shallow-fry’ from /wańù/, and verbal noun dɔẁ́-∅ ‘going up’ from /dɔẁ-ú/.Syncope is less common in TK, but in cases like Imperative daň-gá ‘fix,make good’ from /daǹú-gá/ we get the same leftward re-linking.3.7.4.6 Nonfinal Contour-Tone Simplification (Cv̂ or Cv̌ to Cv́)Nonfinal Cv syllables within a word cannot carry a contour tone and mustsimplify. In TK the simplification is from eithet Cv̂ or Cv̌ to Cv́.A Cv̂C word is occasionally followed by the ‘it is’ clitic (§11.xxx) in theform ≡i: (with tone acquired by spreading from the preceding host word). It isdifficult to find such combinations, given the absence of {HL}-toned nouns.However, a {HL}-toned postposition like bîn ‘in’ can be followed by the clitic,in an abstract sense indicating the topic of discourse (not the location of aspecific object). In (xx1.b), we see that the {HL}-tone of bîn is split, with the H-tone remaining on the postpositional vowel and the L-tone realized on the clitic.This is because biń]≡ì: is syllabified as . While the syllable bîncan easily accomodate a {HL}-tone contour, a nonfinal Cv syllable cannot, sothe syllable simplifies its tone to high. There is no loss of lexical tone-contourinformation, since the clitic has acquired the L-tone part of {HL} by spreading.(xx1) a. gìrⁿí bîn ‘in the house’b. [gìrⁿí biń]≡i:[house in]≡it.is ‘in the house’‘It is (i.e. we are talking about) in the house’A final rising tone on a short vowel is possible for a stem (other than averb) in isolation (xx1.a), but not word-medially. Addition of a suffix and/or48

clitic to a noun may reposition the stem-final Cv̌ syllable as word-medial. Therelevant combination is that with the ‘it is’ clitic, which (for certain nouns) ispreceded by Singular suffix -n. In (xx2.b), /dɔ̀gɔňí:/ has been tonally reshapedas dɔ̀gɔńí:, with the disallowed medial Cv̌ syllable simplified from rising to hightone.(xx1) a. dɔ̀gɔň ‘Dogon person’b. nɔ́: dɔ̀gɔ́-n≡í:Prox Dogon-Sg≡it.is‘(He/She) is a Dogon’The tonal simplification does not apply to combinations involving Plural bèor postpositions: dɔ̀gɔň bè ‘Dogon people’, duẁɔ̀lɛň bè ‘with a mirror’.Monosyllabic stems do retain, though subtly, the full {LH} tone in thisconstruction: jɔň ‘dye-er, member of dye-er caste’, jɔ̌-n≡í: ‘(he/she) is a dye-er’.The initial L-tone segment is difficult to hear, but is (subtly) audible when a H-tone precedes, as in wó jɔ̌-n≡í: ‘he/she is a dye-er’ with 3Sg subject wó. Thedifference between dɔ̀gɔň and jɔň is of course that shifting the rising tone to H-tone would completely erase the L-tone in the lexical contour in jɔň, but not indɔ̀gɔň.In cases where a Cv̀rv́ or Cv̀rⁿv́ verb stem with lexical {LH} tone contourundergoes rv-Deletion before a suffix, the {LH} tone is reconstituted on thesurviving Cv syllable, as the delinked H-tone element joins the L-tone elementto its left. For example, gàrá ‘pass, go past’ forms Imperfective gǎ-jú. In thiscontext, my assistant did normally articulate the rising tone, in spite of thephonetic difficulty in doing so. Again, the simplification of rising tone to H failsto apply when it would totally erase part of the lexical tone contour.discussion of Cv verbsgúŋ̀ etc.3.8 Intonation contours3.8.1 Phrase and clause--final terminal contours (⇑, ⇒, ⇒, ⇒)writeThis refers to the kind of clause- or phrase-final pitch modifications (rising orfalling tone) that occur in all languages, for example final rising pitch toindicate that a “paragraph” is not finished, that the speaker wishes to hold thefloor, or that a question is being asked. Explain the notation that you use intexts to indicate such phenomena.49

3.8.2 Adverbs and particles with lexically specified prolongation (⇒)Intonational prolongation of the final syllable is based into certain adverbial andgrammatical lexical items.This includes expressive adverbials such as dɛẃⁿ=> ‘straight’ anddɛýⁿ=> ‘separate, apart, distinct’. In these two cases, the final semivowel isprolonged.3.8.3 Dying-quail intonational effect ∴Both conjuncts (‘X and Y’) of a conjoined NP are characterized by the dyingquailintonation, involving prolongation and (if ending on a H-tone) slow pitchdecline.50

4 Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology4.1 Nouns4.1.1 Simple nouns and Plural bèThe singular of all nouns is morphologically unmarked. This form is also usedas indefinite plural. A (Definite) Plural is expressed by a particle bè (§6.xxx).Prost writes this as “be” alternating with “we”.(xx1) gloss unmarked (Definite) Plurala. 'sheep' péjú péjú bè'dog' ìsí ìsí bè'snake' lú:ró lú:ró bè'thing' ɔ̀jɔ́ ɔ̀jɔ́ bèb. 'man' àrⁿá àrⁿá bè'woman' ñɛ̌ ñɛ̌ bè'blacksmith' jɛḿɛ́ jɛḿɛ́ bè'house' gìrⁿí gìrⁿí bè'person' nǎ nǎ́ bè'cow' nàŋá nàŋá bèc. 'Dogon person' dɔ̀gɔň dɔ̀gɔň bè'Fulbe person' puĺɛ́:ⁿ puĺɛ́:ⁿ bèAlthough there is no synchronic suffixation for number or human/animatecategory, there are many nouns with human reference that end in a nasalizedvowel that probably reflects an original suffix, compare Jamsay Singular -n andPlural -m for ordinary human nouns (but absent from most kin terms). Inaddition to ‘Dogon person’ and ‘Fulbe person’ in (xx1.c), above, furtherexamples are gùriň ‘Gourou person’, tɛĺɛń ‘Tellem person’, sɛ́:giń ‘Segemperson (carpenter caste)’. The nasalization can no longer be easily segmented,and it is questionably audible in nasal contexts as with tèŋǐ(ⁿ) ‘Tengou person’.It is also subject to possible confusion with reduced forms of -í:ⁿ ‘child’ ascompound final (§5.xxx). See §3.4.2 for more examples and discussion.51

As noted in §3.xxx, short-voweled Cv and long-voweled Cv: are clearlydistinguished in TK noun stems. Cv noun stems are quite numerous, and includesome original verbal nouns of the type that appears as Cv̌-y in e.g. Jamsay.Some kin terms still show alternations including a form with final nasalizedɛ́:ⁿ. With ‘(man’s) sister’, for example, my assistant (inconsistently) replacedthe post-possessor form laŕá with lárɛ́:ⁿ in the plural, see ‘Seydou’s sisters’ in(xx2.c).(xx2)‘(man’s) sister’a. unpossessedlàrálàrá‘a sister’‘sisters’b. with 1Sg possessor (postposed)làrá mà‘my sister’làrá mà bè ‘my sisters’c. with preposed possessorsè:dú laŕá ‘Seydou’s sister’sè:dú laŕɛ́:ⁿ bè ‘Seydou’s sisters’sè:dú laŕá bè "With ɛ̀gɛ́ ‘husband’, on the other hand, nasalized ɛǵɛ́:ⁿ is the regular postpossessorform, singular as well as plural: wó ɛǵɛ́:ⁿ ‘her husband’, compare ɛ̀gɛ́mà ‘my husband’ with postposed possessor.4.1.2 Irregular nouns (‘woman’, ‘child’, ‘person’, ‘thing’)'Woman' (ñɛ̌), 'man' (àrⁿá), 'thing' (ɔ̀jɔ́), and 'person' (nǎ), see the precedingsection), present no irregularities However, 'child' along with its (human)derivatives has a special plural form.(xxx) gloss singular plurala. 'child' í:ⁿ uŕⁿí:b. 'boy' àrⁿá-yǹ àrⁿá-ùrⁿù (bè)'girl' ñɛ̌-yǹ ñɛ̌-ùrⁿù (bè)(Singular) 'child' í:ⁿ is distinguished by vowel length from the 1Sg pronouniń. Note, however, the desyllabification to -yǹ in (xx1.b). In other compounds,52

-í:ⁿ is sometimes pronounced in its full form, and sometimes contracts with astem-final vowel (§5.xxx, below).4.1.3 ‘So-and-so’ (àmá:n)àmá:n ‘is used as a variable over personal names in generalized contexts, cf.English So-and-so, French un tel, Arabic fulaan-, and the like.4.1.4 Initial Cv- reduplication in nounsA number of nouns (and adverbs) appear to have an initial Cv- reduplication,with both the consonant and the vowel quality (and, usually, tone) copied fromthe stem. The vowel of the reduplicant is short even when based on a longvowel in the stem. In the great majority of cases, the stems does not occurelsewhere (to my knowledge) in unreduplicated form, so the segmentability ofthe reduplicant is not transparent. I will therefore normally transcribe themwithout a hyphen except when the base is vowel-initial.In a couple of examples, there is in fact language-internal evidence forsegmenting the reduplicant. For nuǹùŋú ‘sun’, comparison with nùŋù ná:‘daybreak’ confirms the segmentability of the reduplication. For puṕuǵɔ́ ‘out ofshape [adj]’, the related verb pú:gù ‘get out of shape’ hints at segmentability.For dùdùgiń ‘sorceror’, the comparison is with verb dùgó and its cognatenominal duǵó, which co-occur in the combination duǵó dùgó ‘cast spells’. Seealso the comments below on tone contours.(xx1)Cv-reduplicated nouns (except CvCv)a. noun stemsH-toned reduplicant and {H}-toned basegoǵoŕó ‘padlock’guǵuŕú ‘grass, herbaceous plants’kiḱíjí‘grain spike’ (usually a compound final)woẃoŕó ‘outhouse for bathing’ñɛń̃ɛŕⁿɛ́ ‘air, breeze’nɔńɔ́:rⁿɔ́ ‘scar [noun]’L-toned reduplicant and {LH}-toned basekòkǒ:‘scale (of fish)’; ‘tree bark’ (Jamsay kì-kǒw)ù-ùgɔ́‘steam; hot weather’ (pronounced [ùʔùgɔ́])nɛǹɛ̀ŋɛ́ ‘groin’kàkàrá ‘armpit’dɛ̀dɛ̀gú ‘patience’53

gùgùjú ‘giant pouched rat’kɔ̀kɔ̀jú ‘viper’tɔ̀tɔ̀jú‘calf (of leg)’bɔ̀bɔ̀rú ‘sediments (in liquid)’kìkiỳé ‘edible winged termite’kàkàlá ‘secrecy, stealth’kàkàrań ‘noisy bustard sp.’ (onomatopoeic)sùsùlɛń ‘branch used as whip’nɔǹɔ̀:rⁿɔ́ ‘spider’s web’tùtù:rú ‘young man’s horn’nasalized vowel in reduplicantsɔǹsɔǹɔ́ ‘sand’tɔǹtɔ̀rⁿɛ́ ‘bell’kɛǹkɛ̀rⁿɛ́ ‘courser (bird)’L-toned reduplicant and {H}-toned basegɛ̀gɛ́‘jaundice’dèdé:‘father’ (dialectal variant dèdě:)bàbá:‘grandfather’naǹá:‘grandmother’tèté:‘kite (hawk)’tòtó:‘tin can’; ‘jewelry box’kòkó:‘scab’; ‘slough [noun]’ (Jamsay kògó)kèké:‘craziness’kɛ̀kɛ́:‘beetle’tàtaǵá‘joking, kidding [noun]’kìkíjí‘bat (mammal)’kùkuḿó ‘smoke’tɔ̀tɔǵú‘gecko’pìpiŕí‘butterfly’tìtiŕí‘errand, mission’nasalized vowel in reduplicantkɛǹkɛẃⁿɛ́ ‘mosquito’gɔǹgɔŕⁿɔ́ ‘honey ant (Camponutus)’H-toned reduplicant, L-toned onset of basebase is {L}tétèrè: ‘miracle’teń-tèŋè ‘zorilla (mammal)’, variant of téŋéb. nominal compound initials and finalsH-toned reduplicant and {H}-toned baselù:rò-kuḱuŕú ‘puff adder’ (lú:ró ‘snake’)L-toned reduplicant and {LH}-toned basekɛǹɛ̀-làlàgá ‘spleen’ (cf. kɛńɛ́ ‘heart/liver’)nùmɔ̀-sàsàgá ‘small bracelet’ (“hand-jewel”)L-toned reduplicant and {H}-toned base54

mɔ̀-kàkaŕá ‘loud laughter’ (“laugh-[onomatopoeia]”)nùmɔ̀-tɔ̀tɔǵú ‘elbow’ (“hand-…”)kà: tòtoǵó ‘praying mantis’ (“grasshopper …”)puǹaỳⁿ-sɔ̀sɔŕɔ́ ‘flour that sticks to mortar’ (“flour-…”)compound initial (tones dropped)àrùkò nẽǹ̃èrè-jǎ ‘type of boubou (robe)’dìdì-kɛ́:dú ‘tickling [noun]’compound final or possessed-noun contour (tones dropped)ò:gú pòpòrò ‘outbreak of watery sores’ (“sweat …”)c. adjective stemsH-toned reduplicant and {H}-toned basewɔẃɔŕú ‘fast (in action)’L-toned reduplicant and {H}-toned basepɔ̀pɔ́:‘innocent’jòjó:‘much, many’d. other stem-classkà:ná sàsaỳ‘right now’ (kà:ná ‘now’)In the list above, two further phonological points arise. First, when the stembegins with a vowel, the reduplicant is limited to a copy of this vowel, the twobeing separated by a hiatus-marking phonetic glottal stop: ù-ùgɔ́ ‘steam’, whichis pronounced [ùʔùgɔ́].Secondly, when the stem is of the type TvNv with an initial nonnasalconsonant T and a medial nasal consonant N, the vowel of the reduplicant isnasalized in some cases, resulting in Tvⁿ-TvNv. Nasalization was heard insɔǹsɔǹɔ́ ‘sand’, tɔǹtɔ̀rⁿɛ́ ‘bell’, gɔǹgɔ́rⁿɔ́ ‘honey ant’, kɛǹkɛẃⁿɛ́ ‘mosquito’, andkɛǹkɛ̀rⁿɛ́ ‘courser’. However, kùkuḿó ‘smoke’ was heard without reduplicantnasalization. Based on this fragmentary information, it is possible that labial mbehaves differently from coronal nasals in this respect.Of the nouns in (xx1) above, tétèrè: ‘miracle’ has the most puzzling tonalpattern. Cognates (e.g. Jamsay and Najamba tè:ré, Yanda-Dom tèrè) suggest anunreduplicated proto-form like *tè(:)ré. It is possible that TK tétèrè: reflects afully iterated immediate proto-form *tèré-tèré, with the second syllable lost byrv-Deletion (§3.xxx).Reduplicated nouns consisting of two Cv syllables are problematic becauseit may be impossible to determine whether they represent Cv- reduplication orfull-stem iteration (on which see below, §4.xxx). Indeed, since CvCv is the mostbasic stem-shape in the language, while short-voweled Cv is marginal, theCvCv cases could also be interpreted (by native speakers) as unsegmentable.The CvCv stems that are candidates for reduplicative status are given in(xx2).55

(xx2)CvCv reduplicated stemsstem possessed glossLnũǹũ̌ nũńũ̀ ‘cold weather’yaỳǎ nà: yaýà nà: ‘woman who has just given birth’compound finalspɔ̀ŋɔ̀-jàjǎ — ‘fonio greens’tuẁò-tàtǎ — ‘stone shelf’LHbɔ̀bɔ́ bɔ́bɔ́ ‘Bobo (ethnicity)’nɔǹɔ́ nɔńɔ́ ‘Guinea worm’gɛ̀gɛ́ gɛǵɛ́ ‘jaundice’puǹpuń puńpuǹ ‘shrub (Calotropis)’mɛ̀mɛń mɛ́mɛǹ ‘ant’compound finalàrⁿù-kɛǹkɛń —‘ant (Messor)’, cf. àrⁿú ‘rain’HHtɛ́tɛ́ tɛ́tɛ́ ‘arrogance’nɛńɛ́ nɛńɛ́ ‘person of low caste’; ‘latch’ñɛń̃ɛ́ — ‘living, alive’tɛ́tɛ́ — ‘bland-tasting, lightly sugared orsalted’jújú jújù ‘judge’ (French juge)juńjuń juńjuǹ ‘mud-dauber wasp’The most interesting feature in this list is the L tone pattern of nũǹũ̌‘cold weather’ and similar forms, including the final in pɔ̀ŋɔ̀-jàjǎ ‘fonio greens’.Such a tone contour is unattested with unreduplicated CvCv nouns (§3.xxx).This suggests a reduplication, e.g. nũ̀-nũ̌, where the base -nũ̌ has a {LH}contour that must be realized on its single mora. If this analysis is accepted, itsconclusion might be extrapolated to the other cases.As shown in §6.2.1, below, unsegmentable CvCv stems have a {H} contourwhen preceded by a possessor. By contrast, morphologically composite stemsbeginning with Cv-Cv… or Cv Cv… have a {HL} contour with the H-tone onthe initial syllable. This suggests that the tone of possessed forms of arguablyreduplicated CvCv stems might show how native speakers analyse these forms.This does not work for compound finals or for adjectives, which cannot occur atthe left edge of the possessed noun, but it does work for simple nouns. As (xx2)indicates, we get a {HL} possessed-noun contour for the two testable cases withL contour (‘cold weather’, ‘woman who has …’), for the two testablenouns with final nasalized vowel (‘ant’, ‘mud-dauber wasp’), and for ‘judge’,but not for the other testable cases.56

pìpàlá ‘square fan’ is a regional word, probably from Bambara (with freplaced by p), and does not fit the vocalism of the TK Cv- reduplicativepattern.4.1.5 Final reduplications in nounsThis pattern is not well represented in TK, but I can cite kà: pɔ̀gɔ̀rɔ̀-pɔ́‘grasshopper sp. (Oedaleus)’, with kǎ: ‘grasshopper’. There are finalreduplicatedcognates of various forms denoting the same species in otherDogon languages.kàŋkǎ: ‘louse’ may have originated as a reduplication (cf. Nanga kɔ̀rɔ̀ŋ-kɔ:).However, it is now probably segmented by native speakers, if at all, as {L}-toned compound initial form of kań ‘mouth’ plus kǎ: ‘grasshopper’.For final reduplications in expressive adverbials, see the type dɔ̀rⁿɔńɔńɔ́‘foul-smelling’ in (xx5) in §8.4.6 and references there.4.1.6 Nouns with full-stem iterationA fair number of nouns have a frozen iterative form, i.e. with two parts that aremore or less identical segmentally and metrically, aside from possible changesin vowel quality and/or tone. In some cases the base occurs elsewhere in simpleform with a related but distinct sense. This full-iteration type is distinguishablefrom the Cv- reduplications discussed above (§4.1.xxx), except that the twoconverge and are indistinguishable in the case of C 1 v 1 C 1 v 1 .(xx1)Fully iterated nouns (and compound elements)a. no tonal or vocalic difference[none]b. tonal difference but no vocalic difference{L} then {H}bɔ̀mboń‘candy’ (French bombon)suǹsuń‘worm, grub’ò:nõ̀-puǹpuń ‘whirlwind’ (with ó:nṍ ‘wind’)kùrsà-kúrsá ‘itchy skin disease’yùgù-yuǵú ‘used clothing market’ (regional word)pùsù-puśú ‘push-cart’ (French pousse-pousse)wèrè-wéré ‘swift (bird)’gɔ̀dɔ̀-gɔ́dɔ́‘wood-hoopoe (bird)’{L} then {LH}57

gàŋ-gaň{H} then {L}nã̀ dɛńdɛǹ‘crack, gap’ (cf gân ‘between’)‘empty lot’ (with nã́ ‘ground’)c. vocalic difference but no tonal differencebiŕìgì-baŕùgù ‘bric-à-brac’pú:jù-pá:jù ‘lung(s)’d. vocalic and tonal differences{H} then {L}tiǵí-tàgù‘shoulderblade’kiŕí-kòrò‘mussel shell’{L} then {H}àrùkò yìlɛ̀-yaĺá ‘type of boubou (robe)’tèŋè-táŋá‘dancers on stilts’gùrùmà-dìŋè-dáŋá ‘hoopoe (bird)’The vocalic differences, where they exist, involve the sequences i…a(biŕìgì-baŕùgù), i…o (kiŕí-kòrò), e…a (tèŋè-táŋá), u…a (pú:jù-pá:jù), i/i…a/u(tiǵí-tàgù), and i/e…a/a (dìŋè-dáŋá) The basic principle, as in English freezesbased on nonsense syllables (ping-pong, riffraff), is that a perceptually lightvowel quality on the left corresponds to a perceptually heavier vowel quality onthe right, with perceptual weight based primarily on the second formant as seenin spectrograms. See also the comments on occasional vowel symbolism in setsof related verbs (§3.4.7).More questionable cases are gɔǹṹ-gɔń̃ɔŕⁿɔ́ ‘giant millipede’, where the u inthe second syllable is difficult to account for, and the apparently reduplicatedfinal in the bird name búrgú-tútù ‘coucal’, which could be onomatopoeic.The frozen iterated stems in (xx1) above should be distinguished from lookalikeagentive compounds, each consisting of a {L}-toned form of the cognatenominal plus the {H}-toned form of the verb stem, e.g. jìŋ-jíŋé ‘protector’; see§5.xxx. However, the iterated stems with {L} then {H} tone in (xx1.b,d) couldpossibly be interpreted by native speakers as frozen agentives, at least where thesemantics are similar (‘dancers on stilts’).kú:kúbú ‘machete blade’ (French coupe-coupe) has likely mutated from*kùbù-kúbù (cf. Jamsay kùbù-kúbù and similar quadrisyllabic counterparts inother Dogon languages) but is no longer transparently reduplicated.Full iteration is also common in adverbs and in expressive adverbials,including adjectival intensifiers. See §xxx, below.58

4.1.7 Frozen initial à- or aǸ- in nounsAs in some other Dogon languages, TK has a number of nouns that arguablybegin with a prefix-like element à- or aǸ- (with an underspecified nasal thatassimilates to the position of a following consonant, or is heard as nasalizationof the a). In some cases there is some actual evidence for segmentation, as whena word-family includes both prefixed and unprefixed forms. In other cases thesegmentation is purely speculative. Even in the clearer cases, the function of theprefix cannot be determined.The relevant forms are grouped together as (xx1), with brief commentsabout related forms.(xx1)Prefix à- or aǸ-a. word-family has forms with and without prefixàteǵú teǵé ‘stand on tiptoes; (goat) stand on hind legs’ (cognatenominal plus verb)bà:gà à-gɔǵú and bà:gà gɔǵú (containing bá:gá ‘stick’; the termsdenote two types of shepherd’s staff, each having a hooked orcurved end, while à-gɔǵú also has a fork for easy gripping atthe other end)àŋ-gɔ̀:niń and gɔ̀:niń (two types of poles for knocking fruits offtrees, àŋ-gɔ̀:niń having a metal hook at the end)àmbéŋú 'hide-and-seek (game)', obscurely related to báŋ 'secret[adj]' and related formsb. other possible casesfauna termsàŋgùŋùrⁿú ‘giant tortoise’aǹdaň ‘tiny fly sp.’pèlè-aśé:nú ‘namaqua dove (Oena)’, cf. peĺé ‘dove’other cultural vocabularyàlɛǵú ‘loincloth’àpàlá and synonym aǹdáŋú ‘meal with large, soft millet cakes’àteḿú ‘customary rite’àtí: ‘bird trap’àpà:rɛ́ ‘mechanism (of musket)’àjiŕí ‘traditional wrestling’otheraǹsó:ŋó ‘bowlegged person’àseǵú ‘sneeze [noun]’59

Perhaps àmá:n ‘So-and-so’ (§4.1.3) belongs here. ańsá:rá ‘white person’does not, at least etymologically, as it derives from *ànàsá:rá by syncope. It isultimately from the Arabic word for ‘Nazarene’.It is not clear whether ŋ̀kúrú ‘mouse’, beginning with a syllabic nasal, issegmentable.4.1.8 Vocatives of kin termsA noun (especially a personal name or kin term), or a second person pronoun,can be used as a vocative.For ‘father’, the usual tone is dèdé: (dialectally also dèdě:) when notpreceded by a possessor, and dédè: with the regular {HL} tone overlay whenpreceded by a possessor. A special vocative pronunciation was observed: dèdê:‘hey father!’, with falling tone on the second syllable.The other examples of this vocative tone contour were similar reduplicativekin terms: bàbá: ‘grandfather’ with vocative bàbâ:, naǹá: ‘grandmother’ withvocative naǹâ:.‘Mother’ has no tonally distinctive vocative. iǹǎ: is both the unpossessedform of the noun and the vocative.4.2 Derived nominals4.2.1 Suffix -gú or -nĩ́ with {H} tone contourA handful of deverbal nominals show a suffix -gú and a stem-wide {H} tonecontour. Two of the nominals relate to the rising and setting of celestial bodies.(xx1)Suffix -gúform gloss related verba. celestial bodies (mainly ‘sun’)nuḿú-gú ‘sunset’ nùmó ‘(sun) set’tuḿú-gú ‘(sun/moon-)rise’ tuḿó ‘(sun, moon) rise’b. othertɔŕú-gú ‘beginning’ tɔŕɔ́ ‘begin’yá:-gú ‘going (departure)’ yǎ: ‘go’yɛŕú-gú ‘coming (arrival)’ yɛ̀rɛ́ ‘come’60

This minor deverbal nominal is distinct tonally and semantically from the(Nonhuman) Characteristic derivative in -gú with {L}-toned stem (§4.2.xxx).In the introduction to §5.1, a compound including the archaic nominal nĩ́:-ŋí‘eating’, from verb nĩ́: ‘eat (meal)’, is mentioned. The relationship, if any,between this -ŋí and other nominalizations (such as that with -gú) is unclear.4.2.2 Deadjectival extent nominals with reduplication and suffix -náA number of adjectives, notably those relating to measurable spatiotemporalproperties, have a nominal derivative with a suffix -ná following a {L}-tonedform of the adjective (with final u in the case of two or three relevant bisyllabicstems) including an initial Cv- reduplication. The known forms are in (xx1).(xx1)Extent nominalsform gloss related adjectivewà-wàgù-ná ‘distance’ wàgá ‘distant’wò-wòrù-ná ‘depth’ woŕó ‘deep’gù-gùrù-ná ‘length’ gùrú ‘long’ (also ‘tall’)wà-wà:-ná ‘width; thickness’ wá: ‘wide, thick’tè-tèrè-ná ‘speed’ tèré ‘speedy’tè-tèrè-ná ‘speed’ (and ‘speediness’) is unusual in not shifting the finalstem-vowel to u.For ‘tallness, height’ I recorded an underived noun geńé at best distantlyand obscurely related to the adjective gùrú, compare English stature or Frenchtaille.4.2.3 Characteristic denominal derivative (-gú, -giń after {L} tones)In this derivation, used as a noun or adjective, a noun denoting a characteristicof certain objects or people, such as a personality trait, is followed by a suffix-gú (nonhuman) or -giń (human). The noun drops its tones. The construction isfairly productive. The Characteristic derivatives gleaned from the workingdictionary are in (xx1).(xx1)Characteristic derivative61

a. nonhumanbà:gà kìrɛ̀-gúsiỳè-gú‘staff (bá:gá) with one forked end (kírɛ́)’‘plump (animal)’, cf. siýé ‘(animal) fat’b. humanbàrɛ̀:-gińpàŋà-gińnùrⁿù-gińò:rò-gińjɔ̀ŋɔ̀-gińnàm-gińbò:mò-gińliẁɛ̀-gińwàlà-giń[àmà-sɔ̀gɔ̀]-gińkɔ̀rⁿì:-gińpùgà:rù-giń‘left-handed person’ (unrelated to adjective for‘left (hand/foot)’)‘authority, government’, cf, pàŋá ‘power’‘sick person’, cf. nùrⁿú ‘disease’‘cripple, paraplegic’, cf. ó:ró ‘being crippled’‘leper’, cf. jɔ́ŋɔ́ ‘leprosy’‘impoverished person’, cf. verb nám-gì-‘become poor’‘idiot, stupid person’, cf. bò:mó ‘stupidity’‘cowardly (person)’, cf. liẁɛ́ ‘fear [noun]’‘lazy’, cf. wàlá ‘laziness’‘pitiable (person)’, cf. àmà-sɔ̀gɔ́ ‘pity’(compound with àmá ‘God’)‘glutton’, cf. kɔ̀rⁿí: ‘intestine’‘poorly behaved (person)’ (puǵá:rú)The (denominal) Nonhuman Characteristic -gú with a {L}-toned stemshould be distinguished from a minor deverbal nominalization with -gú after a{H}-toned stem (§4.2.xxx).4.2.4 Verbal Nouns (-ú ~ -∅)The productive verbal noun formation involves replacing the stem-final vowelof a nonmonosyllabic stem by -ú, with the remainder of the verb stem {L}-toned. The /u/ is deleted (apocopates) after an unclustered semivowel or nasal{w wⁿ y m n ñ ŋ] in bimoraic CvCv stems. When the /u/ is deleted, its H-tone isstranded, and re-links to the left, producing a rising tone on the survivingsyllable. Where typographically possible, I write this as e.g. Cv̀ḿ-∅ rather thanCv̌m-∅ not (mainly) for phonetic reasons, but to suggest that the H-tone has relinkedfrom the right. This does not work typographically with {l ñ} so I writeCvľ-∅ and Cvň̃-∅.Monosyllabic stems instead have -∅, with rising tone on the stem vowel.The monosyllabic verbal noun Cv̌-∅ corresponds to the Jamsay type Cv̀-ý,reflecting the usual TK loss of final semivowels.62

Mediopassive verbs with suffix -i: show some inconsistencies as to whetherthe verbal noun has final -í or zero after an unclustered nasal or semivowel(xx1.d).(xx1)Verbal Nounsstem Verbal N glossa. monosyllabicó ǒ-∅ ‘give’yě yě-∅ ‘go’jê jě-∅ ‘take away’gǒ: gǒ-∅ ‘go out’ká:ⁿ kaň-∅ ‘shave’b. nonmonosyllabicbàgá bàg-ú ‘fall’suńú-gì suǹù-g-ú ‘take down’c. nonmonosyllabic (with apocope)medial semivoweldɔẁɔ́ dɔẁ́-∅ ‘go up’tɛẃⁿɛ́ tɛẁń-∅ ‘eat (by crunching)’biỳɛ́ biỳ́-∅ ‘bury’medial nasalpeḿé pèḿ-∅ ‘slurp’nɔ̌:-m̀ nɔ̀:-ḿ-∅ ‘cause to drink’bɔ̌:ǹ bɔ̀:ń-∅ ‘pamper’dɔǹ̃ɔ́ dɔň̃-∅ ‘butt with head’sá:ŋì sà:ŋ́-∅ ‘settle down’d. Mediopassivefinal short i after obstruent etc.dìg-î: dìg-í-∅ ‘follow’final short i after nasal or semivwelìm-î: ìm-í-∅ ‘lie down’diẁ-î: diẁ-í-∅ ‘lean on’final zero after nasal or semivowelbòm-î: bòḿ-∅-∅ ‘carry on back’dɛ̀ŋ-î: dɛ̀ŋ́-∅-∅ ‘sit’ñɛ̀ŋ-î: ñɛ̀ŋ́-∅-∅ ‘circulate’sɔ́ŋ-ì: sɔ̀ŋ́-∅-∅ ‘carry on shoulder’yaỳ-î: yaỳ́-∅-∅ ‘play (board game)’63

4.2.5 Instrument nominalsThere is no widely used instrumental-nominal derivation, to judge by theabsence of candidates in the working lexicon. The tool ‘file’ is dì:sí, unrelatedto the corresponding action nɛ̀rⁿɛ́ ‘file, scrape with a file’ (also ‘hone [blade]’).Likewise, ‘bellows (blacksmith’s blower)’ is ùjú, unrelated to verb piýé ‘blow’.New expressions can be created for modern functional appliances and tools,using verbal nouns with incorporated object as adjectives, as in màsù nũ̀:-nɔ̌w-∅ ‘machine.L millet.L-grind-VblN’, denoting a modern grinding device(‘mill’).‘Scrubber (for bathing)’ is pǔ: which oddly seems to have divergedphonologically from the cognate verb buẁɔ́ ‘scrub (one’s body, in bathing)’.The noun has a variant pronunciation fǔ:, whose f suggests loanword status. Theverbal noun of buẁɔ́ is bǔw-∅, phonetic [bǔ:]. The cognate noun and verb insome other Dogon languages are more transparently related (e.g. Perge pǔw andverb puẃɔ́).4.2.6 Uncompounded agentivesI know of no agentive nominals without a compound initial (§5.xxx), with thepossible exception of dańá ‘hunter’, cf. verb daǹá ‘hunt’.4.2.7 Expressive iterationwriteExpressive adverbials (including intensifiers) with iterated (fully reduplicated)form4.3 Pronouns4.3.1 Basic personal pronounsThe pronominal categories are 1st person (Sg and Pl), 2nd person (Sg and Pl),3rd Human (Sg and Pl), Nonhuman (no obligatory number distinction), andLogophoric (Sg and Pl). The Logophoric "pronoun" can be taken as a nounsyntactically, with the same 3rd person agreement as with other nouns.The independent, accusative, and preverbal subject pronouns are identicalin form, except that 1Sg has a special accusative má. This category also has64

other forms of the shape mv, including postnominal possessor mà (§xxx) andmí- in the ‘it’s me’ form.Subject-pronominal suffixation on the verb (or other predicate) is verylimited. In all AMN (aspect-negation) categories the singular-subject category isunmarked. Depending on the particular AMN category, the plural-subjectcategory is either unmarked (converging with the singular) or has a markedsuffix used equally for 1Pl, 2Pl, and 3Pl. Subject-pronominal suffixation istherefore limited to at most a singular/plural opposition, with no marking ofperson (1st, 2nd, 3rd). Because of this, either clause-initial independentpronouns in subject function (in main clauses) or preverbal subject pronouns (innon-subject relative clauses) are needed to determine the pronominal-subjectcategory.(xx1)Personal Pronounssubjectindep. accusative preverbal suffixed ‘it’s __’1Sg iń má [!] iń -∅ mí≡:1Pl ɛḿɛ́ ɛḿɛ́ ɛḿɛ́ [marked] ɛḿɛ́≡:2Sg ú ú ú -∅ ú≡ý2Pl é é é [marked] é≡ý3HumSg wó wó wó -∅ wó≡ý3HumPl bé bé bé [marked] bé≡ýNonh kó kó kó -∅ kó≡ýLogoSg ɛǹɛ́ ɛǹɛ́ ɛǹɛ́ -∅ ɛǹɛ́≡:LogoPl ɛǹɛ́ bè ɛǹɛ́ bè ɛǹɛ́ bè [marked] ɛǹɛ́ bè≡ỳwritePronominal possessors may be prenominal, either in the same form asindependent pronouns or in a special series. This prenominal position is thesame as for NP possessors. Alternatively, a pronominal possessor may be partof a sequence, following the possessed noun, consisting of a pronominalpossessor and a possessive classifier (with a vague meaning like ‘thing’ or‘living being, critter’, and number-marking). Present and comment on the formshere, and discuss the syntax/semantics more fully in the chapter on NP.65

4.3.2 Personal pronouns as complements of postpositionswriteGive the forms used as complement of postpositions, which will often beidentical to (prenominal) possessor pronominals.Dative pronominals (with the Dative postposition) are often irregular,especially 1Sg and 1Pl. They should be presented here even if quite regular inform.4.4 Demonstratives4.4.1 Demonstrative pronouns and Definite morphemes4.4.1.1 Postnominal Definite morpheme absentThere is no postnominal Definite morpheme in the dialect considered, asopposed to demonstrative pronouns.Prost (p. 17) states that the “pudyugu” dialect in the far north of the TKzone has a postnominal determiner “ũ”, i.e. uń.For prenominal kó in a somewhat similar function, see below (§4.4.1.3).4.4.1.2 ‘This/that’ (deictic demonstrative pronouns)Proximal 'this' and Near-Distal 'that (over there)' are the primary deicticcategories, i.e. they can be accompanied by pointing. Each has distinct Singularand Plural forms. In the singular, bàŋà 'owner' is added to the demonstrative ifthe referent is human. Plural bè is usually not added to an already plural-markeddemonstrative with nà.For the Far-Distant category, a structurally distinct form érú-kɔ́ is basic. Itlooks morphologically like a relative clause with Nonhuman head (‘… that isover there’), but it is somewhat frozen and can be used with human referent.Alternatively, a human referent can be expressed by a more transparent copularrelative (ending in singular wɔ́, plural wé-nà).(xx1) category Sg (nonhuman) Sg (human) Pla. simpleProximal nɔ́: nɔ́: bàŋà nɔ́: nà66

Near-Distal yɔ́: yɔ́: bàŋà yɔ́: nàb. relative-clause typeFar-Distal eŕú kɔ́ eŕú kɔ́ eŕú kɔ́ nàeŕú wɔ́ eŕú wé nàCombinations of the Proximate demonstratives with nouns are in (xx2).Replace n by y at the beginning of the demonstrative and you have the Distalcounterparts.(xx2) gloss noun(Sg) noun(Pl) 'this/that …' 'these/those …''stick' bá:gá bá:gá bè bà:gà nɔ́: bà:gà nɔ́: nà'sheep' péjú peǵú bè pèjù nɔ́: pèjù nɔ́: nà'person' nǎ nǎ bè nà nɔ́: bàŋà nà nɔ́: nàDemonstratives may be used absolutely, as in 'take this!'. They also followcore NPs consisting of a noun plus any modifying adjectives, or extended coreNPs also including a cardinal numeral. For the linear and tonal structure of thecombinations, see §6.5.4.4.1.3 Prenominal Discourse-Definite kó ‘that (same)’kó before a noun is ostensibly a Nonhuman possessor pronoun. As in Jamsay,however, this possessive-like construction can be used as a discourse definitenoun, with at best an abstract, impersonal “possessor” (denoting the situation,the discourse, or the like; cf. Prost, p. 17). The noun does take its regularpossessed-noun tone contour.(xx1)a. humankó ì:ⁿkó ñɛ̀kó aŕⁿáb. nonhumankó giŕⁿíkó ɛŕⁿɛ́kó tóŋùrⁿù‘the child’‘the woman’‘the man’‘the house’‘the goat’‘the stool’My assitant produced another construction, with {L}-toned noun as head ofa relative clause whose other part is kô:, as in gìrⁿì kô: ‘that (same) house’.67

4.4.1.4 Anaphoric/logophoric demonstrative pronounsNo anaphoric (e.g. logophoric) demonstrative pronoun forms occur.4.4.2 Demonstrative adverbs4.4.2.1 Locative adverbs(xx1) form glosscheck tonea. nî 'here'yí tɔ̀'over there' (deictic)yɛ̂'there' (discourse-definite)b. gaǹnɔ̂n 'around here'yî'around (over) there'4.4.2.2 Emphatic and Approximative modifiers of adverbsThe expressive adverbial té=> ‘precisely’ is added to spatial and temporaladverbials to emphasize precise location. For example, ‘right here’ is nî té=>,and iýé té=> is ‘precisely today’ (French aujourd’hui même).tɔ̀ ‘toward’ (§8.xxx) can be added to such adverbials to indicate vaguenessof location: ní tɔ̀ ‘around here (somewhere)’.4.4.3 Presentatives (ùŋǒy, ùŋò, yògò, ègè)The predicative element ùŋǒy has presentative force (‘here's …’). It also occursin the form ùŋò with a following copula like wɔ̂ or kɔ̂ (§11.xxx) or a followinglocational só (§11.xxx). This suggests the possibility that ùŋǒy may besegmentable, perhaps as ùŋò≡ý with a H-toned form of the ‘it is’ clitic. In anyevent, ùŋǒy is most often used when the speaker is literally holding somethingout (a bag, a baby) to the addressee. The copula forms are normal when thereferent object is not being held by the speaker.68

(xx1) a. [ú sá:gù] ùŋǒy[ " " ] ùŋò kɔ̂[2SgP sack.HL] here’s be.NonhS'Here's your-Sg bag.'b. [ú dédè:] ùŋò wɔ̂[2SgP father.HL] here’s be.HumSgS‘Here’s your-Sg father.’c. ɛḿɛ́ ùŋò wê1PlS here’s be.HumPlS‘Here we are.’d. péjú gìrⁿí bîn ùŋò sósheep [house in] here’s be‘Here’s a sheep in the house.’Another form with similar sense, used with a following copula, is yògò. Thespatial position in this case is Near-Distal, perhaps being associated with theaddressee.(xx2) biǵí [[ú juẃɔ́] bîn] yògò sópen [[2SgP pocket.H] in] there’s.NearDist be‘There’s the pen, in your pocket.’The Far-Distal counterpart is ègè, again with a copula or locational.(xx3) nàŋá ègè kɔ́cow there’s.FarDist be.NonhS‘There’s the cow (over there).’In combination with a verb, these Presentational morphemes cannot bepredicative. In this event, they occur as simple adverbs with {LH} tone (ùŋó,yògó, ègé) before a verb beginning with a L-tone (xx4.a-b), and with {L} tone(ùŋò, yògò, ègè) before a verb beginning with a H-tone (xx4.c) or beforeanother preverbal constituent such as a direct object regardless of initial tone(xx4.d).(xx4) a. iń ùŋó yě-táŋà1SgS here’s come-Prog‘I’m coming!’ (said when one is called, cf. French j’arrive!)b. yògó bǐ-táŋà69

there’s.NearDist do-Prog‘There he/she is (nearby), working.’ (French le\la voilà quitravaille)c. ègè nĩ́:-táŋàthere’s.FarDist eat-Prog‘There he/she is (distant), eating.’d. yògò nɔẁⁿɔ́ jê:-táŋàthere’s.NearDist meat bring-Prog‘There he/she is (nearby), bringing the meat.’4.5 Adjectives4.5.1 Types of adjectives(xx1) provides a fairly complete inventory of ordinary adjectives, in theirpostnominal modifying form. They are grouped here by segmental phonologicalshape. As for noun and verb stems, the lexical tone contours are {H} and {LH}.There is a significant set of stems ending in u (xx1.a). A few adjectives have areduplicative look (xx1.h). ɔ̀rⁿɔńɔńɔ́ ‘smooth, sleek’ (xx1.j) may be betterconsidered an expressive adverbial. This is also indicated for ‘full’ (xx1.l),especially in view of its intonatonal lengthening. The remaining adjectives haveshapes similar to those of nouns and verbs, with vowel-harmonic constraintsapplying if there are two or more syllables. The loanword kàkî: (xx1.g) does notrespect the vocalism rules applicable to native adjectives. For rhotic-medialCvCv stems, the parenthesized Stative Negative shows whether or not the stemis subject to rv-Deletion. In this sample, only gàrá ‘big’ undergoes this process(as does the homonymous verb gàrá ‘go past’).(xx1)Adjectivesstemglossa. bisyllabic with final uCvCukeĺú ‘cold’ùjú ‘small, slender’ùjiń ‘small’ɔǵú ‘fast’dɔ̀ŋú ‘skinny, lean’mɔǹṹ ‘bad, nasty’70

kuǹṹɔ̀múyɛŕúyɔ̀rúɔ̀rúdùmúñɛŕⁿúgùrúɛĺúdògúCvCuyù:gúlɔ̀:júb. Cv and Cvⁿkɔ̌mǎdɛňpɛňgɛńsɛńbańc. Cv:nú:sí:ɛ̌:kǒ:wá:d. CvCɛ̌mǎwⁿkáŋñɔ̌wⁿe. CvCvdiǹípiŕíkìrɛ́ìrɛ́dègésèrékòrówoŕó‘rough’‘rotten’‘blue’ (Stative Neg yɛ̀rù≡lá)‘soft’ (Stative Neg yɔ̀rù≡lá)‘wet’ (Stative Neg ɔ̀rù≡lá)‘blunt (blade)’‘lightweight’‘long’‘sweet’‘thick’‘slow’‘over-ripe’‘decayed (wood)’‘dry’‘ripe but poorly-developed’‘old’‘black’‘good’‘red’‘hot’‘pointed’‘tight (rope)’‘empty’‘wide, spacious’‘crowded’‘(animal) in good condition’‘big, fat’‘ruined’‘well-fed’‘white’ (Stative Neg pìrì≡lá)‘difficult’ (Stative Neg kìrɛ̀≡lá)‘ripe; cooked’ (negated by verb: ìrɛ̀-lí)‘short; narrow’‘diluted’ (Stative Neg sèrè≡lá)‘unripe; raw; fresh (milk)’ (Stative Nega kòrò≡lá)‘deep’71

kàjámárⁿágàrádaǵákaǹáf. Cv:Cvnà:rⁿákó:róg. CvCv:kàkî:‘fresh; undiluted’‘big, massive’ (Stative Neg màrⁿà≡lá)‘big, adult’ (Stative Neg gà≡lá)‘small, young’‘new’‘easy’‘useless, shiftless’‘off-white’ (French khaki)h. bisyllabic with reduplicated appearanceCvCvtɛ́tɛ́ ‘bland’ñɛń̃ɛ́ ‘alive’CvⁿCvⁿsiǹsiń ‘small’tɔńtɔń ‘sour; salty’Cv:Cvnĩ́:nĩ́ ‘sharp’i. trisyllabicsɛḿɛ́rⁿɛ́boŕoĺúkaǵaŕásɔ̀gɔ̀rɔ́deḿérékuŕuǵúyùgùjúj. quadriisyllabicɔ̀rⁿɔńɔńɔ́‘tattered’‘viscous’‘bitter’‘multicolored’‘fat’‘dense’‘short, runty’‘smooth, sleek’k. noun-adjective sequence, using exemplars for color categoriesbèrù-ɔ̀rú ‘green’ (“fresh grass”)yɔ̀rɔ̀-pùrⁿú ‘yellow’ (“néré-tree flour”)l. expressive adverbialjó=> kań ‘full (container)’72

4.5.2 Adverbials with adjectival sense ‘flat’ (pv́tv̀=>)A set of expressive adverbials of the shape pvtv=> with the basic sense ‘flatand wide’ and with sound-symbolic vocalism and {HL} contour is found in TK(xx1).(xx1)‘flat (and wide)’pɔ́tɔ̀=>pátà=>pɛ́tɛ̀=>‘flat and wide and moderately thick, e.g. tortoise, nose’‘flat and wide (feet)’‘flat and small (e.g. hand, fan)’4.5.3 Iterated (fully reduplicated) adverbialsThe iterated stems functioning as adverbials from the working lexicon aredisplayed in (xx1), arranged by syllabic shape and vocalic changes.(xx1)Iterated adverbialsa. Cv-Cv(-Cv)kɛ́-kɛ́kɛń-kɛń-kɛńb. Cv:-Cv:with vocalic alternationcî:ⁿ-câ:ⁿhó:-hà:-hó:‘(door) flush (with wall)’[ringing sound][chirping sound of small birds]‘loud chatter’c. CvC-CvCnot alternatingdáŋ-dáŋ‘side by side’leŵ-leŵ‘dripping rapidly’yɛĺ-yɛ̀l‘flapping in the wind’alternating with Cv-CvCdɛń-dɛẃⁿ ~ dɛẃⁿ-dɛẃⁿ ‘straight (direction)’, cf. dɛẃⁿ=>‘straight’d. CvCv-CvCv(-CvCv)vocalic alternation, with a-vowel(s) in second iterationkòró-kàrà-kòró [rattling or creaking sound]tiǵì-taǵù(-tiǵì) ‘(child) walking clumsily’soĺù-saĺù‘walking stiffly’seẃè-saẃà‘groping along’73

wìré-wàrájùgú-jàgùjìgí-jàgùjèlè-jaĺáno vocalic alternationmuǹṍ-muǹṍsùrɔ́-sùrɔ́ɔǵú-ɔǵúdeǵé-deǵétɔ́ŋù-tɔ́ŋùkańã́-kań̃áe. Cv:C-Cv:Ctà:b-tà:bf. CvCv(:)C-CvCv(:)Ctuǵɔẁⁿ-tuǵɔẁⁿkaŕà:w-kárà:wg. CvCvCv-CvCvCvtábàrà-tábàrà‘staggering along’‘swaying’‘fidgeting, sitting restlessly’; ‘lumberingalong’‘dangling, waving’‘hastily, unceremoniously’‘in a heap’‘fast, quickly’‘slowly’‘dotted, spotted’‘feeling fine’[sound of walking through grass]‘lukewarm’[sound of crunching bones]‘blotched’h. final syllable reduplicatednàrⁿańańá‘lean (meat)’It is best to distinguish these iterations, at least in theory, from look-alikecombinations like siǹ̃ɛ̀-siń̃ɛ́ ‘noisy’, which can be analysed as compoundagentives including a cognate nominal, cf. noun plus verb sequence siń̃ɛ́ siń̃ɛ́‘make noise’.4.6 Numerals4.6.1 Cardinal numerals4.6.1.1 ‘One’, ‘same (one)’, and ‘other’'One' after a noun (or core NP) is tuŕú. It does not control tone-dropping on apreceding noun (or adjective), so in péjú tuŕú 'one sheep' and ñɛ̌ tuŕú 'onewoman' the noun has its regular tones.An informant rejected a plural #túrú bè.In counting ('one, two, three, …') without nouns, the form is tî=>.74

The phrase: nǎ: tuŕú, bɔ̌: tuŕú, literally 'mother one, father one' (the otherorder is also common), means that the children in question are full siblings.'Other' as adjective is pèré. Unlike tuŕú it does behave like a modifyingadjective, and so induces tone-dropping on a preceding noun or adjective: pèjùpèré 'another sheep' (péjú). The plural is pèjù pèré bè 'other sheep-Pl'.4.6.1.2 ‘2’ to ‘10’The numerals from ‘2’ to ‘10’ are shown in (xx1). For ‘2’ and ‘5’ there areslight differences between the form used after a noun and the form used incounting sequences (‘1, 2, 3, 4, …’). For ‘2’ the difference is that the vowel islengthened in the counting form, but not after a noun or in isolation. This mayreflect the influence of the preceding tî=> ‘1’ in the counting sequence. For‘5’ the difference is in the initial-syllable tone, which is low after a noun buthigh in counting or in isolation.(xx1) gloss all-purpose after noun counting isolation‘2’ lɔý lɔ́:y lɔý‘3’ tà:nú‘4’ nǎy‘5’ nuǹɛ́:ⁿ nuńɛ́:ⁿ nuńɛ́:ⁿ‘6’ kuŕé:‘7’ sɔ̂:‘8’ sìlâ:‘9’ tuẁâ:‘10’ pɛŕúThe final H-tone in ‘3’ and ‘4’ is sometimes inaudible in casual speech butis heard in careful pronunciations.A cardinal numeral has no tonal effect on preceding nouns (or adjectives),ich therefore have the same tonal (and segmental) form as they have without thenumeral.4.6.1.3 Decimal multiples (‘10’, ‘20’, …) and their combinations (‘11’, ‘59’,…)The multiples of ‘10’ are given in (xx1). Those from '20' up consist of a reducedform pɛ- of '10', see rv-Deletion §3.xxx, plus the relevant single-digit numeral.The single-digit numerals that elsewhere have {LH} contour, including ‘5’ as75

well as ‘3’ and ‘4’, become {L}-toned in this combination, even in carefulpronunciation. The tone of pɛ- dissimilates (polarizes) to that of the followingsyllable except in ‘20’. The effect is that we have L-toned pɛ̀- in '60' and '70'and H-toned pɛ́- in the other combinations.(xx1) gloss form‘10’ pɛŕú‘20’ pɛ́-lɔ́y‘30’ pɛ́-tà:nù‘40’ pɛ́-naỳ‘50’ pɛ́-nùnɛ̀:‘60’ pɛ̀-kuŕé:‘70’ pɛ̀-sɔ̂:‘80’ pɛ́-sìlâ:‘90’ pɛ́-tuẁâ:The archaic alternative for ‘80’ is sùŋú. From this an archaic combinationfor ‘90’ is produced: sùŋú-pɛ́rú.Combinations from ‘11’ to ‘19’, ‘21’ to ‘29’, and so forth up to ‘99’ consistof the numeral for the decimal unit, then the corresponding single-digit numeral,then a final ‘-teen’ morpheme saǵà. For ‘11’ to ’19’, the ‘10’ stem has a variantpɛŕɛ̀:. Examples: pɛ́rɛ̀: tuŕú saǵà ‘11’, pɛ́rɛ̀: tà:nú ságà ‘13’, and pɛ́rɛ̀: nuńɛ́:saǵà ‘15’. Before saǵà, ‘2’ has a slightly irregular form lɔ̌:, hence pɛŕɛ̀: lɔ̌: saǵà‘12’.‘25’ is pɛ́-lɔý nuńɛ́: saǵà. This shows that ‘5’ has its {H}-toned formfollowing a decimal numeral. ‘57’ is pɛ́-nuǹɛ̀: sɔ̂: saǵà.4.6.1.4 Large numerals (‘100’, ‘1000’, …) and their compositesThe stems in (xx1) are usually noun-like morphosyntactically.(xx1) gloss form commenta. ‘hundred’ tɛḿdɛ́rɛ̀ < Fulfulde[tɛḿdɛŕɛ́ before a modifying numeral]b. ‘thousand’ muǹṹc. ‘million’ miĺyɔń < French76

These can be followed by numerals that quantify over these larger units.The numerals ‘2’ and ‘5’ have their postnominal pronunciations, showing that‘hundred’, ‘thousand’, and ‘million’ are morphosyntactically nouns. In theabsence of a further demonstrative, tɛ́mdɛ́rɛ̀ and miĺyɔń (but not muǹṹ) inducetone-dropping on a following simple numeral (compare e.g. Jamsay tɛ́:mdɛ́rɛ̀with final L-tone).(xx2) a. péjú tɛḿdɛ́rɛ́ kùrè:sheep hundred six.L‘six hundred sheep’b. péjú miĺyɔń sɔ̀:sheep million seven.L‘seven million sheep’c. péjú muǹṹ kuŕé:sheep thousand six‘six thousand sheep’This difference between ‘thousand’ and the two other large numerals intone-dropping on the following numeral is neutralized when a demonstrative isadded. Now the common noun and the ‘hundred’ or ‘thousand’ term are tonedropped(by the demonstrative), while the numeral has its normal tones.(xx3) a. pèjù tɛ̀mdɛ̀rɛ̀ kuŕé: yɔ́:-nàsheep.L hundred.L six Dist-Pl‘those six hundred sheep’b. pèjù muǹũ̀ tà:nú yɔ́:-nàsheep.L thousand.L three Dist-Pl‘seven hundred sheep’A large numeral involving hundreds or larger units can be followed bylesser numerals. The relevant common noun is often (but not always) repeatedbefore a noninitial numeral on the order of thousands, hundreds, or ‘1-99’. Thisrepetition can prevent confusion between e.g. ‘3210 sheep’ as in (xx4) and‘3000 sheep (for) 210 (currency units)’.(xx4) [péjú muǹṹ tà:nú] [(péjú) tɛḿdɛ́rɛ́ lɔỳ] [(péjú) pɛŕú][sheep thousand 3] [(sheep) hundred 2.L] [(sheep) 10]‘3210 sheep’77

4.6.1.5 CurrencyAs elsewhere in the region, the unit of currency corresponds to 5 CFA francs. Itis called bú:dú (cf. Fulfulde bu:du). Some of the more common combinationsare often contracted, especially bú tùrù ‘one 5-CFA unit’. This unit is used up tothe million level, at which point million takes over (in the sense ‘one millionCFA’, not ‘5 million CFA’).4.6.1.6 Distributive numeralsA numeral from ‘1’ up can be iterated in distributive sense. For example, lɔ́-lɔý‘two-two’ can mean ‘two at a time’, ‘by twos’, or ‘two each’.(xx1) a. ɛẃɛ̀ [nǎ tú-tuŕú] yě-táŋàmarket.Loc.HL [person one-one] come-Prog.SgS‘People come to the market one at a time.’[i.e. ‘People dribble into the market.’]b. bé bɔ̀mbɔń nuǹɛ́:ⁿ-nuǹɛ́:ⁿ ó-jú3PlS candy five-five give-Impf‘They will give five candies each (=to each person).’/tuŕú-túrú/ ‘one-one’ is reduced to tú-tuŕú by rv-Deletion (§3.xxx). Thisform is often used to suggest infrequency or wide scattering of individuals, cf.English once in a while. A syllable-final semivowel is dropped in the firstiteration in lɔ́-lɔý ‘two-two’ and nǎ-nǎy ‘four-four’ (accidentally homophonouswith nǎ nǎy ‘four people’).Full pronunciations like tuŕú-tuŕú are also possible, especially intransparently distributive contexts (‘one each’) as opposed to more lexicalizedfunctions (‘scattered, infrequent’). See (xx3.a) in §6.6.2. The same sectionincludes an example of adjective tuńɔ́-tuńɔ́ ‘one each’ in distributive function.‘Eleven-eleven’ is pɛŕɛ̀: tuŕú saǵà tuŕú saǵà. That is, the decimal term (‘10’,‘20’, etc.) is not repeated if there is a following single-digit expression.4.6.2 Ordinal adjectivesOrdinals are syntactically adjectives. They follow the relevant noun (or coreNP) and control tone-dropping like other modifying adjectives.For ordinal ‘how-many-eth?’ (French quantième) à:ŋà-nìrⁿí, see §13.2.7,below.78

4.6.2.1 ‘First’ (kò-kɛ̌:) and ‘last’The ordinal ‘first’ is kò-kɛ̌:. It has no relationship in form to cardinal numeral‘1’. I have hyphenated it since the two vowels are disharmonic.The ordinal ‘last’ (i.e. final in a series) is duǹɔ́.Both ‘first’ and ‘last’ are treated like normal modifying adjectives, inducingtone-dropping on the noun.(xx1) a. nìŋìrⁿì kò-kɛ̌:day.L first‘the first day’b. nìŋìrⁿì duǹɔ́day.L last‘the last day’An expression like gìrⁿì kò-kɛ̌: ‘(the) first house’ can have a range oftemporal interpretations, as in ‘after the bridge, it’s the first house on the left’,and in ‘that was the first (=oldest) house ever built in the village’. It is not,however, used in contexts like ‘I am first (in my class) in English’; this isexpressed as ‘I have the front in English’ (giŕé mí: só).4.6.2.2 Other ordinals (suffix -nìrⁿí)Other ordinals are formed by adding -nìrⁿí) to the numeral, whose tones aredropped. There are irregular contractions of the base numeral to Cv- shape in‘second’, ‘third’, and ‘fourth’ (xx1). Other forms are regular, e.g. nuǹɛ̀:-nìrⁿí‘fifth’ and pɛ̀rù-nìrⁿí ‘tenth’.(xx1)Irregular ordinals ‘2nd’ to ‘4th’simple numeral ordinal gloss of ordinallɔ̀-nìrⁿítà-nìrⁿínà-nìrⁿí‘second’‘third’‘fourth’Ordinals of numerals for larger quantities are illustrated in (xx2). All tonesare dropped before -nìrⁿí.79

(xx2)More ordinalsdecimalpɛ̀-lɔỳ-nìrⁿídecimal plus single-digit numeralpɛ̀rɛ̀-tùrù-sàgà-nìrⁿíhundredtɛ̀mdɛ̀rɛ̀-nìrⁿí‘twentieth’‘eleventh’‘hundredth’hundred plus decimal numeral (two levels)tɛ̀mdɛ̀rɛ̀ pɛ̀-lɔỳ-nìrⁿí‘hundred and twentieth’4.6.3 Fractions and portionswriteterms meaning ‘half’ or (more vaguely) ‘portion, section, division’.80

5 Nominal and adjectival compoundsCompounds functioning as nouns or adjectives are covered in this chapter. Theword-classes of the components (the initial and the final) may be n[noun],a[djective], v[erb], num[eral], or a variable word-class (“x”). The initial and/orthe final usually undergoes a tonal change versus its independent form. If “x” isa word-class type, the notation x̄ means that it keeps its independent tones, x̀that it drops tones to {L}, x́ that it raises tones to {H}, and x̂ that it becomes{HL}-toned. For example, the (ǹ n̄) compound type consists of an initial nounwith overlaid {L} contour followed by a noun with its regular tones. Thenotation xᵖ means that the form has possessed-noun tone, which is {H} or {HL}depending on the syllabic shape of the noun.5.1 Nominal compoundsNominal compounds contain (at least) two stems, usually one functioning ashead and the other as a modifier. Complex compounds with three or more stemscan be broken down into two-part compounds in the usual hierarchical fashion;I try to bring this out using internal bracketing.One of the longest compounds in the current lexicon is (xx1). Thecompound dà:gà-paǹá ‘supper’ consists of dà:gá ‘night’ (in tone-dropped form)plus paǹá ‘food’. The compound functions (with its remaining H-tones dropped)as the initial of a compound with nĩ́:-ŋí, an archaic nominalization of nĩ́: ‘eat(meal)’. as the final. This compound then functions as the initial in a possessivetypecompound with tèŋé ‘time’, which shifts to {H} tone contour as a“possessed” noun.(xx1)[[dà:gà-paǹà]-[nĩ́:-ŋí]]-téŋé[[night-food].H-[eat-Nom]]-time.H‘dinner time’5.1.1 Compounds of type (n̄ n̄)In this type, both the initial and the final preserve their regular tones. I have noclear examples of this type in TK.81

5.1.2 Compounds of type (n̄ ǹ)In this type, the final drops its tones while the initial has regular tones.This is not a productive compound-formation pattern, but there are manymultisyllabic nouns with compound-like appearance that end in a L-tonedsequence like Cv̀Cv̀. In some cases, the initial and the final are more or lessrecognizable so the segmentation is clearcut (xx1).(xx1)Transparent (n̄ ǹ) compounds with possessive-like sensecompound gloss componentspuĺɛ́:ⁿ-tɛ̀rɛ̀ ‘puffball’ puĺɛ́:ⁿ ‘Fulbe’, tɛ́rɛ́ ‘penis’wiŕí-pɔ̀rù ‘wild sesame’ wiŕí ‘gazelle’, pɔ̀rú ‘sesame’[gɛ̀:-giń]-kɔ̀rù ‘vine (Ipomoea)’ gɛ̀:-giń ‘hungry person’, kɔ́rɔ́ ‘hang(over a line)’ɔ̀gɛň-sàjì:ⁿ ‘colorful finch spp.’ ɔ̀gɔ̀-í:ⁿ ‘wealthy person’, sàjú‘bird’These are interpretable semantically as a possessor followed by a possessednoun, e.g. the tongue-in-cheek ‘Fulbe (person)’s penis’ denoting a penis-likepuffball (Podaxis). It is possible that these compounds preserve an archaic {L}possessed-noun tone contour of the sort found in several Dogon languages.However, aǹĩ́:-kò:rò ‘roselle variety’ is a subtype of ànṹ ‘roselle’. sań-goǹò‘area where the community prays (on major religious holidays)’ consists of sań‘prayer’ and goǹó ‘pen, enclosure’.In a number of other cases the initial and final are not recognizable, but thestem has the segmental and prosodic structure of a compound (xx2).(xx1)Semantically opaque (n̄ ǹ) compoundscompoundɛ́:ⁿ-pùlɔ̀kɛĺɛ́-gùgùrùbùgú-tɔ̀rɔ̀sá:-jiǹɛ̀dùmí:-tè:rèkoŕú-kàjàbádá-kùrɔ̀gloss‘bush (Pergularia)’‘herb (Commelina)’‘gray-headed sparrow’‘blister beetle’‘grasshopper (Acorypha)’‘tree locust’‘gunpowder horn’82

5.1.3 Compounds of type (ǹ n̄)In this type, the final is a noun stem that keeps its regular tones, and functionssemantically as the head. The initial drops its tones to {L} and functions as amodifier. This type is productive, though it gets competition from thepossessive-type compound to be described below. In (xx1), the tone of the nouncorresponding to the initial is given in parentheses in the comment if spacepermits.(xx1)(ǹ n̄) compoundscompound gloss commenta. simple (two stems)ìrì-kań ‘nipple’ “breast-mouth” (írí)dògò-kɛńɛ́ ‘back (body)’ “back(ward)-heart” (dògó)nɛǹɛ̀ŋɛ̀-tárú ‘ganglion’ “groin-egg” (nɛǹɛ̀ŋɛ́)màrùpà:-tuẁó ‘rifle flint’ “rifle-stone” (màrùpá:)nì:-tòló ‘cow-pea pod’ “cow.pea-pod” (nǐ:)b. composite (three or more stems)[nèŋèrè-kuǹ]-tìmɛ́ ‘kneecap’ “[knee-head]-cover”[àrⁿà-kuǹ]-gìrⁿí ‘man’s bedroom’ “[man-unmarried]-house”In some compounds, one or both of the elements is semantically obscure, atleast at the current stage of TK lexicography.(xx2)Partially obscure (ǹ n̄) compoundscompound gloss comment[dògò-kɛǹɛ̀]-pɔŕⁿí ‘upper back’ “[back]-…”à:gà-yɛǵú ‘morning’A recurring issue in the study of Dogon nominal compounds is the fact thatnoun-adjective sequences and noun-noun compounds of the (ǹ n̄) type have thesame tonal pattern and are difficult to distinguish, especially when the secondelement occurs in only one or two combinations.83

5.1.4 Compounds with final Verbal Noun, type (ǹ VblN)Noun-VblN compounds are a special case of the (ǹ n̄) type just described,above. The initial is a noun denoting a typical or generic object, or one whosereference is understood in context (and whose specificity is thereforebackgrounded). The compound as a whole denotes a type of eventuality, or theresult of an action.(xx1)Compounds with abstractive Verbal Noun finalcompound gloss commentkaǹ-[ǒ-∅] ‘promise’ “mouth-give.VblN” (kań)giǹɛ̀-[jùŋ-ú] ‘dozing’ “sleep-__.VblN” (giǹɛ́)giǹɛ̀-[ǎ-∅] ‘sleepiness’ “sleep-catch.VblN” (giǹɛ́)In some cases, like ‘dozing’, it is not entirely clear what syntactic functionthe incorporated noun (here giǹɛ́) plays in the associated full clause type. Aslong as the noun is conventionally associated with the verb, it can beincorporated. This applies even to (defective) subjects in fixed subject-verbcollocations like dà:gá dɛ̌: ‘night fall’ (§11.xxx), with verbal noun dà:gà-[dɛ̌-∅].There are also cases where the verbal noun seems to function as anadjective modifying the noun. Here the verbal noun denotes an action involvedin the making or modification of the object, and the preceding noun is thesemantic head of the combination. The boundary between this and theabstractive type illustrated above is not always clear. However, to the extentpossible I distinguish the adjectival examples by using a space rather than ahyphen.(xx2)Compounds with adjective-like Verbal Noun finalcompound gloss commenttuẁò kàrú ‘rock fracture’ “stone-rip.VblN” (tuẁó)pùrⁿù jàŋ-ú ‘cream of millet type’ “cream.of-milletpound.with.water.VblN”5.1.5 Agentive compounds of type (x̀ v́)In these compounds, the verb appears in {H}-toned form as the compound final,and a representative noun (normally a typical direct object) appears in84

{L}-toned form as the initial. When this initial is based on a cognate nominalrelated to the verb, the compound superficially mimics a reduplication. Thecompound as a whole functions as an agentive. As noted in §4.xxx, above,uncompounded agentives are nonexistent with the possible exception of dańá‘hunter’.(xx1)Agentive compoundsa. with cognate nominal as initialgɔ̀:-gɔ́: ‘dancer’gì:ⁿ-gí:ⁿ ‘thief’nĩ̀:rⁿì-nĩ́: ‘assessor of fines’saǹ-saŕⁿá ‘pray-er, devout Muslim’nùŋù-núŋɔ́ ‘singer’jɔ̀ŋù-jɔ́ŋɔ́ ‘healer’siǹ̃ɛ̀-siń̃ɛ́ ‘talkative, blabbermouth’jà:gù-já:gá ‘merchant’maǹùgù-mańgá ‘thinker; introspective person’tàtàgà-taǵá ‘jokester’b. with noncognate nominal as initialnũ̀:-tɔ́: ‘millet-harvester (who uproots stems)’tìtìrì-yá: ‘emissary’pègù-biŕɛ́ ‘day-laborer’iǹã̀rⁿà-nĩ́: ‘dandy, show-off’iẁɛ̀-diḿɛ́ ‘ladies’ man’dì:-gɛŕɛ́ ‘diviner of guilt who conjures images in water’nùmɔ̀-gɛ́rɛ́ ‘palmist (fortune-teller)’màlà-bírɛ́ ‘badly-behaved person’bù:dù-dá:ná ‘treasurer’ (“holder of money”)tùrà:bù-laǵá ‘Muslim fortune-teller’c. with compound as initial[kuǹ-ɔ̀:]-ɔ́: ‘seer’[nùmɔ̀-sìjè]-síjé ‘one who draws lines in sand’[biǹ-kɛ̀jɛ̀]-kɛ́jɛ́ ‘liar’d. final includes derivational suffixCausativekɛ̀dùrù-[kiẃⁿí-m] ‘diviner whose biceps quiver’Transitivekèrù-[diǵɛ́-rɛ́] ‘diviner who uses twigs’Mediopassivekɛ̀kɛ̀: bɛ̀:-[duẃ-ɛ́:] ‘dung beetle’(“beetle.L excrement.L-[carry-MP]85

5.1.6 Possessive-type compounds (n̄ n̂) or (n̄ ń)In some compounds, the tone contours are the same as those of a possessiveconstruction (cf. English childs play, menswear). The “possesssor” precedes the“possessed” element. As described in §6.xxx, the possessed element is subjectto tonal changes, while the possessor retains its usual tones.(xx1)Possessive-type compoundscpd gloss componentsa. compound final has {H}-tonedí: nã́ ‘low ground’ “water ground”buǵú-ɛ́:ⁿ ‘gunpowder soda ash’ “gunpowder soda.ash”ñɛ́: aẃⁿá ‘bush (Waltheria)’ “fire parent-in-law”jǎ sá:gú ‘burlap’ “fibre sack”kɔńú seǵú ‘cotton basket’ “cotton basket”b. compound final has {HL}-tonegùjú yɔ́:wɔ̀ ‘goatskin waterbag’ “skin waterbag”mańá yɔ́:wɔ̀ ‘rubber waterbag’ “plastic waterbag”kɔńú toǵùrù ‘cotton basket’ “cotton basket”puĺɛ́:ⁿ suǵuŕú-jé:lè ‘spiral earring’ “Fulbe’s ear-…”5.1.7 Compounds with í:ⁿ ‘child’ and variants-í:ⁿ ‘child’ is a transparent final, pronounced without contraction, in (ǹ n̄)compounds like those in (xx1). In this form it is common with human andinanimate reference. It is also used with terms for juvenile animals (but not forthe most common livestock animals). The human compounds are pluralized, asexpected, with the suppletive -uŕⁿí: ‘children’. The semantic nuance is indicatedby italicized subheadings in (xx1). For the inanimates, the common feature isthat the entity denoted by the compound is a small object associated in someway with a larger one. tìmɛ̀-í:ⁿ occurs twice with different senses (‘fruit of tree’,‘sapling’).(xx1) compound gloss initiala. human86

literal ‘child of X’làrà-í:ⁿ ‘sister’s child’ làrá ‘sister’ɔ̀gɔ̀-í:ⁿ ‘rich person’ ɔ̀gɔň ‘chief’, ɔ̀gɔ́ ‘chiefhood’member of a setsɔ̀tɔ̀rɔ̀-í:ⁿ ‘man in his prime’ sɔ́tɔŕɔ́ ‘set of men in theirprime’jɛ̀ŋɛ̀-í:ⁿ ‘twin’ jɛ̀ŋɛ́ ‘pair of twins’b. animalsɔǹ-í:ⁿ ‘colt’ sɔň ‘horse’tòrù-í:ⁿ ‘piglet’ toŕú ‘pig’jɔǹtùrù-í:ⁿ ‘young donkey’ jɔǹtuŕú ‘donkey’c. inanimateunitsɛẁɛ̀-í:ⁿ ‘sheet of paper’ sɛẃɛ́ ‘paper’small but significant part of an object or assemblageɔǹsaǹ-í:ⁿ ‘small burial pit’ ɔńsaǹ ‘cemetery’nùmɔ̀-í:ⁿ ‘finger’ nùmɔ́ ‘hand, arm’gìrè-í:ⁿ ‘eyeball’ gìré ‘eye(s’)kàrà-í:ⁿ ‘spinning whorl’ kaŕá ‘spinning gear’dìŋɛ̀:-í:ⁿ ‘necklace jewel’ kɔ̀rɔ̀-dìŋɛ̌: ‘necklace’kɔǹ-í:ⁿ ‘daba blade’ kɔň ‘daba (hoe)’small but significant adjunct to larger object[nũ̀:-nà:]-í:ⁿ ‘round grindstone’ nũ̀:-ná: ‘flat stone to grind on’àrⁿù-í:ⁿ ‘lightning jolt’ àrⁿú ‘rain’plant productkɛǹɛ̀-í:ⁿ ‘pit (of any fruit)’ kɛńɛ́ ‘heart’kɔǹù-í:ⁿ ‘cotton seed’ kɔńú ‘cotton’jɔẁɔ̀-í:ⁿ ‘onion bulb’ jɔẁɔ́ ‘onion’nũ̀:-í:ⁿ ‘grain of millet’ nṹ: ‘millet’ùmùrⁿù-í:ⁿ ‘tamarind seed’ ùmùrⁿú ‘tamarind’òruẁò-í:ⁿ ‘jujube pit’ òruẁó ‘jujube’tìmɛ̀-í:ⁿ ‘fruit of tree’ tìmɛ́ ‘tree’diminutivedɛǹ-í:ⁿ ‘small waterjar’ dɛň ‘waterjar’tìmɛ̀-í:ⁿ ‘sapling’ tìmɛ́ ‘tree’In some cases, a final short vowel does vanish, by contraction with thevowel of the compound final. This happens with several of the most commonlivestock terms (xx2.a), but also with a few plant-product terms (xx2.b).(xx2) compound gloss initiala. animal87

nàŋ-í:ⁿ ‘calf’ nàŋá ‘cow’ɛ̀rⁿ-í:ⁿ ‘goat kid’ ɛ̀rⁿɛ́ ‘goat’pèj-í:ⁿ ‘lamb’ péjú ‘sheep’kòg-í:ⁿ ‘chick’ kògó ‘chicken’b. plantpɔ̀r-í:ⁿ ‘sesame seed’ pɔ̀rú ‘sesame’ɛ̀:r-í:ⁿ ‘(a) peanut’ ɛ́:rɛ́ ‘peanut(s)’mɛ̀:n-í:ⁿ ‘wild date pit’ mɛ́:nɛ́ ‘wild date (Balanites)’Some other nouns look like frozen compounds of the type illustrated above,where the initial element does not occur separately. Examples: kɔ̀rⁿí: ‘smallintestine’, gɛ́rⁿí: ‘gear, equipment’.All of the preceding cases end in a long í:ⁿ, making the connection with thenoun í:ⁿ ‘child’ fairly obvious, even if a final short vowel has been lost.However, there are also many nouns that end in yⁿ, iń, or some other shortnasalized vowel, in descending order of transparent segmentability.(xx3) compound gloss initiala. humanàrⁿá-yǹ ‘boy, son’ àrⁿá ‘man’ñɛ̌-yǹ ‘girl, daughter’ ñɛ̌ ‘woman’c. inanimatetuẁɛ̌-yⁿ ~ tuẁɛ̌:ⁿ ‘small stone’ tuẁó ‘stone’gìrě-yⁿ ~ gìrè-í:ⁿ ‘eyeball’ gìré ‘(two) eyes’[further reduced in gìreǹ-tuńɔ́ báŋà ‘one-eyed person’)Some further nouns that may contain a trace of a frozen *-yń, or which mayhave become secondarily associated with the current compound type, includegàriń ‘kidney’, duẁɔ̀lɛň ‘eyeglasses’, iǹ-bǎyⁿ ‘newborn baby’, puǹǎyⁿ ‘flour,powder’, dɔ̌yⁿ ‘pestle’, tà:lɛ̌:ⁿ ‘proverb’. The situation is complicated by aphonological convergence with nouns ending in a nasalized vowel reflecting anoriginal human number suffix, see §4.xxx.5.1.8 ‘Man’ (àrⁿá), ‘woman’ (yɛ̀)The uncompounded terms are àrⁿá ‘man’ and ñɛ̌ ‘woman’. As adjectives, for‘male’ we get àrⁿá ‘male’, while for ‘female’ we get yǎ: for nonhuman orabstract referents and ñɛ̌ for humans. The latter also appears as final in somecompounds.88

‘Woman’ takes different forms as compound initial, and as noun in fixednoun-adjective. A recurrent form as compound initial is yɛ̀ (xx1).(xx1)Compounds with ‘woman’a. yà: kuń ‘unmarried (or divorced) woman’ɛ̀gɛ̀-yǎ:‘(woman’s) co-wife’ (ɛ̀gɛ́ ‘husband’)tìrɛ̀ yǎ:‘kin on mother’s side’b. yɛ̀ kaǹá ‘newlywed woman’ (“new woman”)yɛ̀-lǎ‘betrothal (of a girl, at birth)’yɛ̀ ná:‘old woman’yɛ̀ gàrá‘oldest woman’, ‘senior co-wife’yɛ̀ daǵá‘junior co-wife’c. ñɛ̀-nì:ní ‘act of taking bride to her husband’ñɛ̀-gɔ̀rú‘wedding’ñɛ̌-yǹ‘girl’ (“woman-child”)aẁà ñɛ̌‘mother-in-law’ (i.e. female in-law)guǹɔ̀ ñɛ̌‘female slave’Cf. also yà:jú ‘religious marriage’.‘Man’ is more regular in compounds and noun-adjective combinations.However, àrⁿá reduces in form in the combination aǹ kaǹá ‘newlywed man’.‘Boy’ is àrⁿá-yǹ.5.1.9 Compounds with ‘owner’ (n̄ báŋá)bàŋá ‘owner (of possession), master (of slave)’, in H-toned “possessed” form,occurs in many compounds with preceding NPs simple and complex. The initialhas its usual tones. The sense may be fairly literal, as in (xx1.a). Theconstruction is also used to describe the physical or personality type of a person(xx1.b), or to define a person by reference to an affliction or other characteristic(xx1.c).(xx1)‘Owner’ compoundscompounda. possessiongìrⁿí báŋátó:ró báŋágloss‘house-owner, head of house(hold)’, hence(with a possessor) ‘spouse’‘fetish (idol) owner’89

. physical or personality typejaḿ báŋá ‘dynamic one (in sports)’haḱiĺɛ́ báŋá ‘quick learner’tɛ́tɛ́ báŋá ‘arrogant person’[gìrè mǎ] báŋá ‘nosy person’c. affliction or other defining characteristicsùkɔ̀rɔ̀-nùrⁿú báŋá ‘diabetic person’kuǹ-lèrú báŋá ‘mildly crazy person’[tɔǹ bàjú] báŋá ‘hunchback’5.1.10 Loose and tight compounds with ná: (‘authentic’, ‘entire’)One can think of ná: as either an adjective or as a final in a {ǹ n̄) compound; thetwo constructions are tonally indistinguishable. I will write it with a space, asfor noun-adjective combinations.In (xx1) the main semantic patterns are represented.(xx1)Combinations with ná:a. ‘old (person)’, especially femaleyɛ̀ ná:‘old woman’aǹ ná:‘old man’ (synonym àrⁿà gàrá)b. ‘adult female (domestic animal)’nàŋà ná: ‘(female) cow’ɛ̀rⁿɛ̀ ná:‘nanny-goat’pèjù ná:‘ewe’c. ‘entire plant’ (for any tree, shrub, or herb)ɔ̀rɔ̀ ná:‘baobab tree’màŋgòrò ná: ‘mango tree’d. primary, prototypical, or large member of a setàrùkò ná: ‘large boubou’pɔǹù ná: ‘baggy pants (to knees)’ɛ̀:rɛ̀ ná:‘groundnut’ (as opposed to ‘peanut’)tògù ná: ‘main palaver shed (of a village)’gì ná:‘extended family’ (gìrⁿí ‘house’)dùŋù ná: ‘elephant’ (cf. dùŋ-yàrá ‘lion’)lù:rò ná: ‘rock python’ (prototypical snake)90

e. larger of two paired objectsnũ̀: ná:‘flat stone for grinding on’Occasionally a noun lends itself to two of these senses. In (xx1.e), nũ̀: ná:denotes a flattish, slightly concave stone on which one grinds millet (nṹ:)holding a small round stone in one’s hand. This smaller stone is called [nũ̀:-nà:]-í:ⁿ, literally ‘child of nũ̀: ná:’, see §4.xxx. nũ̀: ná: has a second sense, denotingthe prototypical cultivar of millet, in contrast to various other cultivars. Aspecial combination nũ̀: gɔň is used in the sense ‘(entire) millet plant’, avoidingadditional ambiguity of nũ̀: ná:.For nonprototypical or nonuseful species closely associated with animportant or useful species (‘false jujube’, etc.), a miscellany of ad hoc devicesare used. Examples are in (xx2).(xx2) term gloss literal sensea. tǎ: oŕuẁò ‘false jujube’ “hyena’s jujube”b. aǹũ̀-bàlèmbá ‘wild roselle’ “roselle-??”c. ɛ̀:rɛ̀-muńṹrⁿú ‘peanut’ “peanut/groundnut-??”(xx2a) illustrates the use of a nonhuman animal possessor. “Hyena’sjujube” is the tree Ziziphus mucronata, whose fruits resemble those of truejujube (Ziziphus mauritiana) but are not eaten. ‘Wild roselle’ is Hibiscuscannabinus (including the former H. asper), which resembles cultivated roselle(H. sabdariffa) but is used, if at all, only for cordage. In (xx2.c), the unmodifiedterm ɛ́:rɛ́ subsumes peanut (Arachis hypogaea) and groundnut (Vignasubterranea), with the latter still treated as primary. The endings -bàlèmbá and-muńũŕⁿú in (xx2.b,c) are opaque to a native speaker, though the formerimprobably resembles baĺémbá ‘champion’.5.1.11 Natural-species compounds with medial -nà:-The attested examples are in (xx1), in descending order of analysability. Thetonal sequence is consistently x̀-nà:-x́.(xx1) compound gloss related formtɔ̀gù-nà:-tɔǵú ‘woodpecker’ verb tɔǵɔ́ ‘(woodpecker) peckdeeply (wood)’bàjù-nà:-bájú ‘wind scorpion’ verb bàjá ‘pull’ (said to dragtesticles)91

kɛ̀m-nà:-kɛ́m ‘earwig (insect)’ kɛň ‘pointed instrument (e.g.awl)’ (insect has a forked tail)kà: sèrù-nà:-sérú ‘grasshopper (Acrida)’Of possible relevance is nì:-kùmàkuń ‘black-and-white cow-pea’, with nǐ:‘cow-pea’. The final element might be segmented as kuǹ-mà-kuń. In fact, myassistant volunteered a connection with kuń ‘unmarried’. One couldalternatively connect it with kuń ‘head’, thinking of the respective black andwhite tips.5.1.12 Instrumental relative compounds (‘oil for rubbing’)In one pattern that has some resemblance to a relative clause, the head noun is{L}-toned and is followed by an Imperfective verb form, with no overt subject.(xx1) compound gloss verbdì: nɔ́:-nṹ ‘drinking water’ nɔ̌: ‘drink’dì: iǹ-ɛ́:-nṹ ‘water for bathing’ (dí:) iǹ-î: ‘bathe’kòrò bá-nṹ ‘trough for tapping’ bàrⁿá ‘beat (tomtom)’In another construction, where the function involves a direct object distinctfrom the head of the compound along with a transitive verb, the head is {L}-toned and is followed by a compound adjective consisting of a {L}-toneddirect-object noun and a Verbal Noun with suffix -ú or allomorph (§4.xxx).(xx2) compound gloss componentslɔ̀gɔ̀ [gìrⁿì tàr-ú] ‘earth for replastering’ gìrⁿí ‘house’, tárá‘replaster’lɔ̀gɔ̀ [pàrⁿɛ̀: tɛ̌w-∅] ‘earth for bricks’ pàrⁿɛ́: ‘mud brick’, tɛẃɛ́‘shape (bricks)’There is, finally, an archaic pattern with nɔ̌: ‘drink’ as compound final inbare-stem form (xx3). This pattern has not been found with other verbs.(xx3) compound gloss componentskàjù-nɔ̌: ‘calabash for drinking’ kàjú ‘calabash’dɔ̀-nɔ̌: ‘waterjar for drinking’ dɛň ‘waterjar’92

5.1.13 Other phrasal compounds[bɔ̀:-yń]-[kó:-rò] ‘grasshopper sp. (Diabolocatantops)’ is so named because aperson whose father is still alive should not eat it. It contains a variant of bɔ̀:-í:ⁿ‘father’s child’ and a variant of kô:-rò ‘doesn’t eat (meat)’.pùrⁿí:-mà:-ñǎ: ‘click beetle (Elateridae)’ is based on the phrase pùrⁿí:mà=> ñǎ: ‘cream of millet or (grain-based) meal’. The insect is said to informpeople who are outside the village what they will find for dinner on returninghome. The medial -mà:- is derived from the ‘or’ disjunction and should not beconfused with -nà:- in iterated flora-fauna termsaǹtaǹú-má-gòrò-múŋuŕⁿú ‘grasshopper sp. with humped pronotum(Humbe)’ is understood to contain aǹtaǹú ‘name of third son’, a variant of gòrómà ‘my nape’, and a form related to the verb mùŋúrⁿì ‘(bump) develop (onhead)’.5.1.14 Unclassified nominal compoundsàmá tìtìrì-yá: ‘God’s emissary (prophet)’writeany that do not fit into the above categories5.2 Adjectival compounds5.2.1 Bahuvrihi (“Blackbeard”) compoundsBahuvrihi compounds are like English two-headed or redhead (red-headed).They describe an entity, often a person or animal, by reference to an attributethat consists of a noun (such as a body part) and either a modifying adjective ornumeral. Bahuvrihis can be nouns (redhead) or adjectives (red-headed).93

5.2.1.1 With adjectival compound final (n a)These bahuvrihis are of the type [head-red], where the final is an adjectivedirectly modifying the referent of the initial, and the combination describes asalient or defining feature of the overall referent.In one subtype, illustrated in (xx1), the initial has its regular tones, and thefinal has overlaid {H} tone whether it is lexically {H} or {LH}.(xx1)Initial with regular tonesa. final {H} from lexical {H}kɔ̀gɔ̀rɔ̀ dùrɛň-bań “fish tail-red” (Hydrocynus)gùjú-gɛń “skin-black” (‘African’)nà kɛńɛ́-gɛń “person heart-black” (‘evil person’)kiŕⁿí-sí:“nose-pointed” (‘with pointed tip/nose’)nà biň-maŕⁿá “person belly-big”nà giỳé-kágájú “person body-rough” (‘rough-skinned’)b. final {H} from lexical {LH} (yɔ̀rú, ɛ̌:, dègé)giỳé-yɔŕú “body-soft” (‘person with soft skin’)giỳé-ɛ́:“body-hard”nùmɔ́-deǵé “hand-short” (‘short-armed’)In another type, an {L}-toned noun is followed by a lexical-toned adjective(xx2). We could take these to be (ǹ n̄) compounds with the adjective as head.They also have the same tones as the underlying noun-adjective sequence wouldhave, with the noun tone-dropped before a modifying adjective.(xx2)Initial tone-droppeda. final with lexical {LH}kuẁɔ̀-gɔǹú “foot-crooked” (‘knock-kneed’)kuẁɔ̀-yù:gú “foot-slow” (‘slow-moving’)b. final with lexical {H}kuẁɔ̀-ɔǵú “foot-fast” (‘fleet-footed’)kaǹ-ñɛ́rⁿú “mouth-lightweight” (‘person who can’t keep a secret’)5.2.1.2 With numeral compound final (n num)When the compound final in a bahuvrihi is a numeral, the compound has thesame tone that it would as an independent noun-numeral sequence. For ‘2’94

through ‘10’ this means that both the noun and the numeral show lexical tones.For ‘1’, the adjectival form tuńɔ́ is used, so the noun drops tones. Thecompound as a whole usually functions as an adjective. (xx1) illustrated thepattern using ‘person’ and ‘cow’ as the modified nouns.(xx1)Bahuvrihi with numeral as finala. initial is tone-dropped before adjectival numeralnà gìrɛǹ-tuńɔ́ ‘one-eyed person’b. initial and numeral final have lexical tonesnàŋà gìré-tà:nú ‘three-eyed cow’nàŋà kuń-lɔý ‘two-headed cow’nàŋà kuń-kúré: ‘six-headed cow’95

6 Noun Phrase structure6.1 Organization of NP constituentsThe core NP consists of the noun (itself perhaps compound) and any followingmodifying adjectives. The extended core NP consists of the core NP plus afollowing cardinal numeral.6.1.1 Linear orderThe order of elements is shown schematically in (xx1).(xx1)possessor NPextended core NPcore NPnounadjective(s)numeral [optionally flips with adjective if possessed]NP-final elements (determiners and non-numeral quantifiers)postnominal pronominal possessor (1Sg mà, pronoun plus kè)demonstrativeplural (bè and -nà)‘all’ (sâⁿ)Plural bè is generally omitted where redundant, i.e. with nonsingularnumerals and with ‘all’. The schema omits wò=> ‘each, all’, which follows anoun-adjective combination but does not readily co-occur with the followingelements (except in special senses).Examples showing the basic linear ordering are in (xx2).(xx2) NP gloss componentspéjú ‘sheep’ npéjú bè ‘sheep-Pl’ n plpèjù márⁿá ‘big sheep’ n asè:dú péjú màrⁿà ‘Seydou’s big sheep’ poss n apèjù màrⁿà gɛń ‘big black sheep’ n a a97

pèjù màrⁿà gɛń bè ‘big black sheep-Pl’ n a a plpèjù márⁿá kúré: ‘6 big sheep’ n a numpèjù màrⁿà kùré: mà ‘my 6 big sheep’ n a num posspèjù kùrè: márⁿá mà " " " n num a posspèjù márⁿá sâⁿ ‘all the big sheep’ n a ‘all’pèjù màrⁿà yɔ́:-nà ‘those big sheep’ n a dempéjú mà yɔ́:‘that sheep-Sg of mine’ n poss dempèjù màrⁿà kùré: yɔ̀:-nà ‘those 6 big sheep’ n a num dempèjù màrⁿà kùré: yɔ̀:-nà sâⁿ ‘all those 6 big sheep’ n a num dem ‘all’sè:dú péjú màrⁿà kùrè: ‘Seydou’s 6 big sheep’ poss n a numor: sè:dú péjú kùrè: màrⁿà " " " poss n num aIn a possessed NP, a numeral and a modifying adjective optionally switchpositions, so two of the combinations in (xx2) have a choice of two alternativeexpressions (see the ditto marks).In addition to linear order, the morphosyntax of NP also involves tonalinteractions and the detachment break point for NPs functioning as relativeclauseheads. There is, however, no animacy or number concord of the sortfound in e.g. Jamsay or Najamba.6.1.2 Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, etc.)Demonstratives and the universal quantifier ‘all’ readily occur in absolutefunction, without a preceding noun (xx1.a-b). However, cardinal numeralsrequire at least a minimal complement, such as nǎ ‘person’ with humanreference, or Nonhuman pronoun kó in possessor function (xx1.c-d).(xx1) a. iń nɔ́: ɛẁ-ɛ̀1SgS Prox buy-Perf.L‘I bought this.’b. iń sâⁿ (fú=>) ɛẁ-ɛ̀1SgS all (all) buy-Perf.L‘I bought all (=everything).’c. iń [kó kuŕè:] ɛẁ-ɛ̀1SgS [NonhP six.HL] buy-Perf.L‘I bought six (of them).’d. [kó tɛḿdɛ́rɛ̀] ɔǹɔ̀[NonhP hundred] give.Imprt.L‘Give me one hundred (of them).’98

Modifying adjectives may be used absolutely when the noun is understoodor indeterminate, though this is not common.(xx2) wó bań ɛẁ-ɛ̀3SgS red buy-Perf.L‘He/She bought (a/the) red one.’6.1.3 Detachability (in relatives)When a NP functions as head of a relative clause, it divides into two parts. Thenoun along with any adjectives and cardinal numerals, i.e. the extended coreNP, remains intact inside the relative clause. If there is a possessor NP, it tooremains with the clause-internal head NP, though it changes its form.The break point is between the above NP components and those that arereocated to a position following the verb of the relative clause: demonstrativepronouns, Plural bè or nà, and universal quantifiers (‘all’).For the grisly details, see Chapter 14.6.1.4 Internal bracketing and tone-dropping (unpossessed NP)In this section we consider tonal effects relevant to the internal bracketing ofunpossessed NPs in functions other than relative-clause head. Addition of apossessor radically changes the tone contours of the possessed NP. When a NPfunctions as relative-clause head, it is subject to additional tonal effects.It is useful to work from the inside out. At the center is the core NPconsisting of the noun and any modifying adjectives. A NP may consist entirelyof a core NP with no further material. In this case, the final word in the core NPshows its lexical tones, while preceding words are tone-dropped to {L}. Recallthat the lexical tone contour of a noun or pronoun may be {H} or {LH}(§3.xxx). Where x represents a word-class label, “n” for noun or “a” for adj, thenotation x̄ means that it keeps its lexical tones, while x̀ means that it dropstones.(xx1)Core NPa. noun only (n̄)péjúàrⁿá‘sheep’‘man’99

. noun plus adjective (ǹ ā)pèjù márⁿá ‘big sheep’pèjù gɛń ‘black sheep’àrⁿà mɔǹṹ ‘bad man’àrⁿà gàrá ‘old man’c. noun plus two adjectives (ǹ à ā)pèjù màrⁿà gɛń ‘big black sheep’ (or: pèjù gɛǹ márⁿá)àrⁿà gàrà mɔǹṹ ‘bad old man’In (xx1.c), it cannot be determined whether the final adjective controlssimultaneous tone dropping on both preceding words, or whether tone-droppingapplies cyclically, each time affecting only the word immediately to the left ofthe controlling word.The extended core NP, equivalent to “numeral phrase” in some syntacticmodels, is a core NP plus a cardinal numeral. The core NP and the numeral aretonally autonomous, each keeping its own tones. Therefore the core NP withinan extended core NP has exactly the same forms just illustrated.(xx2)Extended core NPa. with core NP = noun (n̄ nū̄m̄)péjú kuŕé:‘six sheep’b. with core NP = noun plus adjective ([ǹ ā] nūm)[pèjù maŕⁿá] kúré: ‘six big sheep;c. with core NP = noun plus two adjectives ([ǹ à ā] nūm)[pèjù màrⁿà gɛń] kúré: ‘six big black sheep’The extended core NP has an important syntactic status, since it remainsintact when the NP functions as head of a relative. Following NP-internalelements peel off and relocate to a position after the verb of the relative clause.These NP-final elements do remain attached to the NP in functions otherthan relative-clause head. The leftmost such element, immediately following theextended core NP, is a demonstrative pronoun (§4.xxx). These pronouns inducetone-dropping on the final word of the core NP, regardless of whether a numeralintervenes between the core NP and the demonstrative. However, when anumeral is present (with or without a core NP), a kind of tonal fireworks takesplace, whereby the numeral shifts to {LH} tone before any of the threedemonstrative categories, and the morphologically simple demonstrative stemsnɔ́: (Proximal) and yɔ́: (Near-Distal), but not the morphologically complex Far-Distal demonstrative, drop tones to {L}.100

(xx3)Extended core NP plus demonstrativea. core NP (e.g. noun) without numeral, plus demonstrative (ǹ dēm)pèjù nɔ́:‘this sheep’àrⁿà [nɔ́: bàŋà] ‘this man’b. numeral plus demonstrative(nǔm dèm), Proximal and Near-Distalkùré: nɔ̀:‘these six’ (< kuŕé:, nɔ́:)pɛ̀rú yɔ̀:‘those ten over there’ (< pɛ́rú, yɔ́:)(nǔm dēm), Far-Distalpɛ̀rú [érú kɔ́ nà] ‘those three’ (Far-Distant)c. core NP, numeral, demonstrative([ǹ nǔm] dèm), Proximal and Near-Distalpèjù [kùré: nɔ̀:] ‘these six’([ǹ nǔm] dēm), Far-Distalpèjù [pɛ̀rú [érú kɔ́ nà]] ‘those three’ (Far-Distant)The Plural morpheme is bè when added to a core NP. It is generallyomitted, because redundant, in NPs that include a nonsingular numeral or an‘all’ quantifier. Demonstratives (and relative clauses) have a distinct Pluralmarker nà. Plural morphemes have no tonal effect on preceding words in theNP. Since both bè and nà are L-toned, we would not be able to hear tonedroppingwere it to occur on them.(xx4)NP with Plural morphemea. core NP (e.g. noun) without numeral, plus Plural bè (ǹ p̄l)péjú bè‘sheep-Pl’àrⁿà bè‘men’b. demonstrative plus Plural nà (dēm p̄l)nɔ́: nà‘these’eŕú wé nà‘those’ (Human, Far-Distal)c. core NP (e.g. noun), demonstrative, Plural ([ǹ dēm p̄l)pèjù [nɔ́: nà] ‘these sheep’àrⁿà [érú wé nà] ‘those men’ (Far-Distal)Universal quantifiers (‘all’) come at the end of the NP, followingdemonstratives and (if present) a Plural morpheme. The common ‘all’ form issâⁿ. When added to a core NP with no intervening numeral, it behaves like a101

numeral tonosyntactically; neither the ‘all’ word nor the core NP change theirtones. However, when a numeral precedes sâⁿ, we get the same kind of tonalfireworks that we saw above in the combination of a numeral with ademonstrative. Though sâⁿ itself keeps its tones, the preceding numeral switchesto {LH}. Moreover, a preceding core NP now drops its tones, again as if ademonstrative were in same position as sâⁿ. This tone-dropping also applies tothe Nonhuman pronoun kó used as a default complement when the numeral isnot accompanied by a noun.(xx5)NP with universal quantifiera. core NP (e.g. noun) plus ‘all’ (n̄ q̄)péjú sâⁿ‘all of the sheep’b. numeral plus ‘all’ (nǔm q̄)[kò kùré:] sâⁿ ‘all six (of them)’c. core NP (e.g. noun), numeral, ‘all’ (ǹ nǔm q̄)[pèjù kùré:] sâⁿ ‘all six sheep’For wò=> ‘each’, see §6.6.2, below.6.2 PossessivesThe possessor precedes the possessed NP in some cases, and follows it inothers. A nonpronominal NP possessor always precedes.For pronominal possessors, there are two constructions. In the mostcommon type, a pronoun precedes the possessed noun, except that the 1Sgpossessor form is mà after the possessed noun. I refer to this as thenonappositional possession construction. It is found with alienably as well asinalienably possessed nouns. In the other type, which is always optional butfairly common with alienably possessed nouns (especially those of complexstructure, for example with a numeral), the possessed noun is followed by thesequence of a pronominal possessor and kè ‘possession, (sb’s) thing’. Since kèis in apposition to the possessed noun, e.g. ‘house [my thing]’ for ‘my house’, Irefer to this as the appositional possession construction.When the possessor precedes the possessed NP (as with all nonpronominalpossessors, and with pronouns other than 1Sg in the nonappositionalconstruction), the possessor controls a tonal contour on the following possessednoun. The possessed NP retains its lexical tones when the possessor follows.102

6.2.1 Tonal changes on possessed NPs after a possessorI will refer to the tone contour controlled by a preceding possessor as thepossessed-noun contour. However, the scope of the contour is not limited to aword, rather it affects the (possessed) extended core NP (noun plus anymodifying adjectives and numerals). I begin here, however, with the possessedforms of ordinary nouns and of noun-noun compounds. Basically, prosodicallylight unsegmentable nouns have {H} as the possessed contour, whileprosodically heavy (as well as morphologically composite) nouns have {HL}.In both cases, the possessed-noun contour erases the lexical contour. {L} aspossessed-noun contour is attested, but rare and lexicalized.6.2.1.1 Possessed-noun {H} for prosodically light simple nounsProsodically light noun stems are those of one or two moras, i.e. Cv, Cv:, andCvCv stems. If the stem is lexically {H}-toned, there is no audible change(xx1.a). If the stem is lexically {LH}-toned, the change to {H} is audible(xx1.b), and I therefore attribute this overlaid contour to (xx1.a) as well. Onekin term with CvCv:ⁿ shape (including a frozen diminutive morpheme) is also{H}-toned when possessed (xx1.c). It has three moras, but is treated as thoughCvCv, suggesting that the length of the final vowel is disregarded for thisweighing purpose. For another kin term, the possessed form has a slightsegmental change, adding a contracted form of the diminutive morpheme(xx1.d).(xx1){H} contour for unsegmentable, prosodically light possessed nounnoun possessed glossa. stem of 1-2 moras, {H}-tonedkań kań ‘mouth’kuń kuń ‘head’nã́ nã́ ‘area, zone’bɛ́: bɛ́: ‘excrement’teḿ teḿ ‘strap’nińĩ́ nińĩ́ ‘maternal uncle’péjú péjú ‘sheep’kɛńɛ́ kɛńɛ́ ‘liver’b. stem of 1-2 moras, {LH}-tonednǎ ná ‘person’103

ɛ̌ bɛ́ ‘beard’sɔň sɔń ‘horse’diň diń ‘hip’ñɛ̌ ñɛ́ ‘wife, woman’nǐ: ní: ‘paternal aunt’tɛ̌: tɛ́: ‘honey’dɛ̌:ⁿ dɛ́:ⁿ ‘elder same-sex sibling’ɛ̀rⁿɛ́ ɛŕⁿɛ́ ‘goat’aẁá aẃⁿá ‘in-law’tɔ̀gú tɔǵú ‘race, category’gìrⁿí giŕⁿí ‘house’tuẁó tuẃó ‘stone’nɔẁⁿɔ́ nɔẃⁿɔ́ ‘meat’c. CvCv:ⁿ (one kin term)sùgɛ̌:ⁿ suǵɛ́:ⁿ ‘younger same-sex sibling’d. with segmental change (diminutive ending)ɛ̀gɛ́ ɛǵɛ́:ⁿ ‘husband’6.2.1.2 Possessed-noun {HL} for heavy and complex nounsProsodically heavy nouns are those of three (vocalic) moras, specifically Cv:Cvand CvCvCv. The lexical distinction between {H} and {LH} contours is erased,but this time the overlaid contour is {HL}, with the tone break at the firstsyllable boundary. This is shown in (xx1), using nouns that do not appear to becomposite (morphemically or prosodically).(xx1){HL} contour for prosodically heavy possessed nounnoun possessed glossa. stem of 3 moras, {H}-tonedCv:Cvá:nṹ á:nũ̀ ‘vein’bá:gá bá:gà ‘stick’yɔ́:wɔ́ yɔ́:wɔ̀ ‘well bag’CvCvCvtɔǵɔŕɔ́ tɔǵɔ̀rɔ̀ ‘person with the same name’kɛǵɛŕɛ́ kɛǵɛ̀rɛ̀ ‘saddle’báŋárⁿá báŋàrⁿà ‘shin’b. stem of 3 moras, {LH}-toned104

Cv:Cvgě:w gê:w ‘belch(ing)’ (= /gè:wú/)CvCv:òtě: ótè: ‘well (for water)’pòlí: poĺì: ‘pulley’pàrⁿɛ́: paŕⁿɛ̀: ‘brick’iǹǎ: ińà: ‘mother’CvCvCmòtǎm mótàm ‘scorpion’CvCvCvsɛ̀ruẁɛ́ sɛŕuẁɛ̀ ‘spur’iǹsìrⁿí ińsìrⁿì ‘urine’kògújó koǵùjò ‘cough’Of course, many prosodically heavy stems are composite in one sense orother: a) one can identify at least one of the composite morphemes; b) the nounappears to contain an initial Cv-reduplication; or c) the noun can be divided intotwo segments each of a shape like CvC or CvCv and has a tone contourcompatible with noun-noun compound status. There are also a very smallnumber of CvCv nouns that are arguably composite.Reduplicated nouns (§4.xxx) are in (xx2). Most are Cv-Cv: kin terms(xx2.b) and Cv-CvCv or similar nouns (xx2.c). They have the {HL} possessednouncontour characteristic of heavy stems. More interestingly, there are ahandful of reduplicated C 1 v 1 C 1 v 1 stems that also have {HL}, diverging from themorphologically simple CvCv nouns in (xx1) in the preceding section, whichhave {H} after a possessor. In fact, the possessed tone contour can be used as atest for reduplicated status of C 1 v 1 C 1 v 1 nouns. There are a number of such nounsthat fail this test and can therefore be taken as morphologically unreduplicated(the repetition of syllables being accidental); see ‘Bobo’, ‘Guinea worm’,‘jaundice’, and ‘person of low caste’ in §4.1.4, above.(xx2){HL} contour for nouns with initial Cv-reduplicationnoun possessed glossa. Cv-Cv (all known examples)nũǹũ̌ nũńũ̀ ‘cold weather’yaỳǎ nà: yaýà nà: ‘woman who has just given birth’jújú jújù ‘judge’ (French juge)b. Cv-Cv:dèdé: dédè: ‘father’naǹá: nańà: ‘grandmother’bàbá: bábà: ‘grandfather’105

c. Cv-CvCvguǵuŕú guǵùrù ‘grass’nɛǹɛ̀ŋɛ́ nɛńɛ̀ŋɛ̀ ‘groin’Composite noun stems of the more classic type also have the {HL} contourwhen possessed, but the position of the tone break depends on the prosodicstructure as well as on the compound break. If the initial is prosodically light,i.e. Cv-, Cv:-, or CvCv-, the H-tone component of {HL} continues to the end ofthe initial, while the final is {L}-toned. If the initial is prosodically heavy, thetone break occurs at the first syllable boundary, and the remainder of thecompound is {L}-toned.(xx3){HL} contour for compound nounsnoun possessed glossa. Cv- initialbɛ̀sɛ́: bɛśɛ̀: ‘father’s younger brother’kaǹ-gɔ̀ŋùrⁿú kań-gɔ̀ŋùrⁿù ‘rim’ñɛ̀ gàrá ñɛ́ gàrà ‘old(est) woman’guǹsań guńsaǹ ‘full outback’b. Cv:- initialbɛ̀:-gɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ́:-gɛ̀rɛ̀ ‘side’ì:ⁿ sóŋuŕⁿú í:ⁿ sòŋùrⁿù ‘elder of two young children’c. CvCv- initialtiŕí-wɛ́ tiŕí-wɛ̀ ‘grandchild’nińĩ́-wⁿɛ́ nińĩ́-wⁿɛ̀ ‘sister’s child’làrà-í:ⁿ laŕá-ì:ⁿ ‘sister’s child’jɛ̀ŋɛ̀-í:ⁿ jɛ́ŋɛ́-ì:ⁿ ‘twin sibling’ɔ̀gɔ̀-ñɔ̌ ɔǵɔ́-ñɔ̀ ‘camel’gìrⁿì-dú giŕⁿí-dù ‘courtyard’, ‘family’pèlè-guḿó peĺé-gùmò ‘pigeon’d. Cv:Cv- initialpú:jù-pá:jù pú:jù-pà:jù ‘lungs’e. CvCCv- initialɔ̀mjɔń‘low ground’f. CvCv:- initialòtè:-kań ótè:-kaǹ ‘edge (of well)’106

òtè:-sùŋú ótè:-sùŋù ‘well rope’g. CvCvCv- initialiǹsìrⁿì-joǵó ińsìrⁿì-jògò ‘bladder’bìrìgì-tìmé biŕìgì-tìmè ‘omasum’There are a number of stems that cannot be segmented into recognizableinitial and final stems, but that have prosodic shapes consistent withcompounds. It is possible that they are treated as compounds for purposes ofdetermining the possessed-noun tone contour (xx4).(xx4)Multisyllabic nouns arguably treated prosodically as compoundsnoun possessed glossCv:CvC(v)tà:baľ tá:bàl ‘table (selling stand)’CvCvCv:màrùpá: máruṕà: ‘rifle, musket’CvCvCvCvàrùsɛ̀gɛ́ aŕuśɛ̀gɛ̀ ‘animal’wògòtoŕó woǵótòrò ‘cart’The restriction of the {HL} contour to prosodically heavy possessed nouns,not including Cv: and CvCv, is notable from a comparative Dogon perspective.However, the {HL} contour does appear on stems with similar shapes thatfunction as postpositions (particularly spatial ones), as in postposition bɔŕɔ̀‘under’ from noun bɔ̀rɔ́ ‘rear’. and on a few nouns as a tonal locative formwithout a postposition. The historical connection between possessed-noun tonecontours, postpositional tones, and tonal locatives of ordinary nouns, remains tobe worked out.6.2.1.3 Possessed-noun {L} for two monosyllabic nounsFinally, there are two important monosyllabic noun stems that drop to {L} toneafter a possessor (xx1). Both are human nouns that have kinship senses whenpossessed.(xx1){L} possessed-noun contournoun possessed gloss107

a. stem {H}-tonedí:ⁿ ì:ⁿ ‘child’b. stem {LH}-tonedñɛ̌ ñɛ̀ ‘woman, wife’Contrast ú ì:ⁿ ‘your-Sg child’ and ú ñɛ̀ ‘your wife’, showing {L}-tonedpossessed nouns, with the {H}-toned possessed nouns in e.g. ú dɛń ‘yourwaterjar’ (lexical dɛň), ú ló ‘your medication’ (lǒ), ú bɔń ‘your-Sg tomtom’(bɔň), and ú té ‘your-Sg tea’ (té).6.2.1.4 Downstep in possessed nounIn most cases the possessor itself (e.g. noun, noun-adjective, pronoun) ends in aH-tone. As noted above, most possessed nouns begin with a H-tone, and may beentirely {H}-toned. Phonetically, the final H of the possessor and the H of thepossessed can approximate a tonal terrace, in the sense that there is no sharppitch discontinuity at the word boundary. This is typical with pronominalpossessors, which are monosyllabic and H-toned. Therefore ú giŕⁿí ‘your-Sghouse’ (gìrⁿí) and wó nú: ‘his/her death’ (nǔ:) show at most a slight divergencein pitch between the possessor and the possessed noun, so the {H} contour ofthe possessed noun is clearly heard. The best frame for identifying the fewnouns with {L}-toned possessed-noun contour is therefore following apronominal possessor. The sharp pitch break in ú ì:ⁿ ‘your-Sg child’ or in wó ñɛ̀‘his wife’ show that these possessed nouns are genuinely {L}-toned.However, with nonpronominal possessors, there is a noticeable pitch dropbetween the final H of the possessor and the H of the possessed noun, as inaḿírⁿí giŕⁿí ‘(a/the) chief’s house’ and ñɛ̌ nú: ‘a woman’s death’. I have beentaking this to be a matter of phonetic realization, but perhaps it could beformally reflected in the transcription as downstep, e.g. aḿírⁿí giŕⁿí. Morestudy needs to be done on this point.6.2.2 Treatment of modifiers following the possessed nounWhen an adjective modifies the possessed noun, the noun-adjectivecombination (i.e. the core NP) is subjected, as a unit, to the {HL} possessednountone contour. As shown in (xx1), the possessed noun itself appears with itsregular possessed-noun tone, {H} or for heavier stems {HL}, and the followingadjective is tone-dropped.108

(xx1) a. sè:dú [giŕⁿí gàrà]S [house.H big.L]'Seydou's big house’ (gìrⁿí, gàrá)b. sè:dú [ná mɔǹũ̀]S [person.H big.L]‘Seydou's bad person (=kinsman)’ (nǎ, mɔǹṹ)c. sè:dú [túŋùrⁿù dàgà]S [stool.HL small.L]‘Seydou’s small stool’ (túŋúrⁿú, daǵá)A numeral or ‘all’ quantifier following the noun (or the core NP) is alsoincluded in the domain of the {HL} contour, and therefore appears in tonedroppedform, compare (xx3.a) with kuŕé: ‘six’ and (xx3.b) with sâⁿ ‘all’. Thesame tonal pattern occurs when a demonstrative follows the noun, as in (xx3.c),compare yɔ́: ‘that’ (Near-Distant), though my assistant found the phrasingsomewhat awkward.(xx3) a. sè:dú [giŕⁿí kùrè:]Seydou [house.H six.L]‘Seydou's six houses’b. sè:dú [giŕⁿí saǹ]Seydou [house.H all.L]‘that house of Seydou’s’c. sè:dú [giŕⁿí yɔ̀:]Seydou [house.H NearDist.L]‘that house of Seydou’s’6.2.3 Pronominal possessorsWe begin with possessed NPs not containing a quantifier. In the 1Sg only, thepossessor is expressed by a postnominal morpheme mà. The possessed noun hasits regular tones, as in unpossessed contexts. For the other pronominalcategories, the possessor precedes the possessed noun and controls the same{HL} possessed-noun tone contour that was illustrated above fornonpronominal possessor NPs. Thus gìrⁿí 'house' has its lexical tone in (xx1.a)but has {HL} contour in (xx1.b).(xx1)a. possessor follows possessed noun109

1Sg gìrⁿí màb. possessor precedes possessed noun1Pl ɛḿɛ́ giŕⁿì2Sg ú giŕⁿì2Pl é giŕⁿì3Sg wó giŕⁿì3Pl bé giŕⁿìThe same constructions are used with all possessed nouns. Thus péjú 'sheep'in péjú mà 'my sheep-Sg' and wó péjù 'his/her sheep-Sg', and dèdě: 'father' indèdě: mà 'my father' and wó dédè: 'his/her father'.1Sg Possessor mà follows the core NP, which may include a postnominaladjective (xx2.a). However, it precedes the universal quantifiers sâ:ⁿ andfú=>, which are NP-final here as elsewhere. (For cardinal numerals, see justbelow.)(xx2) a. gìrⁿì márⁿá màhouse.L big 1SgP'my big house'b. gìrⁿí mà sâ:ⁿgìrⁿí mà fú=>house 1SgP all'all (of) my houses'If the possessed noun is directly followed by a cardinal numeral, aconstruction consisting of a pronoun plus kè ‘possession’ optionally replaces thepreceding construction. In the construction with kè, a {LH} tone contour isimposed on the [noun numeral] (or [noun adjective numeral]) construction, withthe H-tone component realized on the final syllable of the numeral. (The sametone contour is found with universal quantifiers, §6.xxx, below.) The forms aregiven in (xx3), examples in (xx4).(xx3) form(s) categorya. possessor always follows [N Num][N.L Num.LH] [iń kè ]or [N.L Num.LH] mà1Sgb. possessor precedes or follows [N Num]ú [N.HL Num.L] or [N.L Num.LH] [u kè ] 2Sgwó [N.HL Num.L] or [N.L Num.LH] [wó kè ] 3Sgɛḿɛ́ [N.HL Num.L] or [N.L Num.LH] [ɛ́mɛ́ kè ] 1Pl110

é [N.HL Num.L] or [N.L Num.LH] [é kè ] 2Plbé [N.HL Num.L] or [N.L Num.LH] [bé kè ] 3Pl(xx4) a. gìrⁿì kùré: [iń kè]house.L six.LH [1SgP Poss]'my six houses'b. gìrⁿì kùré: màhouse.L six.LH 1SgP[= (a)]c. ú [giŕⁿì kùrè:]2Sg [house.HL six.L]'your-Sg six houses'd. [gìrⁿì kùré:] [ú kè][house.L six.LH] [2SgP Poss][= (c)]The construction with postposted pronominal plus kè is also occasionallyattested occasionally with simple possessed nouns, as in ‘my sleep’, see (xx2) in§17.3.2, below.kè probably originated as a classifier-like element in an appositionalconstruction of the type [house my-thing], where 'thing' was appositional to'house'. However, the forms are now rather fused and opaque (xx2).6.2.4 Inalienable possession (kin terms)There is no systematic morphosyntactic distinction between kinship terms andbody parts on the one hand, and ordinary (alienable) nouns on the other, in theform of possessive constructions.For example, dèdé: ‘father’ occurs in dèdé: mà ‘my father’ and wó dédè:‘his/her father’, parallel to gìrⁿí má ‘my house’ and wó giŕⁿí ‘his/her house’.Prost (p. 27) states that the 1Sg possessor form for three kin terms is of thetype [iń X]. The stems involved are glossed ‘elder brother’, ‘younger brother’,and ‘comrades’. My assistant gave the regular [X mà] form for these nouns(‘my X’).111

6.2.5 Recursive possessionA possessed NP may itself function as a possessor. The internal structure of thepossessor has no effect on the form (including tones) of the possessed NP.Therefore ‘house’ and ‘mother’ in (xx1.a-e) have the same tone contour theywould have after any other preposed possessor.(xx1) a. [dèdé: mà] giŕⁿí[father 1SgP] house.H‘my father’s house’b. [ú dédè:] giŕⁿí[2SgP father.HL] house.H‘your-Sg father’s house’c. [dè-dé: mà] ińà:[father 1SgP] mother.HL‘my father’s mother’d. [sè:dú dédè:] ińà:[S father.HL] mother.HL‘Seydou’s father’s mother’e. [ùrⁿì: lɔý [iń kè]] giŕⁿí[children.L two [1Sg Poss]] house.H‘the house of my two children’6.3 Noun plus adjective6.3.1 Noun plus regular adjective (core NP)Nouns may be followed by one or more modifying adjectives. In the sequences[N Adj] and [N Adj1 Adj2], only the final word retains lexical tones. Thepreceding words are tone-dropped, indicated in interlinears by ".L" (xx1).(xx1)a. ìsí'dog'b. isì̀ márⁿádog.L big'(a) big dog'c. isì̀ gɛń112

dog.L black'(a) black dog'd. isì̀ gɛǹ márⁿádog.L black.L big'(a) big black dog'tuŕú 'one' is not treated as a modifying adjective. Like other cardinalnumerals, it has no tonal effect on a preceding noun: ìsí tuŕú 'one dog'.A noun, with any following modifying adjectives, constitutes the core NP.Plural -be/-mbe (§4.xxx) is added to the end of the core NP (xx2).(xx2)a. ìsí'dog'b. isì̀ márⁿá-mbèdog.L big-Pl'big dogs'c. isì̀ gɛǹ márⁿádog.L black.L big'big black dogs'6.3.2 Adjective gàmá ‘certain (ones)’, ‘some’The adjective gàmá is used in generalized contexts to denote a subset or anindividual belonging to a common category. In its singular form it can also beused to denote a portion of a mass. Like other adjectives, it controls tonedroppingon a preceding noun.The plural is gǎm ná may be used with human and nonhuman referencts. Itis probably cognate to Jamsay gàmà-nám, which, however, is strictly human. Asimilar morpheme has apparent plural function in eŕú kɔ́ nà ‘the others’. Aconstruction with parallel clauses is typical. The noun is optionally omitted inthe second of two parallel clauses.(xx1) a. [ñɛ̀ gǎm ná] muśɔŕɔ́ paǵá-jù,[woman.L certain Pl] shawl tie-Impf,[gǎm ná] muśɔŕɔ́ paǵâ:-rè[certain Pl] shawl tie-Impf.PlS‘Some women wear shawls, some do not.’b. [gìrⁿì gǎm ná] wòr-é,113

[house.L certain Pl] collapse-Perf.SgS[gǎm ná] wòrò-lí[certain Pl] collapse-PerfNeg.SgS‘Some houses collapsed, others did not.’c. [sùkɔ̀rɔ̀ gàmá] yuẁ-ɛ́, gàmá yuẁɔ̀-lí[sugar.L some] spill-Perf.SgS, some spill-PerfNeg.SgS‘Some sugar spilled, some did not.gàmá or gǎm-ná can also mean ‘maybe’ or ‘sometimes’ in adverbialfunction. The fuller combination tèŋè gàmá ‘some time(s)’ is also possible. Thesequence gàmá: dè with the ‘if’ particle means ‘it may be that …’ or ‘itsometimes happens that …’.6.3.3 Expansions of adjective6.3.3.1 Adjective sequencesThere is considerable freedom in the ordering of two or more adjectives. Thusgɛń ‘black’ and márⁿá ‘big’ can occur in either order: gìrⁿì gɛǹ maŕⁿá or gìrⁿìmàrà gɛń ‘big black house’.6.3.3.2 Adjectival and other intensifiersIntensifiers are used, often in conjunction with an ordinary adjective (or noun,or verb), to intensify or exaggerate. They may or may not correspond one-tooneto ordinary stems. Compare lexicalized collocations like brand new anddead drunk in English. Most of the TK intensifiers are unrelated phonologicallyto the corresponding ordinary term, or to other vocabulary, but there are a fewexceptions. Many intensifiers are iterated, and many morphologically simpleones show the final prolongation (=>). These features are typical of expressiveadverbials, and most intensifiers belong to this word class.In (xx1), the “normal word” in the middle column is the adjective, noun, orverb that is closest in meaning to the intensifier.(xx1)Intensifiersintensifier normal word glossa. denoting abundancepuńoẃⁿ=> pìré ‘(having) flowers’114

tuý=> pùrùgiń ‘dust’tuý=> nã̀-puŕuǵú ‘mist, fog’b. denoting extremity of a quality (derived from a normal word)final -i=>dɔ̀ŋ-í=> dɔ̀ŋɔ́ ‘emaciated’final reduplication (discussion and more forms in (xx7) in §8.4.6)kèreĺeĺé keĺú ‘cold’yàgájájá kaǵájú ‘coarse, rough’c. denoting extremity of a quality (noncognate to normal words)iterated{H}-{H}dáŋ-dáŋ márⁿá ‘stocky’jɛý-jɛý bèrù-ɔ̀rú ‘green’" yɛŕú ‘blue’jáŋ-jáŋ bò:mó ‘stupid’kań-kań mǎ ‘hard’pań-pań tɔń-tɔń ‘sour’tɛń-tɛń jó=> ‘full (container)’" ɛ̌: ‘tight (tomtom hide)’taýⁿ-taýⁿ dògú ‘heavy’beŕé-béré kaǹá ‘new’bɔ́dɔ́-bɔ́dɔ́ yɔ̀rú ‘soft’, ‘supple’jɔ́tɔ́-jɔ́tɔ́ ɔ̀rú ‘wet’deŕé-déré sí: ‘pointed’jáŋá-jáŋá nú: ‘hot’kúdú-kúdú dègé ‘short, not long (object)’kɛ́dú-kɛ́dú dègé ‘short, not tall (person)’puǵɔ́-puǵɔ́ ñɛŕⁿú ‘lightweight’sɔǵú-sɔǵú kuŕuǵú ‘dense (forest)’yeǵé-yeǵé duẃɔ́ ‘overloaded’teŕⁿeẃⁿ-térⁿeẃⁿ ɛ̌: ‘tight (rope)’tɛŕⁿɛẃⁿ-tɛŕⁿɛẃⁿ jó=> ‘full (container)’lɔ́:rúŋ-lɔ́:rúŋ ɔ̀mú ‘rotten, spoiled’{LH}-{L}sěy-seỳ suḿɔ́ ‘cleaned up completely’lǒy-loỳ ká:ⁿ ‘clean-shaven (head)’tɛ̀gú-tɛ̀gù kiẃⁿí ‘shivering’tègé-tègè piŕí ‘white’sìlɛň-sìlɛǹ gɛń ‘black’{LH}-{LH}wàjá-wàjá téŋ-ì: ‘clear, pure (liquid)’{H}-{L}jɔýⁿ-jɔỳⁿ bań ‘red’115

taý-taỳ dògó ‘used up, depleted’non-iterated{H}peẃ dògó ‘finished’pɛń kòró ‘unripe’kɔ́:rⁿɔ́ iǹ-bǎyⁿ ‘(newborn) baby’{LH}pɛ̀rú kaǵaŕá ‘bitter’ (pɛ̀rú = tree Khayasenegalensis, has bitter-tastingmedicinal bark)non-iterated, with final prolongation{H}kɔýⁿ=> márⁿá ‘oversized (teeth)’kɛẃⁿ=> ùjú ‘tiny (eyes)’kɛýⁿ=> ùjú ‘tiny (moon)’pɔŕí=> ɛ̌: ‘tight (garment)’soĺoẃ=> gùrú ‘long’, ‘tall’kɔń̃ɔýⁿ=> dɔ̀ŋɔ́ ‘emaciated’{LH}tǎyⁿ=> ɛĺú ‘sweet (sugary)’" tɔń-tɔń ‘salty’bùrí=> márⁿá ‘oversized (eyes)’yù:rí=> yɔ̀rú ‘loose-fitting (garment)’{L}baǹ=> ɔ̀mú ‘rotten (smelling)’Adverbial sɛŷⁿ ‘a lot, very, well’ is related in form to sɛń ‘good’, but nowhas a wide range of abstract senses.Adjective sɛ̌y-sɛỳ ‘clean’ has the same form as some of the intensifiers in(xx1.c), but it can directly modify a noun: ɔ̀jɔ̀ sěy-seỳ ‘clean thing’.See also leẃⁿ ‘(exactly/just) one’ (§xxx).6.3.3.3 ‘Good to eat’ (má)A morpheme má is added to a {L}-toned form of a verb to form a complementto predicative ‘be good’. Segmentally, but not tonally, the combination with máis identical to the (singular) Hortative form of the verb, since the Hortativesuffix does not control tone-dropping on the stem (§10.6.2, below).In (xx1.b), the topic-like subject (‘meat’, ‘hairdo’) of the higher sentencefunctions as direct object of the subordinated verb (‘eat’, ‘look at’). There areno further constituents. In (xx1.c), however, the topical NP (‘ax’) is marked asinstrumental, and the ‘good to VP’ expression includes a distinct incorporateddirect object as compound initial (‘tree’).116

(xx1) a. nɔẁⁿɔ́ [kuẁò má] sɛń kɔ̀meat [eat.meat.L for] good be.Nonh‘Meat is good to eat.’b. [ñɛ̌ kuń-muǹ] [gɛ̀ má] sɛń kɔ̀[woman head-braiding] [look.L for] good be.Nonh‘The woman’s hairdo is good to look at (=is pretty).’ (gɛ̀rí)c. [gùrɔ́ bè] [tìmɛ̀-kɛ̀jɛ̀ má] sɛń kɔ̀[ax with] [tree.L-cut.L for] good be.Nonh‘An ax is good for cutting wood with.’An embedded agent (‘Meat is good for men to eat’) is not possible. A dativePP can be preposed to the entire construction to translate such sequences.6.4 Core NP plus cardinal numeralA cardinal numeral follows the core NP, i.e. a noun with or without modifyingadjectives. The numeral does not interact tonally with the core NP, except thatthe numerals '2' through '5' have {L} tones, see §4.xxx. Examples with 'dog' arein (xx1).(xx1) a. ìsí tà:nùdog three'dog'b. [isì̀ márⁿá] tà:nù[dog.L big] three'three big dogs'Inanimates and human nouns have the same pattern: gìrⁿí tà:nú 'threehouses', ñɛ̌ tà:nú 'three women', puĺɛ́:ⁿ tà:nú 'three Fulbe (people)'.Cardinal numerals may be followed by determiners; see §6.5, below.6.5 Noun plus determiner6.5.1 Prenominal kó ‘the (afore-mentioned)’Prost (p. 17) describes a combination of kó with following noun where kó doesnot have its usual Nonhuman possessor sense, rather a discourse-definite sense:117

“On peut parfois employer le pronom ko placé avant le substantif pour marquerqu’il s’agit de celui dont il est question, dont on a déjà parlé.” This constructionis common in Jamsay, for example. However, in elicitation my assistant did notaccept this combination.6.5.2 Postnominal demonstrative pronounsThe demonstrative pronouns, which can be used absolutely as complete NPs(xx1.a) or can follow a noun, core NP, or extended core NP, were described in§4.4.1.1.(xx1) nɔ́: yɔ́:Proxreceive.Imprt'Take this!'Demonstratives occur in the positional slot following that of cardinalnumerals. A demonstrative may appear after a noun, a core NP, or an extendedcore NP (containing a cardinal numeral). The demonstrative controls tonedroppingon all words in these preceding sequences that are not already tonedropped.In (xx2), the form without the demonstrative is given in parenthesesafter the free translation. Note in particular that demonstratives control tonedroppingon non-adjacent words, specifically on the final word (noun oradjective) of the core NP over an intervening numeral (which is also tonedropped).(xx2) a. bà:gà nɔ́:stick.L Prox'this stick' (bá:gá)b. bà:gà màrⁿà nɔ́:stick.L big.L Prox'this big stick' (bà:gà márⁿá)c. bà:gà kùrè: nɔ́:stick.L six.L Prox'these six sticks'd. bà:gà màrⁿà kùrè: nɔ́:stick.L big.L six.L Prox'these six big sticks' (bà:gà márⁿá kúré:)118

6.6 Universal and distributive quantifiers6.6.1 ‘All’ (sâⁿ, fú=>, wò=>)As in many Dogon languages, there are multiple options for the universalquantifier 'all'. The two main forms are sâⁿ and fú=>, which are added(interchangeably) to mass nouns (xx1.a), quantifiable nouns with pluralreference (xx1.b), to extended core NPs containing a cardinal numeral (xx1.c),and NPs containing a determiner (xx1.d).(xx1) a. nɔẁⁿɔ́ sâⁿnɔẁⁿɔ́ fú=>meat all'all (of) the meat'b. [ñɛ̌ bè] sâⁿ[ñɛ̌ bè] fú=>[woman Pl] all'all (of) the women'c. [pèjù kùré:] sâⁿ[pèjù kùré:] fú=>[sheep.L six.LH] all'all six sheep'd. [gìrⁿì kùré] [yɔ̀: sâⁿ][gìrⁿì kùré:] [yɔ̀: fú=>][house.L six.LH] [DistSg.L all]'all six of these houses'Two tonosyntactic issues arise in (xx1). In (xx1.c), the noun plus numeralcombinations is low-toned except for the final syllable of the numeral, which ishigh (compare péjú kuŕé 'six sheep'). It is therefore necessary to recognize a{LH} contour that applies to the extended core NP (noun-numeral, nounadjective-numeral),with the H-tone element realized at the end.In (xx1.d), the demonstrative (elsewhere H-toned yɔ́:, §4.xxx) has droppedits tones under the influence of the universal quantifier. Apparently as a result,the demonstrative no longer has any effect on the tones of the precedingextended core NP, which reverts to the tonal pattern it would have had withoutthe demonstrative. Compare the form without the universal quantifier: gìrⁿì kùrèyɔ́: 'these six houses'.With plural pronouns (1Pl ɛḿɛ́, 2Pl é, 3Pl bé), both fú=> and sâⁿ areagain possible. However, the common ‘all’ form for pronouns is wò=> (for119

whose other functions see the following section). When fú=> is used with apronoun, it follows wò (not prolonged), showing that fú=> is really anintensifier adverbial. However, the more prosaic sâⁿ can be added directly.(xx2) a. ɛḿɛ́ wò=>1Pl all/each‘all of us’b. ɛḿɛ́ wò fú=>1Pl all all[=(a), emphatic]c. ɛḿɛ́ sâⁿ1Pl all[=(a)]If the plural pronoun is quantified by a cardinal numeral, the pronounfunctions as possessor of the numeral, as in English all three of us. The numeraltherefore appears with {HL} possessed-noun tone contour.(xx3) [bé tá:nù] sâ:ⁿ[bé tá:nù] fú=>[3PlP three.HL] all'all three (of them)'6.6.2 ‘Each’ (wò=>)The distributive quantifier wò=> is L-toned. It follows a noun (or core NP) inthe latter’s usual tonal form: nǎ wò=> ‘each person’, gìrⁿí wò=> ‘eachhouse’. It is used in classic distributive contexts like (xx1.a), where individualsfrom one set are paired with a quantity from another set. In other cases, like(xx1.b), there is no sharp semantic distinction between distributive ‘each’ anduniversal ‘all’.(xx1) a. [àrⁿá wò=>] nṹ: [sà:gù tuńɔ́] bɛ̀r-ɛ̀[man each] millet [sack.L one] get-Perf.SgS.L‘Each man received one sack of millet.’b. gaḿúrⁿú [nǎ wò=> kuǹ] tàŋà-lídistribution [person each on] pass-PerfNeg.SgS‘The distribution didn’t get to each (=all) of them.’120

wò=> has a more partitive sense in (xx2), since it is attached to a pronoundenoting the entire set.(xx2) [ɛḿɛ́ wò=>] [sà:gù tuńɔ́-tuńɔ́] bɛ̀-jù[1Pl each] [sack.L one-one] get-Impf.L‘Each of us will get one sack.’Further examples are in (xx3). In (xx3) the complement of ‘each’ contains anonsingular numeral.(xx3) a. [gìrⁿì-dú tuŕú wò=>]≡ǹ[household one each]≡Dat[nũ̀:-sá:gú tuŕú-tuŕú] ò-jù[millet.L-sack one-one] give-Impf.L‘(We) will give one sack of millet to each household.’b. [gìrⁿì-dú lɔý wò=>]≡ǹ[household two each]≡Dat[sá:gú tuŕú] ò-jù[millet.L-sack one-one] give-Impf.L‘(We) will give one sack of millet to each two households.’wò=> also has other functions. It can sometimes be translated as adverbial‘together’ (§18.3.2).6.6.3 Universal and distributive quantifiers with negationIn (xx1), it is implied that some of the people did come. That is, the negationhas wide scope, including the quantifier: [not [∀x [x came]].(xx1) [nǎ sâⁿ] yè-lâ:[person all] come-PerfNeg.PlS‘Not all of the people came.’To reverse the scope relationship, a form of the NP directly incorporating(emphatic) negation is used, compare English nobody.(xx2) [nà pɔ̂ⁿ] yè-lâ:[person.L not.any] come-PerfNeg.PlS‘None of the people came.’121

Similar negative NPs include ɔ̀jɔ̀ pɔ̂ⁿ ‘nothing’ and nã̀ pɔ̂ⁿ ‘nowhere’.6.7 AccusativeThere is no Accusative marker for nouns functioning as direct objects. ‘Dog’and ‘woman’ are not case-marked in (xx1).(xx1) a. iń [ìsì yɔ́:] laǵ-ɛ̀1SgS [dog.L NearDist] hit-PerfSg'I hit (=struck) that dog (over there).'b. iń ñɛ̌ ɔ́-ɛ̀1SgS woman see-PerfSg'I saw the woman.'The 1Sg pronoun has two stems, iń in subject and prenominal possessorfunctions, otherwise má with some allomorphic variation depending on precisefunction (mà, mí). Therefore má functions, for practical purposes, as anAccusative form for this pronoun. Other pronominal categories have no specialAccusative form (§4.xxx).122

7 Coordination7.1 NP coordination7.1.1 NP conjunction (‘X and Y’)The dying-quail intonational effect, consisting of variable prolongation of thefinal syllable combined with pitch fall (audible when the word in question endsin a high tone), is expressed by symbol ∴. In TK it is briefer than itscounterpart in Jamsay. The intonational effect is sometimes limited to the firstconjunct, especially in isolation. Both conjuncts are usually audibly prolongedwhen the conjoined NP occurs in nonfinal position in clauses.(xx1) a. ú∴ mí∴2Sg.and 1Sg.and'you-Sg and I' (ú, mí)b. [àrⁿá bè∴] [ñɛ̌ bè][man Pl.and] [woman Pl(.and)]'men and women' (Pl bè)c. wó [nṹ∴ ɛ̀mɛ́∴] nĩ́:-ỳ3SgS [millet.and sorghum.and] eat.meal-Perf'He/She ate the millet and sorghum'Plural conjuncts ending in Plural bè usually show little or no audible dyingquaileffect, at least in common phrases like [ñɛ̌ bè] [àrⁿá bè] ‘women andmen’.7.2 Disjunction7.2.1 ‘Or’ (mà=>) as disjunctive particle with NPsAs generally in Dogon languages (and other languages in the region), there is noclear difference between the disjunction ‘or’ and the polar interrogativemorpheme, which requires a choice between positive and negative assertions. In123

TK, both the disjunction and the interrogative have the form mà=>, frequentlywith intonational prolongation.In a disjunction, both coordinands are overt, and both are followed by the‘or’ morpheme.(xx1) [laýɛ́ bè] [péjú mà=>] [ɛ̀rⁿɛ́ mà=>] daŕⁿá[Feast.of.Ram with] [sheep or] [goat or] kill.Imprt‘At the Feast of the Ram, slaughter-2Sg (either) a sheep or a goat!’7.2.2 Clause-level disjunctionIt is possible to use the disjunction with clauses, though it is difficult toconstruct contexts where the interrogative reading of mà=> is ruled out.(xx1) [iń bàmàkɔ́ yǎ:-jú mà=>][1SgS B go-Impf or][nî siǵɛ́-jú mà=>][here stay-Impf or]dɔ̀ŋɔ̀rⁿɔ̀ mó:tì ya:-ròon.other.hand M go-ImpfNeg‘Either I will go to Bamako or (I will) stay here, on the other hand Iwon’t go to Mopti.’As expected, it was not possible to elicit a disjunction of two imperatives.The cue ‘work, or leave!’ was rended as (xx2), with only an implied disjunction.(xx2) [biŕɛ́ bǐ-jí dè] biŕɛ́,[work(noun) do-Impf if] work.Imprt,[bi:-rò dè] yǎ:[work-ImpfNeg if] go.Imprt‘If (you) are going to work, (then) work! If (you) are not going to work,go!’124

8 Postpositions and adverbialsPostpositions include specialized morphemes used only as postpositions, withL-toned Cv̀ shapes (nì, bè), and a number of noun-like postpositions with {HL}tone contour, in most cases still transparently relatable to nouns with {H} or{LH} contour.A handful of {HL}-toned locatives without postpositions (which I call tonallocatives) have been found, but the pattern is not productive. In effect, thepattern is largely limited to spatial postpositions themselves.Dative, Instrumental, and (basic) Locative postpositions are distinct forms.8.1 Dative and instrumental8.1.1 Dative (nì, ≡ǹ)Dative postposition nì is often reduced to a cliticized ≡ǹ after a noun ending in avowel.The 1Sg dative is má nì or má≡ǹ. There are no other morphologicalirregularities.The dative is standard for the indirect object of ‘give’, ‘show’, and ‘say’,see §11.1.1 for examples. The dative can also be used for a range of otherindirect objects and beneficiaries.(xx1) a. X [Y nì] sàgú kuń-ìX [Y Dat] trust(noun) put.Perf-3SgS‘X entrusted (something) to Y.’b. àrⁿú má≡ǹ sɛń kɔ̀rain 1Sg-Dat good NonhS‘Rain is good for me (e.g. as a farmer).’‘Rain pleases me.’125

8.1.2 Instrumental and Comitative (bè)The postposition bè has instrumental sense (‘by means of, using’), and can alsobe used (e.g. with human complement) in a comitative sense. A commoncombination is pàŋá bè ‘by (means of) force’. For ìŋé bè ‘by means of what?’see §xxx, below. Examples involving instruments are in (xx1.a-c). In (xx1.d), atransporting vehicle is treated as an instrument. The 1Sg form is má bè ‘withme’ (xx1.e).(xx1) a. iń nɔẁⁿɔ́ [sí:nɛ́ bè] kɛ̀j-ɛ̀1SgS meat [knife with] cut-Perf.SgS.L‘I cut-Past (the) meat with a knife.’b. bé dá:goĺ [sɔḿuŕⁿú bè] sɛ̀m-ɛ̀3PlS courtyard [broom with] sweep-Perf.SgS.L‘They swept the courtyard with a broom.’c. iń nṹ: [kɔň bè] wàr-ɛ̀1SgS millet [daba with] do.farm.work-Perf.SgS‘I farmed millet using a daba (=hoe).’d. wó bàmàkɔ́ [ká:rú bè] yè-y3SgS B [bus with] go-Perf.SgS.L‘He/She went to Bamako with (=in) the bus.’e. ú [[má bè] àjiŕí á:] bɛ̌-jú2SgS [[1Sg with] wrestling catch] get-Impf‘Can you-Sg wrestle with me?’8.2 Locational postpositions8.2.1 Tonal locativesThere is no locative form expressed solely by a tonal change for e.g.'house/home' (gìrⁿí), 'field' (wòrú), 'well' (òtě:) or 'village' (aǹá). These nounsare common complements of motion verbs like 'go', with no furthermorphology, and take regular postpositions in other constructions.However, ɛẃɛ́ 'market', gìrⁿì-kań ‘doorway’ (“house-mouth”), and theH-toned possessed nouns X ańá ‘X’s village’ and X gírⁿí ‘X’s house’ do have aJamsay-style {HL}-toned tonal locatives (xx1.a-b). The fact that stems are {H}-toned makes it easier to allow a locative expressed by a final L-tone element.Unpossessed aǹá ‘village’ does not have an attested tonal locative.126

(xx1) a. iń ɛẃɛ̀ yǎ:-jú1SgS market.Loc.HL go-Impf'I am going to (the) market.'b. wó mótó gìrⁿì-kâⁿ ìgì-rì3SgS motorcycle house.L-mouth.Loc.HL stop-Tr.Perf.SgS.L‘He/She stopped the motorcycle in front of the house.’c. wó [ɛḿɛ́ ańà] yè-y3SgS [1PlP village.Loc.HL] go-Perf.L‘He/She went to our village.’d. wó [saň giŕⁿì] yè-y3SgS [ReflP house.Loc.HL] go-Perf.L‘He/She went home.’The form of gìrⁿì-kâⁿ in (xx1.a) is different from that of e.g. tuẁó kâⁿ ‘atthe edge of the rock (=mountain)’. The {L} tone contour shows that gìrⁿì- is acompound initial, so gìrⁿì-kâⁿ must be the tonal locative of the compound gìrⁿìkań.By contrast, the lexical tone of tùwó is heard in tùwó kâⁿ, so this has to beanalysed as postposition kâⁿ ‘at the mouth of’ following the noun tuẁó.8.2.2 ‘In, on’ (basic Locative) (bîn)The common Locative postposition is bîn ‘in, inside’, following a noun orpronoun denoting an enclosing container or area (waterjar, house, field).(xx1) a. wó [gìrⁿí bîn] yɛ́ ùmò3SgS [house in] Exist lie.down.Stative.SgS‘He/She is lying down in the house.’b. iń dí: [dɛň bîn] kuń-ì1SgS water [waterjar in] put-Perf.SgS‘I put (=poured) the water in the waterjar.’c. bé [[[saň bè] woŕú] bîn]3PlS [[[ReflP Pl] field.H] in]waŕú wǎ-téŋèfarming do.farm.work-Prog.PlSgAs with all locationals, an allative or ablative directionality is expressed byan accompanying directional verb like ‘go out’ or ‘go in’. However, ‘go to X’ is127

expressed with no postposition on X (even in cases like ‘house’), since Xfunctions here as a destination rather than as an enclosing space (xx2.d).(xx2) a. wó [gìrⁿí bîn] nú-ỳ3SgS [house in] go.in-Perf.SgS‘He/She went into the house.’b. wó [aǹá bîn] gó-é3SgS [village in] go.out-Perf.SgS‘He/She went out of (=left) the village.’c. wó [dí: bîn] bàgá nú-ỳ3SgS [water in] fall go.in-Perf.SgS‘He/She fell into the water.’d. wó gìrⁿí yé-ỳ3SgS house go-Perf‘He/She went home.’bîn can be used with certain temporal expressions, though they are mostoften uttered without a postposition since their function in the clause is usuallyobvious. bîn is optional in (xx3.a), but would sound awkward in (xx3.b-c).(xx3) a. ɛḿɛ́ [dà:gá (bîn)] daǹá daǹá-nṹ1PlS [night (in)] hunt(noun) hunt-Impf‘We will go on a hunt at night.’b. bé ɛẁɛ̀-níŋírⁿí yè-jì3PlS market.L-day come-Impf.L‘They will come (on) market day.’c. nùŋù-baŕⁿá ɛḿɛ́ [saň bè] dɛ̌:rⁿɛ́-mí-nĩ́dry.season 1PlS [Refl Pl] rest-Caus-Impf‘In the dry season, we rest (ourselves)’.Likewise, an overt locative adposition is not used with place names.(xx4) iń kɔ̀mpɛń wɔ̀1SgS Koporo-Pen be.HumSg‘I am in Koporo-Pen (village).’128

8.2.3 ‘On X’ and ‘over X’ (kûⁿ)The postposition kûⁿ ‘on’ or ‘over’ is related to the noun kuń ‘head’. The 1Sgform is kuń mà, identical to ‘my head’.The postposition can indicate position on a supporting surface (‘on X’),including vertical surfaces where appropriate (a lizard or insect clinging to awall). This postposition often co-occurs with verbs that add nuances to thetopography, such as nàŋà ‘be up on (a horizontal surface)’, waẁà ‘be lying onone’s belly (on a horizontal or vertical surface)’, and their transitivecounterparts (xx1.a-c). The senses ‘on (a surface)’ and ‘on the head of (aperson)’ may converge in cases like (xx1.d), where ‘on me’ is normallyunderstood to mean ‘on my head’, but ‘on me’ can also be used when the stonefell on some other part of the body (e.g. while the referent was lying down). Thesemantic extension to an abstract burden in (xx1.e) is unsurprising.(xx1) a. kuǹ-kuẃó [tà:baľ kûⁿ] nàŋàhat [table on] be.up.on.Stat.SgS‘The hat is on the table.’b. kɛ̀:ŋú [gó: kûⁿ] waẁàagama [wall on] lie.on.belly.Stat.SgSg‘The agama lizard is on (the vertical surface of) the wall.’c. iń bàràdá [ñ:ɛ́: kûⁿ] ná:n-ì1SgS tea.kettle [fire on] put.up.on-Perf.SgS‘I put-Past the tea kettle (up) on the fire (=on the burner).’d. tuẁó [kuń mà] baǵ-ɛ̀stone [on 1Sg] fall-Perf.SgS‘The stone fell on me.’e. [gìrⁿí duẃɔ́] [ú kûⁿ] nàŋà[house load.H] [2Sg on] be.up.on.Stat.SgS‘The burden of (financial responsibility for) the household is onyou-Sg.’The postposition is also used in the sense ‘over, above’, indicating a verticalrelationship to a reference object over an intervening space.(xx1) a. sàjú [aǹá kûⁿ] kiŕ-é:-táŋàbird [village over] fly-MP-Prog‘The bird is flying over the village.’b. sùŋú [lɔ̀gɔ́ kûⁿ] bàjá tańú-gá129

ɛ̀:-gɛ̀rɛ́ can also be used adverbially in the sense ‘at/to the side’ withunspecified reference object.(xx1) a. iń [wògòtoŕó bɛ́:-gɛ̀rɛ̀] wɔ̀1SgS [cart beside] be.Hum‘I am next to the cart.’b. túŋuŕⁿú [dɛň bɛ́:-gɛ̀rɛ̀] bé:stool [waterjar beside] put.Imprt‘Put-2Sg the stool next to the waterjar!’8.2.7 ‘In front of’ (giŕè)The postposition ‘in front of’ is giŕè. The 1Sg form is giŕé mà. The postpositionis related to the noun giŕé ‘front’, as in adverbial giŕé tɔ̀ ‘in front, ahead’. Thestem can be a compound final, as in ìrⁿì-giŕé ‘incisor’ (“front tooth”).Prototypical uses of the postposition are spatial. The reference object shouldhave a front side (face), such as a person, animal, or vehicle.(xxx) a. wó [nǎ wò=>] giŕè] má dɔ̀-ɛ̀3SgS [person all] in.front.of] 1SgO insult-Perf.SgS‘He/She insulted me in front of all the people.’b. wó [mòbiĺí giŕè] ùmò3SgS [vehicle in.front.of] lie.down.Stat.SgS‘He/She is lying down in front of the (motor) vehicle.’giŕè is not used in contexts like ‘He’s sitting in front of (=on the near sideof) that tree’ (from a given vantage point). The usual way to express this wouldbe with bɛ́:-gɛ̀rɛ̀ ‘beside, next to’, disregarding the speaker’s visual line.‘In front of the house’ is expressed as ‘at the doorway’, see tonal locativegìrⁿì-kâⁿ in §8.xxx, above.8.2.8 ‘Behind X’ (doǵò), ‘after X’ (doǵó ní:)‘Behind X’ in the spatial sense is X doǵò. The noun dògó ‘rear (area)’ occurs ine.g. adverbial dògó tɔ̀ ‘in the rear, in back’ (§8.xxx). The 1Sg form is dògó mà‘behind me’.(xx1) a. [ɛḿɛ́ giŕⁿí] [ɛẃɛ́ doǵò] kɔ̀[1PlP house.H] [market behind] be.NonhS131

‘Our house is behind the market.’b. mòtǎm [ú doǵò] yɔ́ kɔ̀scorpion [2Sg behind] Exist be.NonhS‘There’s a scorpion behind you-Sg.’c. [tìmɛ́ doǵò] bàŋ-ɛ́:[tree behind] hid-MP.Imprt‘Hide-2Sg (yourself) behind a tree!’Temporal ‘after X’ is expressed by a related construction [X doǵó ní:]. Heredoǵó can be analysed as the possessed form of noun dògó ‘rear’.. This leaves ní:as the real postposition here, but it does not have the {HL} tone of other Cv:postpositions. The 1Sg form is dògó mà ní: ‘after me’(xx2) a. iń [ú doǵó ní:] nã̌: nĩ́:-nĩ́1SgS [2Sg rear.H after] meal eat.meal-Impf‘I will eat after you-Sg.’b. iń aǹá [kɛ̀rɛ́ doǵó ní:] yǎ:-jú1SgS village [festivity rear.H after] go-Impf.SgS‘I will travel after the festivities.’8.2.9 ‘Under X’ (bɔ́rɔ̀)‘Under’ as postposition is bɔŕɔ̀, related to a noun bɔ̀rɔ́ ‘rear end’ (used with arange of vaguely obscene senses rather like ass in English). bɔ̀rɔ́ is alsoadverbial ‘below’. As compound final, -bɔ̀rɔ́ means ‘lower or rear (part of)’, asin sùgùrù-bɔ̀rɔ́ (“lower ear”) ‘earlobe’, kaǹ-bɔ̀rɔ́ (“lower mouth”) ‘lower lip’,ìrⁿì-bɔ̀rɔ́ ‘lower teeth’, and màrùpà:-bɔ̀rɔ́ ‘butt end of rifle’.The 1Sg form is bɔ̀rɔ́ mà ‘under me’, identical to ‘my rear end’.(xx1) a. tàgá [tà:baľ bɔŕɔ̀] sòshoe [table under] be‘The shoes are under the table.’b. ɛḿɛ́ [máŋgoŕó bɔŕɔ̀] dɛ̀ŋ-ɛ́:-má-ỳ1PlS [mango under] sit-MP-Hort-PlS‘Let’s sit under the mango (tree).’c. jɔẁɔ́ [dɛň bɔŕɔ̀] bé:onion [waterjar under] put.down.Imprt‘Put-2Sg the onions down under the waterjar!’132

A different ‘under’ postposition, jô:, is said to occur in some other TKdialects (e.g. Pel, Koporo-Na).8.2.10 ‘Between’ (gân)The ‘between’ postposition is gân. It is added to a NP or pronoun denoting aplurality, so there is no 1Sg form as such, though the 1Sg pronoun may occur ina conjoined NP that serves in its entirety as the complement of the postposition.(xx1) a. ɛḿɛ́ gân1Pl between‘between us’b. [[àrⁿá bè∴] [ñɛ̌ bè∴]] gân[[man Pl.and] [woman Pl.and]] between‘between men and women’c. [ú∴ mí∴] gân[2Sg.and 1Sg.and] between‘between you-Sg and me’8.2.11 ‘Among X’ (kɛńɛ̀)kɛńɛ̀ is related to the noun kɛńɛ́ ‘liver (and heart)’, which can be used abstractlyto denote the seat of the emotions. As a postposition, it translates as ‘among X’,where X denotes some collectivity. There is no 1Sg form. In some contexts,kɛńɛ̀ functions as a partitive, for example in sentences like ‘Among my cows,how many (cows) died?’, see §13.7.7, below.(xx1) a. [ɛḿɛ́ kɛńɛ̀] wó gá:rá ɔǵù[1Pl among] 3SgS more fast.HL‘He/She is the fastest (person) among us.’b. [[é gɛŕⁿì:] kɛńɛ̀] dɛǹɛ́ gɛ̀rɛ́[[2PlP gear.HL] among] look.for look.Imprt‘Search among (=through) your-Pl baggage (=bags)!’133

8.2.12 ‘From X to Y’ (bà=>, fó=>)There are no ablative or allative postpositions in a strict sense, sincedirectionality is expressed by verbs. The slightly emphatic postposition-likeparticle bà=> ‘all the way’ (note the L-tone) can follow a term denoting eitherthe starting point, with verb ‘go out’ as in (xx1.a), or the endpoint, with a verblike ‘go’ or ‘come’.bà=> competes in part with preposed fó=> ‘all the way to, until’, but thelatter has a mainly temporal sense.(xx1) a. bé [mó:tì bà=>] jɔẁɔ́ y-ɛ̀-ɛ̀:3PlS [Mopti all.the.way] run go-Perf.PlS.L‘They ran all the way to Mopti.’b. [bé [mó:tì bà=>] gò-é:][3PlS [Mopti all.the.way] go.out-and][jɔẁɔ́ baǹ̃gàrá y-ɛ̀-ɛ̀:][run Bandiagara go-Perf.3PlS]‘They ran all the way from Mopti to Bandiagara.’c. yé ɛḿɛ́ yǎ:-jú [fó=> dà:gá dɛ̀-ɛ̀]going 1PlS go-Impf [until night night.fall-Perf.L]‘We kept walking until night fell.’8.2.13 Combinations with tɔ̀ ~ tɛ̀ ‘toward’For most nouns, ‘towards X’ is expressed as [[X siýɛ́] tɛ̀], with what appears tobe a possessed noun siýɛ́ followed by a postposition tɛ̀.There are a number of high-frequency expressions where tɔ̀ ~ tɛ̀ is added toa simple adverbial, without siýɛ́. The known cases are in (xx1). Overall tɔ̀ is theless marked of the two allomorphs, while tɛ̀ is used only after a form ending inɛ. Note especially giŕé tɔ̀ ‘ahead’.(xx1) ‘Toward X’form gloss based ona. after nounkuń tɔ̀ ‘on top’ kuń ‘head’dògó tɔ̀ ‘in the rear’ dògó ‘rear’giŕé tɔ̀ ‘ahead’ giŕé ‘front’134

. after demonstrativení tɔ̀ ‘this way, around here’ nî ‘here’yí tɔ̀ ‘that way, over there’ yî ‘over there’yɛ́ tɛ̀ ‘around there (definite)’ yɛ̂ ‘there (definite)’ɛ́ tɛ̀ "8.3 Complex relational postpositions8.3.1 Purposive-Causal ‘for’ (gɛ́-ɛ̀:, gì)In a prospective purposive sense, both doǵò ‘after’ (§8.xxx, above) and truePurposive gɛ́-ɛ̀: can be used (xx1.a). gɛ́-ɛ̀: is also found in retrospective causalsense (xx1.b).(xx1) a. ɛḿɛ́ [tɛ̌: doǵò] yɛ̀r-ɛ̀" [ " gɛ́-ɛ̀:] "1PlS [honey for] come-Perf.SgS.L‘We came for (the) honey.’b. bé [àrⁿú gɛ́-ɛ̀:] jɔẁ-ɛ̀3PlS [rain for] run-Perf.SgS.L‘They fled because of the rain.’The phrase ‘for God’, in the sense ‘in the name of God’ (i.e. as an act ofcharity, without recompense) is expressed by àmá gɛ́-ɛ̀: or àmá gì.(xx2) iń [àmá gɛ́-ɛ̀:] ú bǎ-jú" [ " gì] " "1SgS [God for] 2SgO help-Impf‘I will help you-Sg for (=in the name of) God.’gɛ́-ɛ̀: and gì are related to quotative verb gí ‘say’ (§11.3). gɛ́-ɛ̀: can beanalysed as a slightly irregular combination of gí with Same-Subject Anteriorsubordinator, whose regular form is gí-ɛ̀:. The only similar form that I know ofis tɛ́-ɛ̀:, related to a specialized chaining verb tí ‘do first’ (§xxx). For pseudoconditionalgí-∅ dè in purposive clauses, see §xxx.Note also soǵò in kó soǵò ‘so, therefore’.135

8.3.2 Source (númɔ̀)Related to the noun nùmɔ́ ‘hand, arm’ is a {HL}-toned postposition nuḿɔ̀,compare English at the hand(s) of. It forms PPs that express the (human) sourceof something transferred. Typical verbs associated with this PP type include‘receive’, ‘buy’, and ‘request’.(xx1) a. iń nàŋá [ú nuḿɔ̀] yɔẁ-ɛ̀1SgS cow [2Sg source] receive-Perf.L‘I received a cow from you-Sg.’b. iń wògòtoŕò [sè:dú nuḿɔ̀] ɛẁ-ɛ̀1SgS cart [S source] buy-Perf.L‘I bought a cart from Seydou.’c. iń [sè:dú nuḿɔ̀] bú:dú gɛ̀ŋ-ɛ́1SgS [S source] money request-Perf‘I asked Seydou for some money.’[=‘I requested some money from Seydou.’]In (xx1.c), one can also use Dative nì with Seydou.8.4 Other adverbs (or equivalents)8.4.1 Similarity (gí:ⁿ ‘like’)gí:ⁿ ‘like, similar to’ follows its complement NP or adverb. The 1Sg form is mágí:ⁿ ‘like me’. The 1Sg form and the H-tone of the ‘like’ morpheme suggest thatit is not a typical postposition.(xx1) a. wó [má gí:ⁿ] tìŋɛ́ tíŋɛ́-nṹ3Sg [1Sg like] talk(noun) speak-Impf‘He/She speaks like me.’b. [nɔẁⁿɔ́ gí:ⁿ] kɔ̀[meat like] it.is.Nonh‘It’s like meat.’c. iýé [yá: gí:ⁿ] kɛ́:-jútoday [yesterday like] be.Nonh-Impf‘Today will be like yesterday.’136

In nɔ́: gì:ⁿ ‘like this’, the particle is L-toned.There is a special form nɔ̂ŋ ~ nɔ́ŋì: ‘thus, in that (same) way’.8.4.2 Extent (gàr-á=> or sɛŷⁿ ‘a lot’, jò-jó=> ‘many’, daǵ-à=> ‘a little’)Adverbial ‘a lot, considerably, to a great extent’ is gàr-á=> or sɛŷⁿ.The quantifier ‘much, many’ (also used absolutely without an overt noun) isan optionally reduplicated (or iterated) expressive adverbial (jò-)jó=>. It is notan adjective and does not induce tone-dropping even when it follows a nounthat is apparently has scope over: péjú jó=> ‘lots of sheep’. Compare the verbjǒ: ‘be numerous, abound’.For ‘a little’, daǵ-à=> is used adverbially (‘to a limited extent’ or‘somewhat’). The NP ‘a little’ (as in ‘they gave me a little’) is either the samedaǵ-à=> or a related form dàg-îⁿ=> (frozen compound with diminutiveending, §xxx).For the morphology of gàr-á=> and daǵ-à=>, see §11.4.1.2,8.4.3 Specificity8.4.3.1 ‘Approximately’For an approximate numerical count, sí:ⁿkaǹ can be used (xx1).(xx1) iń [péjú pɛ́-nuǹɛ̀: sí:ⁿkaǹ] sà1SgS [sheep fifty approximately] have‘I have roughly fifty sheep.’For an approximate time, whether time of day or seasonal, the construction[X téŋé] bè is used. téŋé is the possessed form of tèŋé ‘time’, so theconstruction translates literally as ‘with the time of X’.(xx2) [mìdí: téŋé] bè[noon time.H] with‘around noon’ (French midi)For approximate location, see §4.4.2.2, above.137

8.4.3.2 ‘Exactly’ (té=>, já:tì)With a preceding quantity expression or an NP identifying an individual, theexpressive adverbial té=> means ‘exactly, precisely’.The adverb já:tì, found in Fulfulde and several Dogon languages underFulfulde influence, is used as a one-word utterance to confirm or expressagreement with a statement made by an interlocutor.8.4.4 Evaluation8.4.4.1 ‘Well’ and ‘badly’Adverbial senses ‘well’ and ‘badly’ are often expressed by adding a modifyingadjective ‘good’ or ‘bad’ to an object, such as a cognate nominal. Thus ‘X singswell’ is expressed as ‘X sings good song(s)’. However, there is an expressiveadverbial sɛŷⁿ=> (with falling pitch) ‘well’, compare adjective sɛń ‘good’.‘Bad’ and ‘badly’ are usually translated as negations of ‘good’ and ‘well’.mɔǹṹ ‘bad’ can also be used, but it tends to have more specific senses like‘nasty, evil (person)’.(xx1) a. wó sɛŷⁿ=> biŕɛ́ bí-jú3SgS well work(noun) do-Impf‘He/She works well.’b. wó [bìrɛ̀ sɛń] bì:-rò3SgS [work(noun).L good] do-ImpfNeg.L‘He/She works badly.’ (lit. “… does bad work”)8.4.4.2 ‘Proper, right’ (jâ:ⁿ)jâ:ⁿ kɔ̀ means ‘it is right, proper’, in the context of social norms.8.4.5 Spatiotemporal adverbials8.4.5.1 Temporal adverbsSome of the major temporal adverbs are in (xx1).(xx1) a. iýé ‘today; nowadays’138

piĺé-m-ɛ̀:yá:iýé tà:-nɛ́kà:nánɛ́:-wⁿɔ́‘again’‘yesterday’‘day before yesterday’‘now, at present’‘now’ (discourse marker)b. yògó ‘tomorrow’yògò-dɛŕⁿɛ̀‘day after tomorrow’yògò-dɛ̀:ⁿ-tî:‘second day after tomorrow’ (third fromtoday)c. gà:rú ‘last year’nàŋuŕⁿù, yògó náŋùrⁿù ‘next year’nɔ́:wⁿɔ́‘this year’8.4.5.2 ‘First’ (lá:)Adverbial ‘first’, implying a following eventuality even if it is not overt, isexemplitied in (xx1).(xx1) mí lá: yé-∅ dè, [ú kè] dògó yɛ̀rɛ̀1Sg first go-Perf if, [2SgS Top] behind come.Imprt.L‘I will go first, then as for you-Sg, come-2Sg behind!’A number of clause subordinators also emphasize the chronologicalsequence of an eventuality with respect to another. This includes the pseudoconditionaldè which is seen in (xx1).8.4.5.3 Spatial adverbsSome of the key spatial adverbs are in (xx1).(xx1) a. aŕá kûⁿ ‘on top, above, up’bɔ̀rɔ́‘below, down’b. dù-daǵá ‘east’tɛ̀ŋ-daǵá ‘west’ (cf. Tengou, Dogon group)nɔ̀ŋɔ̀-dìgí ‘south’tɔ̀rɔ̀-dìgí ‘north’ (cf. tɔŕɔ́ ‘mountain’ in other Dogonlanguages)139

c. dògó kûⁿ ‘back, backward’dògó tɔ̀, dògó ‘in the rear’giŕɛ́ tɔ̀‘forward; in front’gìrɛ́ ‘forward’ is distinct in form from gìré ‘eye’.Adjectives ‘left’ (naǹá) and ‘right’ (nã̌:) can be added to body-part terms(‘arm/hand’, ‘leg/foot’), but do not seem to have been traditionally used forabstract directions. nã̌: is distinct in form from nĩ́: ‘eat (meal)’.8.4.6 Expressive adverbialsExpressive adverbials are a class of stems that function as adverbs with variousverbs (‘go’, ‘fall’, etc.), as predicates with a copula ‘be X’ (positive kɔ̀ etc.,negative kɔ̀:-rɔ́ etc.), or as predicates with an active copula (e.g. kɛ́:‘become.Nonhuman’). Except for stem-iteration they typically have nomorphology and do not participate in derivational or compounding morphology.They are not subject to tone contours controlled by other words. They cannotfunction directly as postnominal adjectival modifiers, but a relative clause canbe formed with the adverbial plus a copula in relative-clause form. Mostexpressive adverbials are not related phonologically to stems in regular classes(nouns, verbs, adjectives), but there are exceptions.A large sample of expressive adverbials is presented in this section,organized mainly by phonological form. Most intensifiers for adjectives andother stems listed in §6.3.3.2 also belong to the class of expressive adverbialsand are not re-listed here. A few important adverbials have their ownsubsections below.8.4.6.1 Types of expressive adverbialThe adverbials in (xx1) are not iterated and do not show intonationalprolongation of the final syllable. Of interest is the existence of some entirely{L}-toned adverbials (xx1.f), given that noun, verb, adjective, and numeralstems all have at least one H-tone element.A typical predicative element, either a copula (Nonhuman kɔ̀ or HumanSingular wɔ̀) or a verb (‘go’, ‘put’, ‘fall’, etc.) is included in parentheses afterthe gloss, but the forms given do not exclude other possibilities. The copula isH-toned, e.g. kɔ́, after a {L}-toned adverbial.(xx1)Expressive adverbials (non-iterated, not prolonged)140

a. {H}, onomatopoeicpoṕtɔ́túb. {H}, not onomatopoeicsí:guń̃ɛýⁿpaýaẃkoĺoẃⁿkańãẃⁿbɔĺɔẃsɛŕⁿɛńɛ́with final -í:sɔńũǵ-í:c. {HL}dûmpuŕɛ̀:yd. {LH}pǐmpǔysǔye. {LHL}dùrô:f. {L}sɔỳwùrùjàkùbaẁgiỳaẁ‘landing powerfully’ (bàgá ‘fall’)‘plopping (sth soft landing)’ (bàgá ‘fall’)‘(sharply) pointed’ (kɔ̀)‘(walk) with a swagger, with elbows out’(yě ‘go’)‘well-lit’ (kɔ̀)‘in a circle’ (kɔ̀)‘shriveled (calabash)’ (kɔ̀)‘brick-shaped; long-necked’ (kɔ̀)‘long and thin, tall and thin’ (kɔ̀, wɔ̀)‘smelling like raw meat or fish’ (kɔ̀)‘(land) with a thud’ (suǵó ‘go down’0‘(go out) suddenly’ (gǒ: ‘go out’, kiŕ-ì: ‘flyaway’)‘(pass by, run away) in a flash’, cf. iteratedvariant below (gàrá ‘pass’)‘(sth) shoot out’ (gǒ:)‘bursting in, (entering) abruptly’ (nú ‘goin’)‘backwards’ (many combinations)‘oily’ (kɔ́)‘(tree) having many fruits (heavy withfruits)’ (kɔ́)‘dominant, towering (tree)’ (kɔ́)‘shady (tree)’ (kɔ́)The adverbials in (xx2) show intonational prolongation, or at least a finallong vowel.(xx2)Expressive adverbials (intonationally prolonged)a. {H}onomatopoeic141

sɛ́=>othersɛń=>pó=>sań=>kɛẃⁿ=>leẃⁿ=>saý=>guńí=>jeẃgé=>‘(grain) pouring out noisily’‘(staring) wide-eyed’ (gɛ̀r-î: ‘look’)‘gaping, wide open (door)’ (kɔ̀)‘clear (sky)’ (kɔ̀)‘silent (person), calm (place)’ (also iteratedkɛń-kɛẃⁿ) (kɔ̀ or wɔ̀)‘placed on top (e.g. on one’s head or on arock)’ (kɔ̀)‘conspicuously visible’ (kɔ̀)‘globular, ball-shaped’ (kɔ̀)‘teetering’, ‘badly placed’ (kɔ̀)b. {LH}with final í=> (sometimes segmentable)gɛ̀gí=>‘tilted’ (kɔ̀)sɛ̀rí=>‘sticking out (e.g. leg)’ (kɔ̀)bàmí=>‘rickety, shakily positioned’ (kɔ̀)" ‘tilted’ (kɔ̀)yùgùj-í=>‘disheveled, furry’ (kɔ̀), from adjectiveyùgùjúotherkǒ:=>‘empty’ (kɔ̀)kɔ̌yⁿ=>‘(e.g. teeth, horn)sticking out’ (kɔ̀)yɛ̌w=>‘(eyes) slightly open’ (kɔ̀)sɛ̌y=>‘(head, tip) sticking out (a little)’ (kɔ̀)sǔy=>‘(e.g. lips) projecting out’ (kɔ̀)c. {HL}sû=>bɔ́dɔ̀=>d. {LHL}kuń do=>e. two-part{H}-{H}yó=> gó=>‘pointing downward’ (kɔ̀)‘fat and clumsy’ (wɔ̀)‘(walking) with head high’ (withkuń‘head’) (wɔ̀)‘ajar, slightly open (door)’ (pińɛ́ ‘shut’)Related to the prolongation type in (xx2) above is a set of forms that derivefrom adjectives by adding -í=> or an allomorph such as lengthening of thefinal vowel, along with tonal changes in some cases: dòg-í=> ‘heavy’,wàg-á=> ‘far (away)’. See §11.4.1.2 for details. There are also a few similaradverbials derived from verbs (xx3). These are essentially identical to the142

corresponding Same-Subject Anterior subordinating form in -ɛ: ~ -e:(§15.2.2.1), but they can be used predicatively with copulas.(xx3)Expressive adverbials derived from verbsbiǹ-é=>gɔ̀m-ɛ́=>wàrⁿ-ɛ́=>‘inverted’ (verb biǹé) (kɔ̀)‘(eyes) wide open’ (verb gɔ̀mɔ́) (kɔ̀)‘(tree roots, vine) spreading on ground’(verb wàrⁿ-î:) (kɔ̀)Finally, the forms in (xx4) involve iteration of a stem. In most cases thestem is not attested elsewhere. (xx4) is organized around the phonologicalrelationship (vocalism, tone contour) between the two (or three) parts of theiteration.(xx4)Iterated expressive adverbialsa. no vocalic or tonal changekɛ́-kɛ́‘(e.g. door) flush (with frame)’ (short stemmakes segmentation questionable) (kɔ̀)dɛń-dɛń‘rebalanced’ (kɔ̀)tá:ⁿ-tá:ⁿ‘(walking) with legs separated’ (kɔ̀)kań-kań‘motionless, playing dead’ (kɔ̀)leŵ-leŵ‘dripping’ (verb leẃé)yɛĺ-yɛĺ‘flapping in the wind’ (kɔ̀)saýⁿ-saýⁿ‘blazing (sun)’ (kɔ̀)tɔ̂ŋ-tɔ̂ŋ‘dotted, spotted’ (kɔ̀)kɛẃ-kɛẃ ~ kɛ́-kɛẃ ‘equal’ (kɔ̀)deǵé-deǵé‘slowly, gently’ (cf. dègé ‘short’) (manycombinations)wàlgá-wàlgá ‘bouncing’ (bìrɛ́ ‘do’)seẃè-seẃè‘(walk) silently’ (yǎ: ‘go’)soŕoỳ-soŕoỳ‘slippery (hard to hold)’ (kɔ̀)pádà:w-pádà:w ‘galloping (fast)’ (jɔẁɔ́ ‘run’)tábàrà-tábàrà ‘blotched, with large spots’ (kɔ̀)b. tonal change only{H}-{L}dó:ró-dò:rò{LH}-{L}pǐm-pìmhaľ-hàlbɛ̌y-bɛỳ‘shining, gleaming’ (kɔ̀)‘running at top speed’ (iteration of pim)(jɔẁɔ́ ‘run’)‘quivering (like dog’s tongue)’ (bìrɛ́ ‘do’)‘flickering (light)’ (kɔ̀)143

{L}-{LH}bàlà-bàlá‘(cook) hastily’ (bìrɛ́ ‘do’)c. vocalic change onlyhigh or mid-height vowel to /a/seẃè-saẃà‘groping along’ (yǎ: ‘go’)wìré-wàrá‘staggering, stumbling’ (yǎ: ‘go’)soĺù-saĺù‘walking stiffly’ (yǎ: ‘go’)tiǵì-taǵù(-tiǵì) ‘(walking) clumsily (like an infant)’ (yǎ:‘go’)gòrùm-gàràm ‘crooked (with sharp bends)’ (kɔ́)d. vocalic and tonal change{L}-{H}, mid-height vowel to /a/jèlè-jaĺá‘dangling, waving’ (kɔ̀){LH}-{L}, high vowel to /a/jùgú-jàgù‘swaying (like elephant)’ (bìrɛ́ ‘do’)jìgí-jàgù‘fidgeting’, ‘lumbering along’ (bìrɛ́ ‘do’)These iterated adverbials, mostly unrelated to simple stems, should bedistinguished from distributive iterations of common nouns, which have adifferent grammar. A distributive sense can be expressed by repeating thecognate verb (xx5).(xx5) iń tiň sùrɔ́ suŕ-ɛ̀: suŕ-ɛ̀:1SgS firewood pile(noun) pile.up-SS.Ant pile.up-SS.Antdaǵ-ɛ̀leave-Perf.HL‘I put the firewood in (several) piles and left (it).’Or a plural NP, rather than the simple noun, can be repeated in a conjoinedNP construction (xx6).(xx6) [àrùsɛ̀gɛ́ bè] [kùrɔ́ bè] [kùrɔ́ bè] yǎ:-téŋè[animal Pl] [herd Pl] [herd Pl] go-Prog.PlS‘The (wild) animals travel in herds.’The adverbial ɔǵú-ɔǵú ‘rapidly, quickly’ is transparently related to theadjective ɔǵú ‘rapid, speedy’.There are a small number of adverbials formed by final reduplication. Theyare given in (xx7), which includes repeats of two adjectival intensifiers from(xx1.b) in §6.3.3.2. Note the alternations of g with j, r with l, and rⁿ with n, and144

with the first consonant in C 2 (once C 3 ) position followed by at least tworepetitions switching to the other sonorant.(xx7) a. C 2 and later C’s = jkùjújújú ‘dragging forcefully’ (kɔ̀)b. C 2 = g, repeated as jyàgájájá ‘very coarse, rough’ (kaǵájú ‘coarse’)c. C 2 (or C 2 ) = r, repeated as lyègeŕeĺeĺé ‘blinding (light)’ (kɔ̀)kèreĺeĺé ‘very cold’ (keĺú ‘cold’)d. C 2 = rⁿ, repeated as nnàrⁿańańá ‘gooey (meat, as from an old cow)’ (kɔ̀)dɔ̀rⁿɔńɔńɔ́ ‘foul-smelling (urine, dirty clothes)’ (kɔ̀)ɔ̀rⁿɔńɔńɔ́ ‘smooth, sleek’Like most pure adjectives, and unlike most expressive adverbials, ɔ̀rⁿɔńɔńɔ́‘smooth, sleek’ has a paired Inchoative verb ɔŕⁿińì. However, ɔ̀rⁿɔńɔńɔ́ issyntactically an adverbial rather than an adjective, as shown by its negativepredicate, ɔ̀rⁿɔńɔńɔ́ kɔ̀:-rɔ́ ‘it isn’t smooth’, and by its relative-clause form as amodifier, gùjù ɔ̀rⁿɔ́nɔńɔ́ kɔ́ ‘smooth skin, skin that is smooth’.It is not easy to distinguish adverbs (including expressive adverbials) fromverb stems specialized to occur nonfinally in direct verb chains. Therefore baǹáin baǹá gǒ: ‘get out of the way, dodge’ (gǒ: ‘go out’), and tɔŕɔ́ in e.g. tɔ́rɔ́ dɔ̌:‘move over’ (dɔ̌: ‘arrive’), can be taken either as adverbials or as specializedverb stems based on current data.Adverbial jè-sɛ́ ‘breaking into a run’, which can be used with verb jɔẁɔ́‘run’, contains the noun jé ‘running, race’.tɔń-tɔń-tɔń ‘foul-smelling (e.g. fart, fox secretion)’ is tentatively taken to bean iterated adverbial, but the base tɔń-tɔń (attested in senses like ‘salty’ and‘sour’) is already apparently iterated (or a Cv- reduplication).Other elements showing final prolongation (as for expressive adverbials)that are discussed elsewhere in the grammar are: fú=> ‘all’ and wò=> ‘each,all’ (§6.6.1-2), (jò-)jó=> ‘many’ (§8.4.2), té=> ‘exactly’ (§8.4.3.2), pó=>~ fó=> ‘all the way to’ (§8.2.1.2), bà=> ‘all the way to/from’ (§8.2.1.2), tâŋtâŋ‘here and there, scattered’ (§8.4.7.2), and ‘flat’ adverbials like pátà=>(§4.5.2)A morpheme kaǹ is attested after certain adverbials. Like copula kɔ̀, it shiftsto H-tone after a completely {L}-toned adverbial. Examples: pɛ́tɛ̀=> kaǹ‘squared, having flat sides’, kuŕɔ́ sɔǵú-sɔǵú kaǹ ‘(tree) with dense foliage’, dɛẃⁿkaǹ ‘straight (road)’, gòrùm-gàràm kań ‘crooked (stick)’, yùgùj-í=> kaǹ145

‘woolly, furry’. The form with kaǹ (kań) functions as an NP-internal modifierrather than as a predicate.(xx8) bà:gà [pɛ́tɛ̀=> kaǹ] má≡ǹ jɛ̀:rɛ̀stick.L [flat.sided Adj] 1Sg≡Dat bring.Imprt.L‘Bring-2Sg me a flat-sided (rectangular) stick!’8.4.6.2 ‘Straight’ (dɛẃⁿ=>)The expressive adverbial dɛ́wⁿ=> is used to denote straight, direct,unmediated trajectories (motion, path, line of sight). It can be used predicatelywith a copula (xx1.b); in this case, the intonational prolongation is reduced andmay not be audible.(xx1) a. ɛḿɛ́ [iýé nî gǒ:] dɛẃⁿ=> bàmàkɔ́ yà:-jù1PlS [today here leave] straight B go-Impf.L‘We’ll go today straight from here to Bamako.’b. ójú dɛẃⁿ(=>) kɔ̀road straight be.Nonh‘The road is straight (direct).’8.4.6.3 ‘Apart, separate’ (dɛýⁿ=>)This expressive adverbial means ‘apart, separate’ in a physical sense, or‘distinct, not the same’ more abstractly. Since there is generally a parallelisticcontext, with two or more individuals or groups distinguished or separated, areduplicated form is common (xx1.b).(xx1) a. [ɛḿɛ́ wò] dɛýⁿ=>[1Pl all] apart‘We are not all the same.’b. [ñɛ̌-ùrⁿù bè] [àrⁿá-ùrⁿù bè] dɛń-dɛýⁿ bé:[woman-children Pl] [man-children Pl] Rdp-apart put.Imprt‘Place-2Sg the girls and the boys apart (separated)!’146

8.4.6.4 ‘Always’ (já-wò=>), ‘never’ (nańà)The ‘always’ or ‘every day’ adverb is já-wò=>. It is apparently constructedfrom an otherwise unattested noun já with a presumed meaning ‘time’ or ‘day’,plus wò=> ‘each’.The ‘never’ adverb is nańà, used with a negative predicate. However,experiential perfect ‘never’ as in ‘I have never seen an elephant’ can beexpressed directly by the Experiential Perfect Negative verb form, see §10.xxx,below.(xx2) a. iń já-wò=> nî yɔ́ wɔ̀1SgS always here Exist be.HumSg‘I will always be here.’b. iń nańà té nɔ:-rò1SgS never tea drink-ImpfNeg‘I will never drink tea.’8.4.7 Reduplicated (iterated) adverbials8.4.7.1 Distributive adverbial iterationDistributives are formed from numerals by iteration. The iteration is more orless complete for simple numerals, but the first iteration is subject to somephonological attrition. In taň-tǎ:n ‘three by three’, the first element looks ratherlike a Cv- reduplication rather than an iteration. In lɔ́-lɔý ‘two by two’ and nǎnǎyⁿwe have a similar result, but the loss of stem-final y in the first iteration isalso found in iterated adverbials. tú-tuŕú ‘one by one’ could reflect rv-Deletionfrom a full iteration, or it could be another Cv-reduplication. Most of the otherstems are clearly iterated.(xx1)Distributive of numeralsnumeral gloss distributive (‘one by one’, etc.)a. ‘1’ to ‘4’, possible Cv-reduplicationstuŕú ‘ tú-tuŕúlɔý ‘ lɔ́-lɔýtǎ:n ‘ taň-tǎ:nnǎyⁿ ‘ nǎ-nǎyⁿb. ‘5’ to ‘10’, clearly full iterations147

nuǹɛ́: ‘ nuǹɛ́:-nuǹɛ́:kuŕé: ‘ kuŕé:-kúré:sɔ̂: ‘ sɔ̂:-sɔ̂:sìlâ: ‘ sìlâ:-sìlâ:tuẁâ: ‘ tuẁâ:-tuẁâ:pɛŕú ‘ pɛŕú-pɛŕúMorphologically complex numerals iterate enough material to get the pointacross. From pɛ́-tà:nù ‘30’ we get pɛ́-taǹ-tà:n ’30 by 30’. From pɛŕɛ̀: lɔ́ saǵà‘12’ we get pɛŕɛ̀: lɔ́ saǵà’ lɔ́ saǵà ‘12 by 12’.The distributive can be used in a range of contexts involving separation intounits or clusters, or pairing members or subsets of one set with those of another.(xx1) a. bé tú-tuŕú yɛ̀r-ɛ̀3PlS one-one come-Perf‘They came one by one.’ (= ‘They dribbled in.’)b. ɛḿɛ́ [nǎ wò=>≡ǹ] sá:gú lɔ́-lɔý gàmárⁿá-nṹ1PlS [person each≡Dat] sack two-two distribute-Impf‘We’ll distribute two sacks (of grain) to each person.’8.4.7.2 ‘Scattered, here and there’ (tâŋ-tâŋ)This adverbial indicates scattered, low-density distribution.(xx1) ɛ́:rɛ́ [ɛḿɛ́ kè] tâŋ-tâŋ kɔ̀peanut [1Sg Poss] here.and.there be.Nonh‘Our peanut (plants) are scattered (not common).’148

9 Verbal derivationThe productive suffixal derivations for deriving a verb from another verb are thereversive (‘un-…’) with suffix -rv and the causative with any of several suffixes(most productively -mv). “v” indicates a variable short vowel. Many verbs (e.g.of stance and of holding) occur in a suffixed mediopassive form (bare stem endsin suffix -ì: or -î:) that may co-exist with a corresponding transitive form.Adjectives generally have an intransitive inchoative (‘become ADJ’) and atransitive factitive (‘make something ADJ’).The only combinations of two derivational suffixes are those with a finalCausative suffix added to a reversive, a mediopassive, or an inchoative stem.Often, but not always, the factitive of adjectives is just the causative of thecorresponding inchoative stem.9.1 Reversive verbs (-rv, -rⁿv)Reversive verbs, which are common in Dogon languages, have a semanticssimilar to un- verbs in English (untie, unbend). They presuppose that an initialaction (tying, bending) previously took place, and the current action reverses theprocess, returning the object (theme) to its original position. Reversivesgenerally preserve the valency of the corresponding underived verb. Among themore interesting simple/reflexive semantic pairings are ‘shut’/‘open’ and‘forget’/‘remember’, though the latter is slightly obscured by a phonologicalirregularity.The reversive is derived from the simple verb by a suffix -rv, which issometimes nasalized to -rⁿv (v represents a vowel). The distinction between {H|and {LH} toned verb stems is respected. All clear reversives are of the(trimoraic) prosodic types Cv:-rv or CvCv-rv. By virtue of having these (heavy)shapes, all reversives belong to the class of verbs with final L-toned high vowel{i u} in the bare stem (and related Perfective forms). This implies that the inputsimple stem is Cv: or CvCv.All reversives from my working dictionary are listed in (xx1).(xx1)Reversivesinput gloss reversive gloss149

a. Cv:-rv from Cv:[none attested]b. like (a) but with nasalized -rⁿv{H}-tonedtɔ́:ⁿ ‘roll on (turban)’ tɔ́:-rⁿì ‘unroll (turban)’c. CvCv-rv from CvCv, second input syllable not nasal{H}-tonedpɛǵɛ́ ‘insert (blade)’ pɛǵì-rì ‘remove (blade)’paǵá ‘tie’ paǵì-rì ‘untie’sɔǵɔ́ ‘lock’ sɔǵì-rì ‘unlock’kiẃé ‘put hide cover on’ kiẃì-rì ‘remove hide coverfrom’kɔĺ-ì: ‘be caught (in tree)’ kɔĺì-rì ‘become uncaught, getfree’taǵ-ì: ‘put on (shoe)’ taǵì-rì ‘take off (shoe)’kuẃ-ì: ‘put on (hat)’ kuẁì-rì- ‘take off (hat)’{LH}-toneddɛẁɛ́ ‘cover up’ dɛẁú-rù ‘uncover, reveal’dìgé ‘join (objects)’ dìgì-rì ‘de-couple (objects)’wɔ̀bɔ́ ‘sag’ wɔ̀bí-rì ‘spring back up (aftersagging)’d. like (c), but with nasalized -rⁿv after nasal syllable{H}-tonedsońù ‘comb’ sɔńì-rⁿì ‘undo (braids)’óŋó ‘crumple’ óŋù-rⁿù ‘uncrumple’sáŋá ‘put (fence)’ sáŋì-rⁿì ‘unfence’pińɛ́ ‘close (door)’ pińì-rⁿì ‘open (door)’kuẃⁿ-ì: ‘shut (eyes)’ kuẃⁿù-rⁿù ‘open (eyes)’tiḿɛ́ ‘cover with lid’ tiḿì-rⁿì ‘remove lid from’níŋ-ì: ‘become tangled’ níŋì-rⁿì ‘become untangled’{LH}-toneddɔ̀ŋɔ́ ‘prop up’ dɔ̀ŋí-rⁿì ‘un-prop, remove propfrom’e. like (c-d), but with unnasalized -rv after nasal syllableetymologically *CvNCv, see discussion belowtéŋé ‘hobble (animal)’ téŋì-rì ‘un-hobble (animal)’nóŋ-ì: ‘be stuck (in tree)’ nóŋì-rì ‘become unstuck, getfree’biǹé ‘turn inside-out’ biǹí-rì ‘put back on right(garment)’150

dùŋó ‘stop up (hole)’ dùŋú-rù ‘re-open (stopped uphole)’miǹé ‘roll up (mat), fold’ miǹí-rì ‘unroll (mat), unfold’muǹó ‘bundle, rumple’ muǹú-rì ‘unbundle’etymologically *CvNv, perhaps rehaped by analogy to the precedingmùŋó ‘tie (knot)’ mùŋú-rù ‘untie (knot)’f. Cvrv stem with reversive Cv-lì (see rv-Deletion, §3.xxx){H}-tonedtaŕá ‘affix, stick on’ tá-lì ‘remove (sth affixed)’{LH}-tonedgòró ‘cover (opening)’ gǒ-lì ‘remove cover from(opening)’g. irregularchange in vowel-harmonic classtońṍ- ‘pull up (pants)’ tɔńĩ̀-rⁿì ‘let back down (pants)’CvCv reduced to Cv:- before suffixnáŋá ‘forget’ ná:-rⁿì ‘remember’irregular from Cvyvbiỳɛ́ ‘bury’ bí-lì ‘disinter’[Prost: “bille”]The cases in (xx1.e), where the Reversive suffix unexpectedly fails tonasalize even though following a nasal syllable, usually reflect proto-formswhere the stem had a voiced homorganic nasal-stop cluster (*nd, *mb, *ŋg) thatwas later reduced to just the nasal. The reversive was therefore originally of thetype CvNDv-rv, so the suffix was not in a nasalizing environment. For biǹé‘turn inside-out’ compare Nanga biǹdé. For téŋé ‘hobble (animal, i.e. by tying arope around its legs)’, compare Perge (Jamsay dialect) tɔ́ŋgɔ́. For nóŋ-ì: ‘(e.g.stone, stick) be stuck in tree’, compare Nanga nóŋgí-yé. For dùŋó ‘stop up(hole)’, compare Najamba dùŋgí ‘fill up (pit, well)’. miǹé ‘roll up (mat)’ andmuǹó ‘bundle, rumple’ form a set with close semantic and phonologicalrelationships (cf. the discussion of vowel symbolism in §xxx); relevant cognatesinclude Nanga muǹdó ‘rumple’, abd Walo m̀buǹdó ‘rumple’ and miǹdé ‘roll up(mat)’. However, for mùŋó ‘tie (knot)’ the comparative data currently known tome point to an unclustered medial *ŋ, and cognate reversives do have anasalized suffix. Perhaps this reversive verb has been reshaped in TK byanalogy to one or more of the just-mentioned examples, notably the ‘roll up’and ‘bumple, rumple’ forms, which also begin with m and have a medial nasal.In (xx1.f) we see that a Cvrv verb combines with Reversive -rv as Cv-lv,with l instead of r, perhaps reduced from an earlier *Cvl-lv Similar phenomena,151

eflecting difficulties in combining rhotics with laterals, occur in reversives inother Dogon languages.A nominal based on a reversive is kaǹ-[paǵá-rá] ‘Ramadan (fasting month)’,literally “mouth-[tie-Reversive]” with an overlaid compound tone contour, cf.kań ‘mouth’ and paǵì-rì ‘untie’ (Imperative paǵá-rá).Simple (underived) stems that are not of Cv: or CvCv shapes do not havemorphological reversives, but they can express the notion of reversal by beingchained with a following verb gúŋ̀ ‘take out, remove’. For example, lɛǵìrì ‘slidein, insert (into a crack, under a hat, etc.)’ is already a trisyllabic stem ending inri, so the only way to express a reversive is by using the verb-verb chain lɛǵìrìgúŋ̀ ‘slide back out, remove (something inserted)’.Another syntactic mechanism, useful when the simple verb denotes a formof pressure rather than impact, is to chain it with dàgá ‘leave’ (in the sense‘desist’). Example: koŕó dàgá ‘un-surround’ (i.e. desist from surroundingsomething),Since the reversive suffix is so productive, there are few simple verbs withreversive semantics. However, pó:rì ‘(knot) become undone’ is compatible withreversive form, but the simple verb pó: has unrelated senses (‘scoop out’ etc.),so for practical purposes pó:rì is a lexical reversive. sɔńì ‘(braids) becomeundone’ is also semantically reversive. Ironically, it has an apparent reversivederivative sɔńì-rⁿì ‘untwist (fibers of a simple cord)’ that functions semanticallyas reversive of the phonologically unrelated verb nǎ: ‘make (simple cord, bytwisting fibers)’. This is an example of how the semantic relationship between asimple verb and its reversive can migrate over time.In addition to the verbs here recognized as reversives, TK has dozens ofother verbs with shapes like Cv:rv and CvCvrv (and their nasalizedcounterparts) that are compatible in form with the reversive derivation. A few ofthese may have originated as reversives. However, in many cases the finalrhotic syllable cannot be segmented as a suffix. In other cases, it is segmentable,but the final -rv has a different function, opposing a transitive valency to amediopassive; see §9.xxx.9.2 Deverbal causative verbs9.2.1 Productive suffixed causative (-mv)The productive causative is with a suffix -mv, where “v” is a short vowel. In thebare stem, the usual pronunciation is -m̀, from /-mì/, with the vowel apocopatedand with its L-tone shifted onto the suffixal nasal. Before -m̀, the input stem hasits usual {H} or {LH} tone, and the vocalism associated with the Imperative,152

the Imperfective, and other forms (other than its own bare stem or itsPerfective).Examples are in (xx1). Unless otherwise noted the sense of the causative iswithin the standard range of causative senses, ranging from coercion (e.g. ‘Xjump’ > ‘Y cause X to jump’) to facilitation (‘X spend the night’ > ‘Y have/letX spend the night’).(xx1)Causative -m̀input gloss causative commenta. from Cv and Cv:{H}-tonednú ‘go in’ nú-m̀ ‘put inside’kɔ́:ⁿ ‘weep’ kɔ́:ⁿ-m̀ also written kɔ́:-m̀ ;with noun kɔňpɛ́:ⁿ ‘get old’ pɛ́:ⁿ-m̀ also written pɛ́:-m̀nĩ́: ‘eat (meal)’ nĩ́:-m̀ ‘feed’; with noun nã̌:ná: ‘spend night’ ná:-m̀ ‘have (sb) spend thenight’{LH}-tonedbɛ̌: ‘defecate’ bɛ̌:-m̀ with noun bɛ̌:nɔ̌: ‘drink’ nɔ̌:-m̀b. from CvCv, type with stable vocalism or Mediopassive form{H}-tonedaŕá ‘(baby) suckle’ aŕá-m̀ ‘nurse, give suck to’kuẃó ‘eat (meat)’ kuẃó-m̀ ‘give meat to’{LH}-tonedwàrá ‘do farm work’ wàrá-m̀ e.g. ‘have (animal)plow’nã̀ŋá ‘pick up’ nã̀ŋá-m̀jùgɔ́ ‘recognize’ jùgɔ́-m̀ e.g. ‘X introduce(=present) Y to Z’c. frp, CvCv, type with final L-toned {i u} in bare stem and Perfectives{H}-tonedpoŕì ‘say’ pó-m̀kiẃⁿí ‘tremble’ kiẃⁿí-m̀gúŋ̀ ‘remove’ gúŋɔ́-m̀{LH}-tonedmìrⁿí ‘swallow’ mìrⁿí-m̀Cvrv stems subject to rv-Deletiongɛ̀r-í: ‘look’ gɛ̌-m̀153

gàrá ‘pass by, go past’ gǎ-m̀ in: dàgá gǎ-m̀ ‘letthrough, allow topass’, see also gǎ:ǹbìrɛ́ ‘do’ bǐ-m̀ ‘cause to do’Cvrv stems not subject to rv-Deletionaŕá ‘suckle’ aŕá-m̀ ‘(woman) nurse(baby)’d. from Cv:Cv{H}-tonedpá:m̀ ‘understand’ pá:má-m̀ ‘advise’ná:-rᵃì ‘remember’ ná:-rⁿá-m̀ ‘remind’ (reversive)wɛ́:jù ‘be accustomed’ wɛ́:jɛ́-m̀ ‘accustom (sb, to sth)’{LH}-tonedyǔ:gì 'be slow' yǔ:gɔ́-m̀wǒ:ŋù 'boil [intr]' wǒ:ŋó-m̀dɛ̌:rⁿì ‘cease’ dɛ̌:rⁿɛ́-m̀ ‘let (sb) rest’ (noundɛ̀:rⁿɛ́)e. from CvCvCv{H}-tonedsɛḿìrⁿì ‘be in tatters’ sɛḿɛ́rⁿɛ́-m̀kiǵìrì ‘go back’ kiǵeŕé-m̀kuŕuǵù ‘be dense’ kuŕuǵó-m̀{LH}-tonedbùgújù ‘be muddied’ bùgújó-m̀gɛ̀mińĩ̀ ‘become dirty’ gɛ̀miń̃ɛ́-m̀yɔ̀guŕì ‘become pulpy’ yɔ̀gɔŕɔ́-m̀mèŋírì ‘be small balls’ mèŋeŕé-m̀f. from Mediopassivekiŕ-ì: ‘jump’ kiŕ-é:-m̀bàrⁿ-î: ‘become red’ bàrⁿ-ɛ́:-m̀g. irregularliẃɛ́ 'be afraid' lí:rɛ́-m̀ ‘frighten, scare’jɔẁɔ́ ‘run’ jǒ-m̀ ‘drive (vehicle)’There are no apparent restrictions on the prosodic shape of the derivedcausative stem (contrast the reversive). Causative suffix -m̀ may be added to areversive stem: ná:rⁿá-m̀ ‘cause to remember, remind’. It may be added to asuffixally derived (or simple) deadjectival inchoative verb to produce acorresponding factitive: ɛŕú-lɛ́-m̀ ‘cause to be happy’.As with other verbs, a verbal noun from a causative can be used as acompound final or modifying adjective specifying the manner of production.154

Thus pɔ̀rú ‘sesame’, pɔ̀rù-[yɔ̀gɔ̀rɔ̀-mú] ‘balls of cooked and pounded sesameseeds’.Deadjectival factitives with the same Causative suffix are illustrated in§9.xxx, below. Often the Causative suffix follows an Inchoative suffix in theseforms.9.2.2 Minor causative suffixes (-gv̀, -ŋv̀, -nv̀)A small number of verbs have an archaic causative in -gv̀ or -ŋv̀. For some, aproductive causative with -m̀ is also elicitable. The archaic causatives may havespecialized meanings. The strange metathesis-like changes in daǹí-gì, suńú-gì,and nũǹú-gù have counterparts in their cognates in other Dogon languages andare undoubtedly ancient. All known examples are in (xx1).(xx1)Causative -gv̀, -ŋv̀input gloss causative gloss/commenta. -gv̀consonantism preservedwòró ‘(well) cave in’ wòrí-gì ‘cause to cave in’kaẃá ‘be separated’ kaẃ(ú)-gù ‘separate [tr]’mòr-î: ‘be lost’ mòrí-gì ‘cause to be lost’loŕó ‘be punctured’ loŕí-gì ‘puncture’Cvgv becomes Cvnv-gvdàg-î: ‘be done well’ daǹí-gì ‘make/do (sth) well’;‘get ready [intr, tr]’suǵó ‘go down’ suńú-gì ‘take down; unload’Cvŋv becomes Cvnv-gvtáŋá 'X become Y' tańú-gù ‘Z transform X into Y’Cvwv becomes Cvnv-gvñɔẁⁿɔ́ 'be ruined' nũǹú-gù ‘ruin [tr]’Cv: (< *Cvwo) becomes Cvnv-gvgiǹɛ́ nũ̌: 'wake up [intr]' nũǹú-gù ‘wake (sb) up’b. -ŋv̀regularsá:ⁿ ‘disperse’ sá:ⁿ-ŋì ‘cause to disperse’;also written sá:-ŋìirregular (archaic)gǒ: ‘go out’ gúŋ̀ (gúŋù) ‘take out, remove’155

Perhaps of this type is dɔ̀rú-gù ‘bail out, ransom’, compare the secondelement in the collocation dògó dɔ̀rɔ́ ‘back up, retreat’ (dògó ‘back[ward]’).Some of the basic verbs of motion and stance have a causative-liketransitive counterpart with suffix -nv̀. Several verbs translatable as ‘put, set, lay’are of this type. The known cases are in (xx2). The phonological relationshipsare often nontransparent.(xx2)Causative -nv̀pó:nù ‘greet’input gloss causative gloss/commenta. phonologically regulardɔ̌: ‘arrive’ dɔ̌:-ǹ ‘take to the endpoint’bǎ: ‘learn’ bǎ:-ǹ ‘teach, instruct’b. minor consonantal irregularitytɔ́:nù ‘melt [intr]’ tɔ́:rⁿù-nì ‘melt [tr]’c. (C)vmv becoming (C)u:-n(i)ìm-î: ‘lie down’ ú:-ǹ ‘lay, put down (largeobject)d. Cvŋv becoming Cv:-n(ì)dɛ̀ŋ-î: ‘sit’ dǎ:-ǹ ‘put down, set (e.g.container)’náŋá ‘be on (wall)’ ná:-ǹ ‘put up on (wall)’e. Cvrv becoming Cv:-nìgàrá ‘pass by, go past’ gǎ:-ǹ ‘take past’, cf. gǎ-m̀mɔ̀rⁿ-î: ‘assemble [intr]’ mɔ̌:-ǹ ‘assemble [tr]’f. irregular (phonology very obscure)dɔẁɔ́ ‘go up’ dân ‘cause to go up’For Transitive suffix -rv, which is sometimes causative-like in sense, see§9.xxx, just below.156

9.3 Passive and Transitive9.3.1 Mediopassive -i: (-ɛ:-) versus Transitive -rvA number of verb stems occur in a contrasting pair of suffixed forms. One hasMediopassive -i:, which is realized word-finally as -î: after L-toned Cv̀C- and as-ì: after H-toned CvĆ-. It becomes -ɛ:- before another suffix. The paired formhas Transitive suffix -rv. These labels are crude; most morphologicalmediopassives are intransitive but some are transitive, in which case thecorresponding morphological transitive is doubly transitive. However, in allcases the mediopassive denotes some kind of state.Typical semantic categories of verbs with this distinction are a) stance verbslike ‘sit’; b) verbs of holding and carrying; c) verbs of donning and wearinggarments; and d) deadjectival verbs. The latter are covered in §9.5, below.Mediopassive/Transitive pairs are illustrated in (xx1).(xx1)Mediopassive -i: and paired Transitive -rv̀form gloss commenta. stance, positiontúŋ-ì: ‘X kneel’túŋì-rⁿì ‘Y cause X to kneel’ìg-î: ‘X stand; X stop’ìgí-rì ‘Z erect X; Z stop X’waẁ-î:waẁí-rì‘(bird, quadruped) lie down on belly’‘carry (child) with its belly on one’s shoulder’b. holding/carryingbòm-î: ‘X carry (child) on back’bòmí-rì ‘Z help X carry (child) on back’diẁ-î:diẁí-rìduẁ-î:dǔ:-rì‘lean (on sth)’, ‘be up close to (sth)’‘carry at one’s side or at one’s abdomen’‘X carry Y on head’‘Z load X’, ‘Z have X carry Y on head’c. wearing garmentsdùg-î: ‘X gird oneself (with a wrap’dùgí-rì ‘Y gird X (with a wrap)’157

taǵ-ì: ‘X put on shoes’taǵì-rì ‘Y put shoes on X’kuẃ-ì: ‘X put on a hat’kuẃì-rì ‘Y put a hat on X’d. otheriǹ-î:iǹì-rì‘X bathe’ (with noun dí: ‘water’)‘Y bathe X’ (with noun dí: ‘water’)bàŋ-î: ‘X hide (self)’bàŋú-rⁿù ‘Y hide X’lɛǵ-ì:lɛǵì-rì‘X slip itself into (narrow space)’‘Y slip X into (narrow space)’There are also many verbs that are attested in the mediopassive form but(usually) not with Transitive -rv. In (xx2), the unsuffixed stem functions as thetransitive counterpart to the suffixed mediopassive.(xx2)Unsuffixed stem versus Mediopassive -i:gòrógòr-î:jèréjèr-î:‘X cover Y (with blanket)’‘Y cover self (with blanket)’‘X hang Y (on a hook or nail)’‘Y be hanging; Y cling to’miǹé ‘X fold Y, X roll up Y’miǹ-î: ‘X be rolled up’bàrá ‘X expand Y’bàr-î: ‘Y expand’dìgɛ́dìg-î:dìgí-rìtiẃétiẃ-ì:tiẃì-rì‘join, link (objects)’‘(objects) be joined’; ‘follow’‘cause to follow; arrange (in order)’‘(sb) support oneself on (e.g. walking cane)’‘X (e.g. stick) be leaning against (e.g. wall)’‘Y lean X (against sth)’Some of these mediopassives have a corresponding causative that obviatesthe need for a transitive with -rv.158

Examples of mediopassives that are (based on present lexicography)without a paired transitive are in (xx3). Further lexical study may remove someof them from the list.(xx3)Unpaired mediopassivesformglossa. {H}-tonedtɔŕⁿ-ì: ‘squat’; ‘(bird) alight’pɔń-ì: ‘put on one’s pants’siẃ-ì: ‘put on (boubou)’tuẃ-ì: ‘freeze’ ‘(milk) form a film’taŕ-ì: ‘endure, be able to stand’téŋ-ì: ‘(water) become clear’teẃ-ì: ‘bow and place hands on knee’téŋ-ì: ‘balance (load) on head’ɛŕ-ì: ‘escape’haḿp-ì: ‘chew (tobacco)’kiŕ-ì: ‘jump’ (with noun kìrí)siý-ì: ‘wear (garment)’ (variant siẃ-ì:)saŕⁿ-ì: ‘become lost’kíj-ì: ‘X encounter, meet Y’nóŋ-ì: ‘(stone, stick) be caught (in tree)’kɔĺ-ì: ‘(garment) be hooked or caught (in tree)’níŋ-ì: ‘become tangled’paŕ-ì: ‘rub in (oil, lotion)’nɔẃⁿ-ì: ‘go to sleep’ (with noun giǹɛ́)sɔ́ŋ-ì: ‘carry (child) on both shoulders’taŕ-ì: ‘(e.g. lizard) be on wall’toń-ì: ‘calm down’níŋ-ì: ‘sort by category’kɔŕ-ì: ‘sort by category’saẃⁿ-ì: ‘be in oversupply’b. {LH}-toneddɛ̀ŋ-î:wàrⁿ-î:wɔ̀rⁿ-î:dàg-î:bɔ̀r-î:diǹ-î:ñɛ̀ŋ-î:dàr-î:mɔ̀rⁿ-î:‘sit’‘(vine) spread out’‘(vine) twist itself around’‘become good, turn out well’‘(wedding, festival) be held’‘hold (in hands)’‘circulate [intr]’‘carry Y on shoulder’‘assemble [intr]’ (cf. causative mɔ̌:-ǹ)159

9.5 Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbsAdjectival concepts like ‘sweet’ and ‘red’ correspond to word-familiesincluding an adjective (used in modifying and predicative function), aninchoative (intransitive) verb ‘X become ADJ’, and a factitive (causative) verb‘Y make X ADJ’. The factitive is often a morphological causative of theinchoative; in other cases the factitive is identical in form to the inchoative.Our main task is to describe the morphological relationship between theadjective and the inchoative verb. This relationship varies from case to case, andit is usually not possible to show that either one is derived morphologicallyfrom the other. This is probably because inchoative verbs are (for the most part)subject to the usual phonological constraints on verb-stem shapes, whileadjectives are not. An interesting exception to this is that when the adjective hasan initial voiced obstruent and begins with a high tone, this tone is carried overinto the inchoative, although verbs normally require a L-initial tone contour onstems beginning in voiced obstruents. The examples of this are gɛ́-ǹ ‘becomeblack’ and déméré-ǹ ‘become fat’.(xx1)Adjectives and their InchoativesADJ ‘become ADJ’ ‘make ADJ’ glossa. Inchoative without suffixjó=> jǒ: jǒ:-ǹ ‘full’ɛ̌: ɛ́: ɛ́:-ǹ ‘tight’ɛ̌m ɛḿɛ́ ɛḿɛ́-m̀ ‘cramped’káŋ káŋá káŋá-m̀ ‘big’ǎwⁿ aẃⁿá aẃⁿá-m̀ ‘in good condition’yɔ̀rú yɔ̀rɔ́ yɔ̀rú-gì ‘soft, supple’gɔǹú gɔǹɔ́ gɔǹú-gù ‘bent, curved’pɔ̀:nú pɔ̂:n pɔ̂:n ‘fermenting (earth)’yù:gú yǔ:gì yǔ:gɔ́-m̀ ‘slow’kuŕuǵú kuŕuǵù ‘dense (forest)’b. Inchoative -nv̀wá: wá:-nì wá:-ná-m̀ ‘wide’ɛ́:ŋú ɛ́ŋ-nì ‘near’ (verb: ‘approach’)gàrá gàrí-nì ‘big; thick’márⁿá márⁿì-nì ‘massive, stout’gùrú gùrú-nì ‘tall’dègé dègí-nì dègí-nɛ́-m̀ ‘short; narrow’ɛĺú ɛĺí-ní ɛĺí-ní ‘sweet, good-tasting’gɛń gɛ́-ǹ gɛ́-nɛ́-m̀ ‘black’ùjú újú-nì újú-nɔ́-m̀ ‘small; slender’161

piŕí piŕí-nì piŕí-nɛ́-m̀ ‘white’woŕó woŕú-nì woŕú-nɔ́-m ‘deep’ñɛŕⁿú ñɛŕⁿí-nì ñɛŕⁿí-nɛ́-m̀ ‘lightweight’mɔǹṹ mɔǹṹ-nù mɔǹṹ-nɔ́-m̀ ‘bad’wàgá wàgí-nì ‘distant’dògú dògú-nì dògú-nɔ́-m̀ ‘heavy’deḿéré deḿéré-ǹ deḿéré-ǹ ‘fat’c. Inchoative -ŋv̀mǎ mǎ:-ŋ̀ mǎ:-ŋá-m̀ ‘dry; hard’d. Inchoative -lv̀, -rv̀keĺú keŕì-lì keŕí-lé-m̀ ‘cold’ɔǵú ɔǵù-rù ‘fast’aǹã́ ańĩ̀-rⁿì ańã́-rⁿá-m̀ ‘almost ripe’e. Inchoative with Mediopassive -i: (§9.xxx)bań bàrⁿ-î: bàrⁿ-ɛ́:-m̀ ‘red’nú: nuẃⁿ-ì: nuẃⁿ-ɛ́:-m̀ ‘hot’ɔ̀rú ɔŕ-ì: ɔŕí-gì ‘wet’The adjective ‘good’ is sɛń. It has a suppletive inchoative dàg-î: ‘be good,be suitable’, with factitive daǹí-gì ‘make good; repair’.denominal casesbò:mó bò:mí-gì ‘stupid’ (noun:‘stupidity’)naḿ-gì ‘become poor’note tones in inchoative gɛ̂-n\\gɛ́-nɛ́ ‘become black’, factitive gɛ́-nɛ́-m̀ ‘makeblack’writegive a full list of adjectives that have corresponding inchoative (intransitive)and Factitive verbs, with morphological analysis.often the verbs are not directly derived from the adjective (there is somediscrepancy in the tones and/or vocalism, occasionally consonants--shiftsinvolving sonorants), rather the adjective and the verbs are parts of a looselydefined word-family. For example, verbs (in general) normally obey theassociation of {LH} contour with initial voiced stops and of {H} with initialvoiceless obstrents, while adjectives don’t, and verbs (with rare exceptions)must end in a vowel while adjectives need not. However, if the inchoative has anInchoative suffix such as -yv-, one could consider the possibility that it is162

derived from the adjective in at least some cases, perhaps by feeding theadjective into the verb-constraint grinding machine.the factitive may have the same form as the inchoative; or the factitive may bethe causative derivative of the inchoative; or the inchoative may have -yv- andthe factitive has -rv-.organize the data accordingly. for a list of adjectival senses see §4.5.1.(xx1)Unsuffixed Inchoativegloss adj inchoative factitivea. factitive identical in form to inchoative[if none, indicate this]b. Factitive suffix -xxx- (inchoative ends in high vowel)c. Factitive suffix -xxx- (inchoative ends in non-high vowel)(xx2)Suffixal Inchoativegloss adj inchoative factitivea. Inchoative suffix -xxx-, factitive identical in form to inchoativeb. Inchoative suffix, Factitive -xxx- added to inchoativec. Inchoative -yv- alternating with Factitive -rv-(duplicate these sections as needed if there are two or more Inchoativeor Factitive suffixes)(xx3)Phonologically complex or irregular Inchoative/Factitive[try ‘hot/fast’, ‘sweet’, ‘smooth’, ‘moist and wet’, and anything with arhotic]examples of adjectives that do not have any associated inchoative/factitive verb:try ‘new’, ‘other’, ‘living’, ‘runty’, and any adjectives with unusuallybulky forms (e.g. trisyllabic or CvCvC).9.6 Denominal verbsThere are no productive processes for converting nouns into verbs. There aremany word families including both a noun and a verb; see the list of cognate163

nominals in §11.xxx. However, it is usually not possible to derive one from theother, except when the nominal has the form of a verbal noun.Verb pó:-ǹ is related to noun pǒ: ‘greeting’, which also occurs in thecollocation pǒ: kuń̀ ‘put (=make) a greeting’.Noun duẃɔ́ ‘load, burden’ is related to verb duẁ-î: ‘carry (sth) on one’shead’.Noun tìgɛ́ ‘family name’ is relate to verb tiǵì-rì ‘(griot) call out names ofancestors’.Verb baẁⁿuŕⁿù ‘wound’ and noun baŕⁿuẃⁿá ‘wound, injury’ are related.Most languages in the zone have barmɛ (omitting any tones).9.7 Obscure verb-verb relationshipsná: ‘spend night’ is obscurely related to ná:-wⁿá ‘greet in the morning’, see§19.6.164

10 Verbal inflection10.1 Inflection of regular indicative verbsInflected indicative verbs are followed by an aspect-negation (AMN) suffix,which (minimally) distinguish Perfective/Imperfective and Positive/Negative.There is only very limited pronominal-subject inflection on verbs; somecategories have only one form used for all subjects, others express a binarydistinction between singular and plural subject forms; see summary in §10.xxx,below.Especially for nonmonosyllabic stems, the AMN suffixes have a slightlydifferent morphophonoly for a) stems ending in a high vowel {i u}, and b)stems ending in any nonhigh vowel.Imperatives and hortatives are treated separately, see §10.xxx.10.1.1 Suffixes versus chained verbsBecause verbs have the same phonological form before certain inflectionalsuffixes as they have in nonfinal position in chains, the question arises whetherthe inflectional suffixes in question are treated morphosyntactically as(auxiliary) verbs, rather than suffixes. In the morphology, we want to see towhat extent the verb stem interacts phonologically with the inflectionalmorpheme. In the syntax, we want to see if any other form can intervenebetween the two.The Imperfective suffix -jú nasalizes to -nṹ after a nasal syllable in thestem, so this suffix is not a candidate for separate verb status. The ImperfectiveNegative interacts phonologically stem, lengthening its final vowel and giving ita falling tone. The Perfective Negative suffix controls tone-dropping on thestem. Several rhotic-medial CvCv stems reduce to Cv- in all three of thesecategories by rv-Deletion. So there is good evidence that these are suffixalrather than auxiliary categories.Therefore the only real candidates for auxiliary-verb status are RecentPerfect jɛ̀ and Experiential Perfect -tɛ́-jɛ̀. A reasonable case can be made for aword-boundary between them and the verb stem.Before Recent Perfect jɛ̀, the verb either has its bare stem form (as in directchains), or a form with intervening -ɛ̀:, depending on the phonological shape of165

the verb stem. Thus paǵá jɛ̀ ‘has finished tying’, and nú-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ ‘has finished goingin’. Since there is a Same-Subject Anterior subordinator -ɛ: (of variable tone)used in chain-like constructions, overall there is a clear affinity between theRecent Perfect and two major types of verb chain. Furthermore, rv-Deletiondoes not apply to the stem in this combination: bìrɛ́ jɛ̀ ‘has finished doing’,compare e.g. Imperfective bǐ-jú ‘will do’.Since Experiential Perfect -tɛ́-jɛ̀ includes the Recent Perfect morpheme jɛ̀,compare Experiential Perfect Negative tɛ̀-lí), it has the look of an auxiliary verb.However, unlike jɛ̀ by itself, -tɛ́-jɛ̀ does induce rv-Deletion of the stem, as innǎ-tɛ́-jɛ̀ ‘has given birth’ from nàrⁿá. So the morphological tests suggest that jɛ̀might be a separate word while -tɛ́-jɛ̀ is a suffix complex, and I will hyphenate(or not) accordingly.The syntactic test of whether an inflectional suffix is treated like anordinary chain-final verb is in nonsubject relatives and other subordinatedclauses that require a pronominal subject immediately before the final verb. Ifthe inflectional morpheme counts as the final verb of a chain, the subjectpronoun should intervene between the verb stem and the inflectional morpheme.The data show that the latter is the case; the preverbal subject pronounintervenes between the verb stem and the inflectional form. (xx1.a) illustratesthis for the Recent Perfect, (xx1.b) for the Experiential Perfect.(xx1) a. nã̀: nĩ́: iń jɛ́meal eat.meal 1SgS RecPf.H‘the meal that I have finished eating.’b. aǹà yǎ: iń tɛ́-jɛ́village.L go 1SgS ExpPf-RecPf.H‘(a/the) village that I have (once) gone to’So if we prioritize the syntactic evidence over the morphological, we haveto conclude that both jɛ̀ and -tɛ́-jɛ̀ are auxiliary verbs, unlike the otherinflectional categories. In the case of -tɛ́-jɛ̀, its suffix-like phonological behaviorsuggests a later suffix-like fusion with the stem.Note, incidentally, that (xx1.b) provides evidence against interpreting the-jɛ̀ formative in Experiential Perfect tɛ́-jɛ̀ as identical to the Recent Perfectmorpheme. If tɛ́-jɛ̀ were itself a chain ending in auxiliary jɛ̀, the preverbal 1Sgsubject pronoun in (xx1.b) would have been placed between tɛ́ and jɛ́ (the latterin H-toned relative-clause form). Instead, the pronoun precedes the undividedtɛ́-jɛ́.166

10.1.2 Overview of indicative categoriesThe basic inflectional categories for active indicative verbs are those in (xx1).(xx1)a. perfective positive systemSimple PerfectiveRecent PerfectExperiential Perfectb. imperfective positive systemImperfectiveProgressivec. perfective negative systemPerfective NegativeExperiential Perfect Negativec. imperfective negative systemImperfective NegativeProgressive NegativeStatives do not distinguish Perfective from Imperfective and are thereforetreated separately (§xxx).10.1.3 Verb stem shapesThe bare stem is used here as a citation form and might be taken as the"psychologically real" lexical form, though this could be contested in view ofthe modifications undergone by stems before AMN suffixes.For native Dogon verb stems beginning with a voiced stop {b d g}, thelexical tone contour is rising {LH} (monosyllabic Cv̌:, bisyllabic Cv̀Cv́, etc.).For those beginning with a voiceless obstruent {p t k s}, the lexical tone contouris {H} (monosyllabic Cv́:, bisyllabic Cv́Cv́, etc.). Stems with initial sonorant,and vowel-initial stems, are lexically either {LH} or {H}. The lexical contour isobserved in the bare stem and in some AMN inflections. The correlation ofinitial consonant with tone contour applies only to verbs (i.e. not to nouns oradjectives), and even for verbs it is overridden by tone contours controlled bysome AMN suffixes (and in the unsuffixed Imperative category).It is useful to distinguish verbs whose bare stem ends in a high vowel {i u}from those whose bare stem ends in any nonhigh vowel {e ɛ a ɔ o}. However,the high-final-vowel verbs have allomorphs with a final nonhigh vowel, thechoice of form depending on the morphological environment. The distinction167

etween the two types of verbs is less useful for monosyllabic verbs (Cv, Cv:),most of which show no vowel-quality alternations.See Chapter 9 for discussion of verb-stem derivation (Causative, Reversive,Inchoative, Factitive). For purposes of this chapter on verbal inflection, derivedand underived verbs can be treated alike unless otherwise noted.10.1.3.1 Cv and Cv: verb stemsThe following is a complete inventory of known monosyllabic verb stems. Thelexical tone may be {H} or {LH}, and for irregular 'take away' (xx1.d) {HL}.The lexical tone is often overridden by suffixally controlled tone contours.Stative quasi-verbs like wɔ̀ 'be (somewhere)' are excluded from the list. Note thevowel-length pair nú 'go in' versus nú: 'die', and the tonal minimal pair ná:'spend night' versus nǎ: 'make rope'.(xx1) stem gloss commenta. short oral vowel; see also (d) belowó 'give' Imprt ɔ́-nɔ́nú 'go in' Simple Perf nú-ỳtí'send'ɔ̌'see'b. long nasal vowel{H}-tonedká:ⁿ'shave'sá:ⁿ'disperse [intr]'pá:ⁿ'(pond, well) dry up'tɛ́:ⁿ'fold up (rope)'ɛ́:ⁿ'(woman) get married to (man)'pɛ́:ⁿ'get old'sí:ⁿ 'urinate' with noun iǹsìrⁿíkɔ́:ⁿ 'weep' with noun kɔňkɔ́:ⁿ'(gun) fire'tɔ́:ⁿ'(milk, urine) fill up'tɔ́:ⁿ'coil up'; ‘roll up’sú:ⁿ'douse (fire)'tú:ⁿ'measure'{LH}-tonedwǎ:ⁿ'brandish'gǎ:ⁿ'twist'dɛ̌:ⁿ'get tired'jǐ:ⁿ 'fart' with noun jí:ⁿ168

gǐ:ⁿ'steal'c. long oral vowel (regular){H}-tonedá:'catch'ná:'spend the night'ká:'hone, sharpen (blade)'ká:'harvest (after main harvest)'with noun kèrù-kálá:'step on (slime)'lá:'(parents) engage (girl) to be married'lá:‘lay claim to (land)'ká:'harvest (after main harvest)'sá:'sneeze' (with noun àseǵú)tá:‘avoid, respect (a taboo)’tá:'taste'tá:'(bone) be fractured'tá:'shoot (arrow)'; ‘snap (finger) against’; ‘(wasp)sting’tá:'wage (war)'wá:'(tool handle) be broken'ɛ́:'become tight'kɛ́:'pick out (lice)'lɛ́:'make slash in earth (to sow)'tɛ́:'weave'sɛ́:'trim'nĩ́:'eat (meal)'nĩ́:'fine (someone)'mí:'become fine (powdery)'pɔ́: 'inform on' with noun pɔ̀-pɔ́:pɔ́:'strip off'kɔ́:'(larva) bore through (stem)'; ‘(wood) be wormeaten’kɔ́:'scoop (with ladle)'kɔ́:'raise (young)'sɔ́:'take a handful'tɔ́:'(plant) sprout'tɔ́:'uproot (millet)'tɔ́: 'snap finger' with noun kárútɔ́:'set (date)'tɔ́:'take out (daily provisions)'tɔ́:'quarrel, squabble' with noun àrⁿà-tɔ̌:tó: 'turn one's back' with noun dògótó:'break (with hammer)'só:'dip (briefly)'169

só:'(wind) come up'pó:'remove (sediment)'nú:'die'{LH}-tonedjǎ:'dig'bǎ:'learn'bǎ:'be enough', 'be equal to'bǎ:'heal, recuperate'dǎ:'tell (proverb)'dǎ: 'signal to stop' with noun nùmɔ̀-dámǎ:'shape (pottery)'jǎ:'dig'nǎ:'make rope (with rolling motion)'bě:'cause to be similar'bɛ̌: 'defecate' with noun bɛ́:jɛ̌:'scoop (with shovel)'; ‘lift out (coals)’mǐ:'be ground'bɔ̌:'unsheathe'nɔ̌:'drink'; ‘smoke (tobacco)’mɔ̌: 'laugh' with noun mɔ́dɔ̌:'arrive'jǒ:'overflow', ‘become full’gǒ:'go out'wǒ:'eat (crushed millet with water)'nũ̌: 'wake up' with noun giǹɛ́d. long oral vowel except Ce in bare stem and Simple Perfectiveyě 'go' yǎ:- in other formsjê 'take away' jâ:- in other formsnú 'go in' and nú: 'die' have partially homophonous paradigms, namely ininflectional categories where Cv is lengthened to Cv:. As shown by these verbs,along with nĩ́: 'eat (meal)', there is no prohibition of high vowels, and for thesemonosyllabic stems the high vowel is stable throughout the AMN paradigm.10.1.3.2 Irregular Cv and Cv: stemsó 'give' has irregular Imperative ɔ́-nɔ́ but is otherwise regular.nú 'go in' has Simple Perfective nú-ỳ but is otherwise regular.The most important irregularities are those with 'go' and 'take away'. (Notethat 'come' and 'bring' are bisyllabic, see §xxx.)For 'go' the bare stem is yě and the Simple Perfective is yé-ỳ, while otherforms are based on a stem-variant yǎ: subject to regular modifications170

(Imperative yǎ:, Imperfective yǎ:-jú, Imperfective Negative ya:-rò, PerfectiveNegative yà:-lí).For 'take away', the short gloss I use for the verb that expresses 'convey (sth,somewhere)' or 'remove (sth, from here)', the bare stem is jê, with a lexicalfalling tone not otherwise found in monosyllabic bare stems, and the SimplePerfective is jé-ỳ. Other forms are based on jâ:- (Imperative jâ:, Imperfectivejâ:-jù, Imperfective Negative jâ:-rò, Perfective Negative jà:-lí).10.1.3.3 Bisyllabic stemsAll non-monosyllabic stems end in a short vowel. Bisyllabics may be CvCv,CvCCv, or Cv:Cv. The initial C position may be unfilled (vCv, etc.).The basic division is between stems that end in a high vowel (in the barestem) and those that end in a nonhigh vowel. However, the high-final-vowelstems do have a form ending in a mid-height vowel {e ɛ o ɔ} before several ofthe AMN suffixes.10.1.3.4 Bisyllabic stems with final nonhigh vowelFor the nonhigh-final-vowel verbs, the attested vocalic sequences areillustrated in (xx1). Any nonhigh vowel quality may be repeated (xx1.a). If thefirst vowel is high, the following vowel must be harmonic to it with respect tofront/back and rounded/unrounded features and must be mid-height, not /a/(xx1.b). These restrictions apply to native Dogon vocabulary, not necessarily torecent loanwords.(xx1)CvCv stem with final nonhigh vowelstemglossa. identical non-high vowelspaǵá 'tie'tɛẃɛ́ 'shoot'teŕé'pound (in mortar)'áŋá'cross (arms)'dɔẁɔ́ 'go up'bògó '(dog) bark'b. high vowel followed by non-high vowelpídé 'swell'171

dìgɛ́újɔ́suǵó'drive out''build''go down'10.1.3.5 Bisyllabic stems with final high vowelThe other major class of bisyllabic verbs is characterized by a final low-tonedhigh vowel /ì/ or /ù/ in the bare stem (/ù/ apocopates after /l/ and optionally afternasals), and by a Simple Perfective suffix -ì. In other AMN categories, theseverbs have what I will call a presuffixal stem that is indistinguishable from thestem shape of a nonhigh-final-vowel verb, including the vowel-sequencerestrictions. In particular, stems with initial-syllable u have a lexical choicebetween o and ɔ for the final vowel, and those with initial-syllable i have alexical choice between e and ɛ for the final vowel. It is therefore not alwayspossible to predict the presuffixal form from the bare stem, or vice versa, whichforces us to use double citation forms, e.g. kuń̀\\kuńɔ́- 'put' (bare stem kuń̀,presuffixal kuńɔ́-), especially in the lexicon. Note in particular the oppositionbetween sí:rɛ́- 'cook (meal)' and sí:ré- 'point at' in (xx1.a), though the two mergeas sí:rì in the chaining stem.(xx1)Bisyllabic stem with final high vowel (in bare stem)bare stem presuffixal glossa. high vowels, final vowel shifting to mid-heightkuń̀ kuńɔ́- 'put'wiŕì wiŕɛ́- 'whistle' (with wìrɛň)kiŕì kiŕé- 'jump'kiĺì kiĺɛ́- 'be resolved'pí:rì pí:ré- 'puff up (cheek)'sí:rì sí:rɛ́- 'cook (meal)'sí:rì sí:ré- 'point at'kuẃⁿì kuẃⁿɛ́- 'shut (eye)'sú:rì sú:ró- 'lower (head)'ú:-ǹ ú:-nɔ́- 'make lie down'b. high vowels, no shiftskiẃⁿí kiẃⁿí- 'tremble'siŕⁿì siŕⁿí- 'cut off (strip)'piŕⁿì piŕⁿí- 'pinch', 'milk (a cow)'mìrⁿì mìrⁿí- 'swallow'c. initial nonhigh vowel172

pâl (

jɛ̌:rì jê:-jú 'bring' [irregular]10.1.3.6 Verbs with -i: in bare stem and Perfective onlyThe irregularity of gɛ̀r-î: ‘look’ is that the bare stem and the Simple Perfectiveconsist of what looks like a suffixed mediopassive form gɛ̀r-î:, while othersuffixed forms are based on /gɛ̀rɛ́/, showing the same morphophonology as e.g.bɛ̀rɛ́ ‘get’. The forms with /gɛ̀rɛ́/ are subject to rv-Deletion (§3.xxx).(xx1)‘look’a. gɛ̀r-î: bare stemgɛ̀r-î: Simple Perfectiveb. gɛ̀-lí Perfective Negativegɛ̌-jú Imperfectivegɛ:-rò Imperfective NegativeI know of two other verbs with a similar limited distribution of theMediopassive suffix: bɔ̀r-î: ‘(event) take place’ (§11.2.5.3) and liẃ-ì: ~ liý-ì:‘fear, be afraid’ (§11.2.5.4)10.1.3.7 Trisyllabic stemsAll known trisyllabic stems end in a high vowel in the bare stem. They thereforepattern morphophonologically with the high-final-vowel bisyllabics describedin the preceding section. Specifically, they have a shape CvCuCu or CvCuCi inthe bare stem (to which -ì is added to form the Simple Perfective).The main tonal division, as for other verb shapes, is between those withinitial H-tone and those with initial L-tone. In the bare stem, the CvCvCvsequence is heard with HLL or HHL tone, for the H-initial type. The choicebetween HLL and HHL correlates with another split in these verbs, regardingwhether the medial vowel remains high in the presuffixal stem, or shifts to thesame vowel as in the final syllable in this stem (xx1.a), The L-initial type,corresponding to {LH} verbs with shorter shapes, is realized as LHL in the barestem.As usual, an initial voiceless obstruent requires one of the H-initial tonecontours, an initial voiced obstruent requires L-initial tone, and other stems(those beginning with a sonorant, or with no vowel) are split lexically into H-initial and L-initial types.174

There are two subtypes with regard to vocalism of the presuffixal stem,cutting across the tonal opposition. In one, the medial and final vowels areidentical and non-high. My examples of this subtype involve a rhotic consonantin the final syllable (CvCvrv, CvCvrⁿv) and one case with l after metathesis oflv-r to rv-l. A generous list of relevant stems is in (xx1.a). In the other subtype,the medial vowel remains high in the presuffixal form, while the final vowelappears as one of the mid-height vowels. My examples of this subtype, also in(xx1), have a final syllable beginning with a non-rhotic consonant; the attestedconsonants are {g j n ñ l w} with g and j accounting for a sizeable percentage.The consonant of the final syllable is indicated ("with g" etc.) in (xx1).(xx1)Trisyllabic verb with final high vowel in bare stembare stem presuffixal glossa. HLL and HHL tone contourHLL, medial and final vowel are identical and non-high before suffixeswith rkiǵìrì kiǵeŕé- 'return'pɛǵìrì pɛǵɛŕɛ́- 'remove (blade)'aẃìrì aẃárá- 'lay out (mat)'saẃùrù saẃaŕá- 'lay (brick mortar)'pɔǵùrù pɔǵɔŕɔ́- '(hair) be disheveled'sɔǵù-rù sɔǵɔ́-rɔ́- 'unlock'pɔẃùrù pɔẃɔŕɔ́- 'wave (torch)'uǵùrù uǵoŕó- 'bake'with rⁿsańũ̀rⁿù sańãŕⁿá- 'replaster (wall)'sáŋìrⁿì sáŋárⁿá- '(lightning) flash'sáŋì-rⁿì sáŋa-́rⁿá- 'un-fence'kuḿùrⁿi kumɔŕⁿɔ́- 'be rekindled'kuẃⁿù-rⁿù kuẃⁿɔ-ŕⁿɔ́- 'open (eyes)'siḿìrⁿì siḿɛŕⁿɛ́- 'go back down (slope)'pińì-rⁿì pińɛ́-rⁿɛ́- 'open (door)'HHL, medial vowel remains high before suffixeswith gpiŕiǵì piŕiǵé- 'be near death'tańú-gù tańú-gá- 'transform'suńú-gù suńú-gó- 'take down'ɔŕí-gì ɔŕú-gɔ́- 'soften'kuŕuǵù kuŕuǵó- 'be dense'aḿuǵù aḿuǵá- 'hold on chest'pójuǵù pójuǵó- ‘crush’with j175

liǵíjì liǵíjé- 'mix (by stirring)'luǵújù luǵújó- 'poke around'puǵújù puǵújó- 'mash'koǵújù koǵújó- 'cough'with a nasaliẃińì iẃɛńɛ́- 'like, love'kuḿuńũ̀ kuḿuń̃ɔ́- 'blink'piŕí-nì piŕí-nɛ́ 'become white'ɔŕⁿińì ɔŕⁿuńɔ́- 'become smooth'ñɛŕⁿí-nì ñɛŕⁿí-nɛ́- 'become lightweight'with a semivowelkájuẃù kájuẃá- 'pay attention'with a lateralsuŕuĺù suŕuĺó- 'pour back and forth'with l (after metathesis)keŕí-lì keŕí-lé- 'become cold’ (keĺú)b. LHL tone contourLHL, medial and final vowel are identical and non-high before suffixeswith ryùguŕì yùgɔŕɔ́- 'foam up'wɔ̀guŕù wɔ̀gɔŕɔ́- 'take (sth) out or off'ùŋuŕì ùŋoŕó- 'get up, arise'bɔ̀guŕù bɔ̀gɔŕɔ́- 'turn over (earth)'wɛ̀giŕì wɛ̀gɛ́rɛ́- 'rub (eye)'gɛ̀giŕì gɛ̀gɛŕɛ́- 'tilt (sth)'ìgiŕì ìgɛŕɛ́- 'stop (sb)'biǹí-rì biǹé-ré 'put (garment) on right'dòguŕù dògoŕó- 'face upward'with rⁿjɔ̀ŋiŕⁿì jɔ̀ŋɔŕⁿɔ́- 'do spot-sowing'waǹũŕⁿù waǹã́rⁿá- 'bubble up'LHL, medial vowel remains high before suffixeswith gnũǹú-gù nũǹú-gó- 'ruin'nũǹú-gù nũǹú-gó- 'awaken' [note homonymy]bùruǵù bùruǵó- 'revive'wòruǵù wòruǵó- 'unbuild, take apart'bìliǵì bìliǵɛ́- 'do magic tricks'jàriǵì jàriǵá- 'criticize'gɔǹú-gù gɔǹú-gɔ́- 'make crooked'with jbùgújù bùgújó- 'shake off'with a nasaldògí-nì dògú-nɔ́- 'become heavy'176

gàrí-nì gàrú-ná- 'become thick, big'dègí-nì dègí-nɛ́- 'become narrow'mɔǹṹ-nù mɔǹṹ-nɔ́- 'be bad'10.2 Positive indicative AMN categories10.2.1 Perfective positive system (including perfect)There is a Simple Perfective (§10.2.1.1), a Recent Perfect (§10.2.xxx), and anExperiential Perfect (§10.2.xxx). That the latter two belong in the perfectivesystem is shown by their negatives, which include the Perfective Negative; see§10.xxx, below.10.2.1.1 Simple Perfective (-ɛ/-e/-i, -sɛⁿ)The transcribed forms below have the tones heard in isolation or in very simplesentences with only a pronominal subject preceding. At the end of longerclauses, these Simple Perfectives (like other inflected verb forms) are oftenheard with {L} tones.For plural subjects (1Pl, 2Pl, and especially with human reference 3Pl), theSimple Perfective optionally adds a suffix -sɛⁿ to the stem. If the stem-finalvowel of a nonmonosyllabic stem is lexically high, it is replaced by a formative-ɛ̀:-. The same vowel quality may extend to a preceding vowel (if medial in atrisyllabic stem).For singular subjects (nonhuman plurals are treated as singular for thispurpose), the Simple Perfective ends in -ɛ/-e for verbs whose bare stem(otherwise) ends in a non-high vowel, and in -i for stems ending in a high vowel{u i} (or -∅ reflecting apocope of a high vowel). Plural subjects also optionallyuse this form when a plural pronoun or NP occurs in subject position.Stems ending lexically in a non-high vowel are exemplified in (xx1).Singular -ɛ/-e replaces a final non-high vowel {o ɔ a ɛ e} for nonmonosyllabics,and forms a kind of diphthong with the final non-high vowel of a monosyllabic(which is shortened). The choice between -ɛ and -e depends on the vowelharmonicclass of the stem, whereby {ɔ a ɛ} stem vocalism requires -ɛ,{o ɔ a ɛ e} stem vocalism requires -e, and high vowels are neutral (§3.4.6).Since {ɛ ɔ a} vocalism is more common than {e o} vocalism in lexical verbstems, the suffix allomorph -ɛ is more common than -e.Verb stems ending lexically in a non-high vowel are Cv (‘give’), Cv:, andCvCv. If the stem is {H}-toned, -ɛ/-e is low-toned. If the stem is {LH}-toned,177

-ɛ/-e is high-toned, and if monosyllabic the (shortened) stem vowel is also hightoned.The Plural suffix -sɛⁿ is based on the bare stem. It is falling-toned after aH-tone, and L-toned after a L-tone. In the set of stems with stem-final non-highvowel (xx1), the only case of L-toned -sɛǹ is ɔ́-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'they give’ (the only Cvstem in the set).(xx1)Simple Perfective of verbs with final nonhigh vowel, except Ce-bare stem Perfective glossSgPla. {H} and {LH} toned monosyllabics, Cv (only known examples)ó ó-è ɔ́-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'give' [irregular][ó-è shortens to ó-∅ before dè ‘if’]ɔ̌ ɔ́-ɛ́ ɔ̌:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'see'b. {H} toned monosyllabics, long voweled Cv: (all known exx.)á: á-ɛ̀ á:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'catch'ná: ná-ɛ̀ ná:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'spend night'kɔ́:ⁿ kɔń-ɛǹ kɔ́:ⁿ-sɛ̂ⁿ 'weep'pɛ́:ⁿ pɛń-ɛǹ pɛ́:ⁿ-sɛ̂ⁿ 'get old'c. {LH} toned monosyllabics, Cv: (all known exx.)jǎ: já-ɛ́ jǎ:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'dig'nɔ̌: nɔ́-ɛ́ nɔ̌:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'drink'dɔ̌: dɔ́-ɛ́ dɔ̌:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'arrive'bǎ: bá-ɛ́ bǎ:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'learn'bǎ: bá-ɛ́ bǎ:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'be enough'gǒ: gó-é gǒ:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'go out'bě: bé-é bě:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'put down’d. {H} toned bisyllabics, CvCvteŕé teŕ-è teŕé-sɛ̂ⁿ 'pound'paǵá paǵ-ɛ̀ paǵá-sɛ̂ⁿ 'tie'újɔ́ új-ɛ̀ újɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ 'build'tɛẃɛ́ tɛẃ-ɛ̀ tɛẃɛ́-sɛ̂ⁿ 'shoot'suǵó suǵ-è suǵó-sɛ̂ⁿ 'go down'e. {LH} toned bisyllabics, CvCvdɔẁɔ́ dɔẁ-ɛ́ dɔẁɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ 'go up'yɛ̀rɛ́ yɛ̀r-ɛ́ yɛ̀rɛ́-sɛ̂ⁿ 'come'yɔẁɔ́ yɔẁ-ɛ́ yɔẁɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ 'accept'nã̀ŋá nã̀ŋ-ɛ́ nã̀ŋá-sɛ̂ⁿ 'pick up'dìgɛ́ dìg-ɛ́ dìgɛ́-sɛ̂ⁿ 'drive out'178

ògó bòg-é bògó-sɛ̂ⁿ '(dog) bark'Homophony (segmental and tonal) between the 3Sg Simple Perfective andthe bare stem occurs in (xx1) for {LH} toned nonmonosyllabics endinglexically in {ɛ e}, such as 'drive out' in (xx1.e).The two somewhat irregular Ce- verbs are in (xx2).(xx2)Simple Perfective of Ce stemsbare stem Perfective glossSg Pljê (jâ:-) jé-ỳ jɛ́-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'take away' (§xxx)yě (yǎ:-) yé-ỳ yɛ̌-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'go' (see §xxx)[jé-ỳ and yé-ỳ shorten to jé-∅ and yé-∅ before dè ‘if’]Monosyllabic stems with high vowel, and CiCi bisyllabics, are illustrated in(xx3). These verbs have a final high vowel that does not shift to a mid-heightvowel before suffixes such as the Imperfective. They have a Perfective -ỳ(monosyllabic) or -í ~ -ì (bisyllabic), so in the Perfective they havemorphological affinities to the (mostly heavier) stems with changeable finalhigh vowel to be described later. This is especially so with the Cv stems in(xx3.a), which show the -ɛ̀:- extension before the Plural suffix. Because Plural-sɛⁿ follows a L-tone in this case, it too is L-toned (-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ).(xx3)Simple Perfective of stems with fixed final high vowelbare stem Perfective glossSg Pla. {H} toned Cv[-ỳ dropped before dè ‘if’, e.g. nú-∅ dè]nú nú-ỳ nú-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'go in'tí tí-ỳ tí-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ ‘do first’gí gí-ỳ gí-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ ‘say’b. {H} toned monosyllabics, long voweled (all known exx.)[-ỳ not dropped before dè ‘if’, e.g. nú-ỳ dè]nĩ́: nĩ́-ỳ nĩ́:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'eat'nú: nú-ỳ nú:-sɛ̂ⁿ 'die'c. CiCi stemsCiĆí with -ìpiŕⁿí piŕⁿ-ì piŕⁿí-sɛ̂ⁿ ‘milk (a cow)’179

CìCí with -ímìrⁿí mìrⁿ-í mìrⁿí-sɛ̂ⁿ ‘swallow’Note that ‘go in’ and ‘die’, whose bare stems differ in vowel length, havethe same (singular-subject) nú-ỳ but differ in the plural-subject form. Before dè‘if’, nú-ỳ ‘went in’ shortens to nú-∅, but nú-ỳ ‘died’ does not shorten.The remaining large class of verbs is those of CvCv or heavier shapes witha changeable final high vowel. The final high vowel is heard in the bare stemand in the Perfective (singular-subject). The Perfective always ends in -ì, whilethe bare stem may end in ù or ì, with variation between the two for some stems.Since /u/ is more prone to Apocope than /i/, sometimes the alternation is heardas final zero (i.e. final consonant) in the bare stem versus -ì in the Perfective.All heavy stems (three moras or more) belong to this class. Also belongingto this class are CvCi stems with an initial-syllable vowel other than i.(xx4)Simple Perfective of stems with changeable final high vowelbare stem Perfective glossSg Pla. CvCv (not CiCi)[-ì may apocopate before dè ‘if’, e.g. kuń̀-∅ dè]{HL}-tonedpâl paĺ-ì paĺ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'pick (fruit)'gúŋ̀ gúŋ-ì gúŋ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'take out'kuń̀ kuń-ì kuń-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'put'poŕù poŕ-ì poŕ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'say'[there are no {LH}- or {LHL}-toned CvCv stems in this class]b. Cv:Cv[-ì may apocopate before dè ‘if’, e.g. bǎ:r̀-∅ dè]{HL}-tonedpó:ǹ pó:n-ì pó:n-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'greet'{LH}-tonedbǎ:rì bǎ:r-ì bǎ:r-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'send'jǎ:nì jǎ:n-ì jǎ:n-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'cook in pot'mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̌:n-ì mɔ̌:n-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'assemble'jɛ̌:rì jɛ̌:r-ì jɛ̌:r-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'bring' (§xxx)c. trisyllabicwith changeable final and medial vowels (in other categories)ùʷŋuŕù ùŋuŕ-ì ùŋuŕ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'get up'kiǵìrì kiǵìr-ì kiǵɛ̀rɛ̀-sɛǹ 'return'aẃìrì aẃìr-ì aẃɛ̀rɛ̀-sɛǹ 'lay out (mat)'180

pɔẃùrù pɔẃìr-ì pɔẃɛ̀rɛ̀-sɛǹ '(hair) bedisheleved'with fixed medial high vowel and changeable final vowelkoǵùjù koǵúj-ì koǵúj-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'cough'piŕìgì piŕiǵ-ì piŕiǵ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'be near death'suńù-gù suńú-g-ì suńú-g-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ 'take down'All of these verbs take the extended plural-subject form -ɛ̀:-sɛǹ, as do Cvstems with high vowel, see (xx3.a) above.There are no bimoraic CvCv stems of this class with initial lexical L-tone.Even stems with C 1 a voiced obstruent have {HL} contour. Heavier stems dodistinguish {HL} from {LHL}. The lack of {LHL} CvCv stems suggests that atleast three moras are needed for {LHL}, and shorter stems are forced into {HL}even if their consonantism favors an initial L-tone.The distinction in (xx4.c) between trisyllabic stems whose medial vowel issubject to shift between high and nonhigh (from one category to another), andthose with fixed medial high vowel, is irrelevant to the Perfective.Mediopassive -i: is illustrated in já jaỳ-î: ‘he/she had a fight’ (with cognatenominal já) , plural-subject já jaỳ-ɛ̂:-sɛǹ ‘they had a fight’.Sample paradigms including the preverbal subject pronouns are in (xx5).(xx5)Pronominal paradigm (Simple Perfective)category ‘go down’ ‘pick (fruit)'1Sg iń suǵ-è iń paĺ-ì1Pl ɛḿɛ́ suǵó-sɛǹ ɛḿɛ́ paĺ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ2Sg ú suǵ-è ú paĺ-ì2Pl é suǵó-sɛǹ é paĺ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ3Sg wó suǵ-è wó paĺ-ì3Pl bé suǵó-sɛǹ bé paĺ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹNonh kó suǵ-è kó paĺ-ìThe plural-subject form -sɛⁿ, like Perfective participial sâⁿ in relativeclauses, undoubtedly reflects an original perfective suffix *-so- or *-sa-. Thiscategory is called Perfective-2 or Resultative in some of my other Dogongrammars. The suffix is related to the ‘have’ quasi-verb that appears in TK as sà(§11.xxx).181

Prost describes a “passé composé” which has singular-subject “sa”corresponding to plural-subject -sɛⁿ, e.g. “wo yɛrɛ sa” ‘he has come’. For Prost,this category is distinct from the unsuffixed perfective (“passé simple”).However, he also notes that the common singular-subject form is that of thepassé simple, while the common plural-subject form is that of the passécomposé, so the difference between Prost’s description (pp. 40, 49, 59) andmine is less great than initially appears.10.2.1.2 Experiential Perfect ‘have ever’ (-tɛ́-jɛ̀)The (positive) Experiential Perfect is expressed by adding -tɛ́-jɛ̀ (invariant forsubject number). There is syntactic evidence that this is an auxiliary verb thatcan be separated from the preceding verb (by a preverbal subject pronominal ina nonsubjct relative); see §10.1.1. However, this conflicts withmorphophonological evidence that it is suffixal rather than a separate word;namely, rhotic-medial CvCv stems undergo rv-Deletion (§3.xxx) before -tɛ́-jɛ̀,but not in verb-chains: bìrɛ́ ‘do’, Experiential Negative bǐ-tɛ́-jɛ̀ ‘has (ever)done’. One can reconcile the two findings by suggesting that it starts out as aseparate word (auxiliary) but then merges with the verb as a suffix (complex).Other than rv-Deletion, the stem before -tɛ́-jɛ̀ has the same form as beforeother suffixes such as Imperfective -jú. Thus nú-tɛ́-jɛ̀ ‘has (ever) gone in’,kiǵeŕé-tɛ́-jɛ̀ ‘has (ever) gone back’ (from kiǵìrì), ñuǹú-gó-tɛ́-jɛ̀ ‘has (ever)ruined’.(xx1) a. iń í:ⁿ nǎ-tɛ́-jɛ̀1Sg child give.birth-ExpPf-RefPf'I have (at least once) given birth.' (nàrⁿá)b. ɛḿɛ́ yí kó kuńɔ́-tɛ́-jɛ̀1Pl there Nonh put-ExpPf-RecPf'We have (at least once) put it in there.'This category can be translated as 'have (ever) VERB-ed'. It is especiallycommon with 'see' (i.e. something unusual), 'go' (i.e. to a distant place) andsimilar verbs denoting events that create a permanent state (such as a memory).The (positive) form is -tɛ́-jɛ̀, invariant for subject number. It is tempting tointerpret this as the combination of a stem-like element (-)tɛ́ plus Recent Perfectjɛ̀, rather than as a Perfective tɛ́j-ɛ̀ (from a putative stem tɛ́jɛ́), since tɛ́-jɛ̀ agreeswith Recent Perfect -jɛ̀ in not distinguishing singular from plural subject,whereas a stem tɛ́jɛ́ should have a plural-subject form #tɛ́jɛ́-sɛ̂ⁿ, comparetɛẃɛ́-sɛ̂ⁿ ‘they shot’. However, the syntactic evidence (from nonsubject relative182

clauses) fails to confirm the analysis of (-)tɛ́-jɛ̀ as (-)tɛ́ plus the Recent Perfectauxiliary, since no other element can intervene between them; see §10.1.1,above.(xx1) a. iń [dùŋù ná:] ɔ̌-tɛ́-jɛ̀1Sg [elephant] see-ExpPf-RecPf'I have (in my life) seen an elephant.'b. ɛḿɛ́ [dùŋù ná:] ɔ̌-tɛ́-jɛ̀1Pl [elephant] see-ExpPf-RecPf'We have (in our lives) seen an elephant.'The category is common in questions ('have you ever …?). It is alsocommon with negation ('have never …'), see §10.xxx, below.10.2.1.3 Recent Perfect (jɛ̀)The suffix jɛ̀ added to the verb produces a Recent Perfect translatable as‘alread/just VERB-ed’ or as 'have (just) finished VERB-ing'. There is nomorphological distinction between singular and plural subjects.The form taken by the verb before jɛ̀ is either the bare stem (as in directverb chains), or a form with suffix -ɛ̀: (as in same-subject anterior chains),depending on the form of the stem. The suffix -ɛ̀: is found with the few Cvstems, and with verbs whose bare stem ends in a high vowel, including all stemsheavier than bimoraic CvCv. This morphology suggests that jɛ̀ could beinterpreted as an auxiliary verb, to which a preceding VP can be chained. Thesyntactic evidence in §10.1.1, above, also supports the auxiliary-verb analysis.(xx1) Recent Perfect of stems with lexical stem-final high vowelbare stem Recent Perfect glossa. Cv stemsó ɔ́-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ 'give'nú nú-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ 'go in'b. stem-final fixed vowelfinal nonhigh vowelá: á: jɛ̀ 'catch'nɔ̌: nɔ̌: jɛ̀ 'drink'bìrɛ́ bìrɛ́ jɛ̀ 'do'yɛ̀rɛ́ yɛ̀rɛ́ jɛ̀ 'come'183

paǵá paǵá jɛ̀ 'tie'suǵó suǵó jɛ̀ 'go down'CiCipiŕⁿí piŕⁿí jɛ̀ 'milk (a cow)'mìrⁿí mìrⁿí jɛ̀ 'swallow'c. Ce/Ca: stems (irregular)jê (jâ:-) jɛ́-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ 'take away'yě (yǎ:-) yɛ̌-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ 'go'd. stem-final high vowel, Cv:nĩ́: nĩ́: jɛ̀ 'eat'nú: nú: jɛ̀ 'die'e. stem-final changeable high vowel (including all heavy stems)gúŋ̀ gúŋ-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ 'take out'pâl paĺ-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ ‘pick (fruit)'jɛ̌:rì jɛ̌:r-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ 'bring'mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̌:n-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ 'assemble'kiǵìrì kiǵèr-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ 'return'suńuǵù suńuǵ-ɛ̀: jɛ̀ 'take down'Pronominal-subject categories are distinguished by clause-initial pronouns(xx2).(xx2)Pronominal paradigm (Recent Perfect)category ‘go down’ ‘pick (fruit)'1Sg iń suǵó jɛ̀ iń paĺ-ɛ̀: jɛ̀1Pl ɛḿɛ́ suǵó jɛ̀ ɛḿɛ́ paĺ-ɛ̀: jɛ̀2Sg ú suǵó jɛ̀ ú paĺ-ɛ̀: jɛ̀2Pl é suǵó jɛ̀ é paĺ-ɛ̀: jɛ̀3Sg wó suǵó jɛ̀ wó paĺ-ɛ̀: jɛ̀3Pl bé suǵó jɛ̀ bé paĺ-ɛ̀: jɛ̀10.2.1.4 Reduplicated Perfective (Cv̀-…-è/ɛ̀/ì)A form consisting of the Simple Perfective with overlaid {HL} stem tone, plusinitial L-toned Cv̀- reduplication, e.g. dà-daǵ-ɛ̀ from dàg-ɛ́ ‘left (sth)’, was184

elicited. My assistant suggested that the reduplicated form was used in contextsof factual uncertainty. For example, hearing a child outside the house who hasbegun to weep, one might say là-laǵ-è ‘(someone) hit him/her’, hypothesizingsomething that may have happened.Further examples of the form are in (xx1). Vowel-initial stems have aphonetic glottal stop at the hiatus point between the reduplicant vowel and theinitial base vowel.(xx1)Reduplicated Perfectiveregular redup Perf bare stem glossa. Cvlexically {H}ó-è ò-ó-è ó ‘give’nú-ỳ nù-nú-ỳ nú ‘go in’lexically {HL}jé-ỳ jè-jé-ỳ jé ‘take away’lexically {LH}ɔ́-ɛ́ ɔ̀-ɔ́-ɛ̀ ɔ̌ ‘see’yé-ỳ yè-yé-ỳ yě ‘go’b. Cv:lexically {H}nĩ́-ỳ nĩ̀-ní-ỳ nĩ́: ‘eat (meal)’á-ɛ̀ à-á-ɛ̀ á: ‘catch’lexically {LH}nɔ́-ɛ́ nɔ̀-nɔ́-ɛ̀ nɔ̌: ‘drink’c. bisyllabic ending in fixed vowellexically {H}paǵ-ɛ̀ pà-paǵ-ɛ̀ paǵá ‘tie’piŕⁿ-ì pì-piŕⁿ-ì piŕⁿí ‘milk (a cow)’lexically {LH}dàg-ɛ́ dà-daǵ-ɛ̀ dàgá ‘leave’mìrⁿ-í mì-mírⁿ-ì mìrⁿí ‘swallow’d. bisyllabic ending in changeable high vowellexically {H}gúŋ-ì gù-gúŋ-ì gúŋ̀ ‘take out’lexically {LH}bǎ:r-ì bà-bá:r-ì bǎ:rì ‘send’c. trisyllabic185

lexically {H}suńú-g-ì sù-suńú-g-ì suńú-gì ‘take down’lexically {LH}nũǹú-g-ì nũ̀-nũńú-g-ì nũǹú-gì ‘ruin’10.2.2 Imperfective positive systemThere is a basic Imperfective used in habitual-present and in future contexts,and a Progressive that denotes actions that are in progress at the moment ofspeaking (or other reference point).10.2.2.1 Imperfective (positive) (-jú, -nṹ, -jí, -nĩ́)The unmarked Imperfective form is characterized by a suffix whose basic formis -jú. There is an optional plural-subject form -jí, so it is possible to distinguishe.g. yě-jú (singular) from yě-jí (plural) ‘come(s)’. However, the distinctionbetween singular and plural is even less reliably marked in this category thanelsewhere, due to the lax articulation of word-final short high vowels combinedwith the fronting effect of alveopalatal j. Prost gives the plural-subject form as“dye”, i.e. -jé.The suffix nasalizes to -nṹ after a nasal syllable (§3.xxx). ThisNasalization-Spreading (§3.xxx) is distinctive to the Imperfective suffix, anddoes not apply to other j-initial verb suffixes. In cases involving an alveopalatalnasal, notably nĩ́:-nĩ́ ‘eat (meal)’, the suffixal vowel is regularly heard as i evenfor singular subject..This category is used for the habitual present ('every year he gives me asheep') and for the future ('he will give me a sheep tomorrow').The suffix is added to the usual presuffixal form of the verb stem. For stemsending in final high vowel in the bare stem and Perfective, except for lexicalCiCi, the stems takes its usual presuffixal form with final nonhigh vowel.For stems ending lexically in a nonhigh vowel, and for monosyllabic stems,the suffix is added to the bare stem. For bisyllabic stems ending lexically in ahigh vowel, the suffix is added to a form of the stem ending in a nonhigh vowelthat harmonizes with the first vowel; if the first vowel is nonhigh its quality iscopied, but if the first vowel is high we get final /o/ corresponding to /u/ andfinal /e/ corresponding to /i/ (xx1.d). Trisyllabic stems ending lexically in a highvowel, with HLL tone contour, harmonize both the medial and final vowelswith the first vowel in the same fashion (xx1.e).Rhotic-medial bisyllabic stems divide into contracting and non-contractingtypes. The latter are grouped with other regular CvCv stems. The contracting186

stems form Cv́-jú (Cv́-nṹ) for {H} toned stems, Cv̌-jú (Cv̌-nṹ) for {LH} tonedstems (xx1.f).(xx1)Imperfective of stems with lexical stem-final high vowelbare stem Recent Perfect glossa. short-voweled Cv stemslexically {H}-tonedó ó-jú 'give'nú nú-nṹ 'go in'tí tí-jú 'send'lexically {LH}-toned shift to {H}ɔ̌ ɔ́-jú ‘see’b. long-voweled Cv: stemslexically {H}-tonedá: á:-jú 'catch'nĩ́: nĩ́:-nṹ, nĩ́:-nĩ́ 'eat'nú: nú:-nṹ 'die'lexically {LH}-toned shift to {H}nɔ̌: nɔ́:-nṹ 'drink'yě (yǎ:-) yá:-jú 'go'jǐ:ⁿ jí:ⁿ-nṹ 'fart'lexically {HL}, only examplejê (jâ:-) jâ:-jù 'take away' [irregular]c. bisyllabic stems with fixed final vowel (including CiCi)lexically {H}-tonedpaǵá paǵá-jú 'tie'suǵó suǵó-jú 'go down'piŕⁿí piŕⁿí-nṹ ‘milk (a cow)’lexically {LH}-toneddàgá dàgá-jú 'leave'bàgá bàgá-jú 'fall'mìrⁿí mìrⁿí-nṹ ‘swallow’d. bisyllabic stems with changeable high vowellexically {HL}-toned, Cv́Cv̀ and Cv́:Cv̀gúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́-nṹ 'take out'pâl paĺá-jú ‘pick (fruit)'kiŕì kiŕé-jú ‘jump'kuń̀ kuńɔ́-nṹ ‘put'pó:ǹ pó:nó-nṹ ‘greet'lexically {LHL}-toned, Cv̌:Cv̀ only187

mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̌:nɔ́-nṹ 'assemble'e. trisyllabic stemslexically {H}-tonedkiǵìrì kiǵeŕé-jú 'return'aẃùrù aẃárá-jú 'lay out'suńú-gù suńú-gó-jú 'take down'lexically {LH}-tonednũǹú-gù nũǹú-gó-jú 'ruin'f. contracting rhotic-medial stemsregularbìrɛ́ bǐ-jú 'do'gàrá gǎ-jú 'go past'dàrⁿá dǎ-nṹ 'kill'bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ̌-jú 'get'poŕù pó-jú 'say'irregularyɛ̀rɛ́ yě-jú 'come'jɛ̌:rì jê:-jù 'bring'Paradigms are in (xx2).(xx2)Pronominal paradigm (Imperfective)category ‘go down’ ‘pick (fruit)'1Sg iń suǵó-jú iń paĺá-jú1Pl ɛḿɛ́ suǵó-jú (-jí) ɛḿɛ́ paĺá-jú (-jí)2Sg ú suǵó-jú ú paĺá-jú2Pl é suǵó-jú (-jí) é paĺá-jú (-jí)3Sg wó suǵó-jú wó paĺá-jú3Pl bé suǵó-jú (-jí) bé paĺá-jú (-jí)Nonh kó suǵó-jú kó paĺá-jú10.2.2.2 Reduplicated Imperfective (Cv̀-…-jú)The Imperfective with suffix -jú (-nṹ) can co-occur with an initial L-tonedreduplication. There is no change in the tones of the stem itself when the188

eduplicant is added. The reduplicated form is used only with future timereference (‘I will go down’, ‘I intend to go down’), while the unreduplicatedform can be used in both present and future time contexts.Examples with verbs that have an initial lexical L-tone element that ispreserved in this form: nũ̀-nũǹú-gó-jú ‘will ruin’, dà-dàgá-jú ‘will leave (sth)’.Examples with verbs that have an initial lexical H-tone element: pà-paǵá-jú‘will tie’, ò-ó-jú ‘will give’.10.2.2.3 Delayed Future (-jà sá)Prost (p. 50) observed a distant future (“futur éloigné”), e.g. “lagadyasa” ‘hewill hit’, including the ‘have’ quasi-verb. This was recognized by my assistant,who explained that it involves an action that is due to be carried out but that isdelayed (for example, by other business). A free translation with ‘eventually’seems to work for most examples.The ‘have’ quasi-verb, sá or plural-subject sé, is H-toned in thisconstruction. It is preceded by an entirely {L}-toned word consisting of the verbstem and -jà. Segmentally, the verb form with -jà is identical to that used in the‘before VP-ing’ construction (rv-Deletion is applicable to relevant stems inboth). However, in the ‘before’ construction the -jà suffix requires a {H}- ratherthan {L}-toned stem (§15.3.1). For example, dɔ̀rⁿɔ́ ‘sell’ has Delayed Futuredɔǹ-jà sá, but ‘before’ subordinated form dɔń-jà.(xx1) a. iń gìrⁿí ùjɔ̀-jà sá1SgS house build-Impf.L have‘I will eventually build a house.’b. àrⁿú yè-jà sárain come-Impf.L have‘Rain will eventually come.’10.2.2.4 Progressive (-táŋà, -téŋè)Suffix -táŋà creates a progressive form for singular subject ('I am working'),though it also competes with the Imperfective for habitual present. It is added tothe bare stem of monosyllabic verbs (xx1.a) and of longer stems ending in alexical nonhigh vowel (xx1.b). ɔ̌ ‘see’ is H-toned: ɔ́-táŋà. However, Cv̌: stemsdo not shift to {H}. For nonmonosyllabic stems ending in a lexical high vowel,the final vowel harmonizes with the first stem vowel, and if the latter is non-189

high this change extends to the medial vowel in trisyllabics (xx1.c-d). rv-Deletion applies to the relevant bisyllabic stems (xx1.e).The optional plural-subject form is -téŋè.(xx1)Progressivebare stem Recent Perfect glossa. monosyllabicCv́ó ó-táŋà 'give'nú nú-táŋà 'go in'Cv̌, only exampleɔ̌ ɔ́-táŋà [!] 'see'Cv́:á: á:-táŋà 'catch'nĩ́: nĩ́:-táŋà 'eat'nú: nú:-táŋà 'die'Cv̌:nɔ̌: nɔ̌:-táŋà 'drink'jǎ: jǎ-táŋà 'dig'irregularjê (jâ:-) jâ:-tàŋà [!] 'take away' [irregular][for jê:-táŋà see ‘bring’, below]b. nonmonosyllabic stems with fixed final vowel{H}-tonedpaǵá paǵá-táŋà 'tie'suǵó suǵó-táŋà 'go down'piŕⁿí piŕⁿí-táŋà 'milk (a cow)'{LH}-toneddɔẁɔ́ dɔẁɔ́-táŋà ‘go up’mìrⁿí mìrⁿí-táŋà 'swallow’c. bisyllabic stems with changeable final high vowelgúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́-táŋà 'take out'pâl paĺá-táŋà ‘pick (fruit)'kuń̀ kuńɔ́-táŋà ‘put'mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̌:nɔ́-táŋà 'assemble'd. trisyllabic stems with final lexical high vowelwith variable medial and final vowelskiǵìrì kiǵeŕé-táŋà 'return'aẃùrù aẃárá-táŋà 'lay out'with fixed medial high vowel190

suńú-gù suńú-gó-táŋà 'take down'e. rhotic-medial stems subject to rv-Deletionyɛ̀rɛ́ yě-táŋà [!] 'come' [irregular][expandible as yɛ́ yě-táŋàjɛ̌:rì jê:-tàŋà [!] 'bring' [irregular]poŕù pó-táŋà 'say'bìrɛ́ bǐ-táŋà 'do'gàrá gǎ-táŋà 'go past'dàrⁿá daň-táŋà 'kill'bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ̌-táŋà 'get'f. Mediopassivekiŕ-ì: kiŕ-é:-táŋà ‘jump'Pronominal subject is expressed by preverbal pronominals, with no suffixalmarking of subject plurality (xx2).(xx2)Pronominal paradigm (Progressive)category ‘go down’ ‘pick (fruit)'1Sg iń suǵó-táŋà iń paĺá-táŋà1Pl ɛḿɛ́ suǵó-téŋè ɛḿɛ́ paĺá-téŋè2Sg ú suǵó-táŋà ú paĺá-táŋà2Pl é suǵó-téŋè é paĺá-téŋè3Sg wó suǵó-táŋà wó paĺá-táŋà3Pl bé suǵó-téŋè bé paĺá-téŋèNonh kó suǵó-táŋà kó paĺá-táŋà10.2.2.5 Reduplicated Progressive (Cv̀-…-táŋà)A reduplicated form of the Progressive was elicited, with the usual L-tonedreduplicant and with no change in the form of the regular Progressive.Examples: sù-suǵó-táŋà ‘is going down’, dɔ̀-dɔẁɔ́-táŋà ‘is going up’. Thereseems to be no systematic difference in sense between the regular andreduplicated forms.191

10.2.3 Negation of active indicative verbsMorphologically distinct Negative forms are found for the Perfective, theExperiential Perfect, the Recent Perfect, the Imperfective, and the Progressive.Stative verbs, and defective (stative) quasi-verbs, have their own negativeform, singular-subject -lá and plural-subject -lé, with no aspectual distinction.See §10.xxx and §11.xxx, below.10.2.3.1 Perfective Negative (-lí, -lâ:)The Perfective Negative is formed by adding singular-subject -lí or pluralsubject-lâ: to an all-low-toned (i.e. tone-dropped) form of the verb stem. Thereare no exceptions to the tone-dropping feature for this category. The PerfectiveNegative suffixes are also added to the Experiential Perfect and Recent Perfectsuffixes, demonstrating that these latter categories are clearly part of the largerperfective system.Nonmonosyllabic stems ending in a lexical high vowel harmonize noninitialstem vowels with the first stem vowel (xx1.d-e). Contracting rhotic-medialstems contract (xx1.f).(xx1)Perfective Negativebare stem Perfective Negative glossSgPla. short-voweled monosyllabics (all known exx.)ó ò-lí ò-lâ: 'give'nú nù-lí nù-lâ: 'go in'b. long-voweled monosyllabicsá: à:-lí à:-lâ: 'catch'ná: nà:-lí nà:-lâ: 'spend night'nɔ̌: nɔ̀:-lí nɔ̀:-lâ: 'drink'gǒ: gò:-lí gò:-lâ: 'go out'kɔ́:ⁿ kɔ̀:ⁿ-lí kɔ̀:ⁿ-lâ: 'weep'nĩ́: nĩ̀:-lí nĩ̀:-lâ: 'eat'nú: nù:-lí nù:-lâ: 'die'jê (jâ:-) jà:-lí jà:-lâ: 'take away' [irreg.]c. nonmonosyllabic stems with fixed final vowelpińé piǹè-lí piǹè-lâ: 'shut (door)'paǵá pàgà-lí pàgà-lâ: 'tie'192

dìgɛ́ dìgɛ̀-lí dìgɛ̀-lâ: 'drive out'piŕⁿí pìrⁿì-lí pìrⁿì-lâ: ‘milk (a cow)’mìrⁿí mìrⁿì-lí mìrⁿì-lâ: ‘swallow’d. bisyllabic stems with changeable final high vowelpâl pàlà-lí pàlà-lâ: 'pick (fruit)'kuń̀ kuǹò-lí kuǹò-lâ: 'put'mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̀:nɔ̀-lí mɔ̀:nɔ̀-lâ: 'assemble'e. {HL}-toned trisyllabics, HLL and HHL typeskiǵìrì kìgèrè-lí kìgèrè-lâ: 'return'aẃùrù aẁàrà-lí aẁàrà-lâ: 'lay out (mat)'suńuǵù suǹùgò-lí suǹùgò-lâ: 'take down'f. contracting rhotic-medial stemsyɛ̀rɛ́ yè-lí yè-lâ: 'come' [irregular]jɛ̌:rì jè-lí jè-lâ: 'bring' [irregular]bìrɛ́ bì-lí bì-lâ: 'do'gàrá gà-lí gà-lâ: 'go past'dàrⁿá daǹ-lí daǹ-lâ: 'kill'bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ̀-lí bɛ̀-lâ: 'get'poŕù pò-lí pò-lâ: 'say'Sample paradigms are (xx2).(xx2)Pronominal paradigm (Perfective Negative)category ‘go down’ ‘pick (fruit)'1Sg iń sùgò-lí iń pàlà-lí1Pl ɛḿɛ́ suǵó-lâ: ɛḿɛ́ pàlà-lâ:2Sg ú sùgò-lí ú pàlà-lí2Pl é suǵó-lâ: é pàlà-lâ:3Sg wó sùgò-lí wó pàlà-lí3Pl bé suǵó-lâ: bé pàlà-lâ:Nonh kó sùgò-lí kó pàlà-lí193

10.2.3.2 Experiential Perfect Negative (tɛ̀-lí, tɛ̀-lâ:)The Experiential Perfect (tɛ́-), see §10.xxx above, has a common negativecounterpart with regular Perfective Negative suffixal morphology. The formsare tɛ̀-lí for singular subject, tɛ̀-lâ: for plural subject. The preceding verb dropsits tones to all-low; this is indicated in the interlinear by ".L".(xx1) a. iń [dùŋù ná:] ɔ̀: tɛ̀-lí1Sg [elephant] see.L ExpPf-PfNegSg'I have never seen an elephant.'b. ɛḿɛ́ [dùŋù ná:] ɔ̀: tɛ̀-lâ:1Pl [elephant] see.L ExpPf-PfNegPl'We have never seen an elephant.'10.2.3.3 Recent Perfect Negative (jɛ̀-lí, -jɛ̀-lâ:)The negative counterpart of Recent Perfect -jɛ̀ is formed by adding the regularPerfective Negative suffixes -lí and plural-subject -lâ: to it. The preceding verbis not tone-dropped. These details strengthen the argument for taking jɛ̀ as achained auxiliary verb (rather than as a suffix).Negation is generally found in the sense 'have finished VP-ing'.(xx1) a. iń nã̌: nĩ́: jɛ̀-lí1Sg meal eat RecPf-PfNeg'I haven't finished eating the meal.'b. ɛḿɛ́ nã̌: nĩ́: jɛ̀-lâ:1Pl meal eat RecPf-PfNeg.PlS'We haven't finished eating the meal.'c. ɛḿɛ́ té nɔ̌: jɛ̀-lâ:1Pl tea drink RecPf RecPf-PfNeg.PlS‘We haven’t finished drinking the tea.’10.2.3.4 Imperfective Negative (-rò, -rè)The Imperfective Negative is expressed by suffixing -rò for singular subject, -refor plural subject. The suffixes are added to a form of the verb ending in a longfalling-toned vowel. Otherwise the lexical tone is preserved, and Cv̌: (i.e.) stems appear as Cv:-rò with bell-shaped toned stem. ‘See’ has194

ɔ̂:-rò instead of #ɔ:-rò, based on /ɔ́-/ as in Imperfective ɔ́-jú and some otherinflected forms, rather than on the bare stem ɔ̌.Nonmonosyllabic stems ending in a lexical high vowel harmonize nonfinalvowels with the first stem vowel (xx1.c-d). Contracting rhotic-medial verbscontract (xx1.e).(xx1)Imperfective Negativebare stemImperfective Negative glossa. monosyllabicó ô:-rò 'give'nú nû:-rò 'go in'ɔ̌ ɔ̂:-rò [!] 'see'á: â:-rò 'catch'nɔ̌: nɔ:-rò 'drink'nĩ́: nĩ̂:-rò 'eat'nú: nû:-rò 'die'yě (yǎ:-) ya:-rò 'go' [irregular]jê (jâ:-) jâ:-rò 'take away' [irregular]b. bisyllabic stems with fixed final vowelpaǵá paǵâ:-rò 'tie'suǵó suǵô:-rò 'go down'dàgá dàgâ:-rò 'leave'pīrⁿí piŕⁿî:-rò 'milk (a cow)’mìrⁿí mìrⁿî:-rò 'milk (a cow)’c. bisyllabic stems with final changeable high vowelgúŋ̀ gúŋɔ̂:-rò 'take out'pâl paĺâ:-rò ‘pick (fruit)'kiŕì kiŕê:-rò ‘jump'kuń̀ kuńɔ̂:-rò ‘put'mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̌:nɔ̂:-rò 'assemble'd. trisyllabic stemskiǵìrì kiǵeŕê:-rò 'return'aẃùrù aẃárâ:-rò 'lay out'suńuǵù suńuǵô:-rò 'take down'e. rhotic-medial stems subject to rv-Deletionyɛ̀rɛ́ ye:-rò 'come' [irregular]jɛ̌:rì jê:-rò 'bring' [irregular]poŕù pô:-rò 'say'bìrɛ́ bi:-rò 'do'195

gàrá ga:-rò 'go past'dàrⁿá da:ⁿ-rò 'kill'bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ:-rò 'get'Sample paradigms are in (xx2).(xx2)Pronominal paradigm (Imperfective Negative)category ‘go down’ ‘pick (fruit)'1Sg iń suǵô:-rò iń paĺâ:-rò1Pl ɛḿɛ́ suǵô:-rè ɛḿɛ́ paĺâ:-rè2Sg ú uǵô:-rò ú paĺâ:-rò2Pl é suǵô:-rè é paĺâ:-rè3Sg wó suǵô:-rò wó paĺâ:-rò3Pl bé suǵô:-rè bé paĺâ:-rèNonh kó suǵô:-rò kó paĺâ:-ròThe Imperfective Negative likely reflects contraction of an original suffix orsuffix complex *-(C)v̀ro with the stem. Compare Progressive Negative -wɔ̀rɔ̀, towhich we now turn.10.2.3.5 Variant Imperfective Negative (-jǎ:, -já:)Prost (p. 50) described another category that he describes as “négatifintentionnel,” giving as example “lagadyaa” ‘il n’est pas pour frapper” withplural-subject variant “lagadjee,” cf. verb laǵá ‘hit’.My assistant recognized the form after some reflection. One relevantconstruction is that with parallel positive and negative imperfective verbs, with-jǎ: or plural-subject -jě: expressing the negation (instead of the usualImperfective Negative -rò). The juxtaposition indicates uncertainty as the agenthesitates. That is, the positive and negative events are in the mind of the agent(xx1).(xx1) a. wó laǵá-jú làgà-jǎ:3SgS hit-Impf hit-ImpfNeg‘He is undecided (hesitant) whether to hit.’196

. bé laǵá-jú làgà-jě:3PlS hit-Impf hit.ImpfNeg.PlS‘They are undecided (hesitant) whether to hit.’By itself, a similar form with H-toned -já: or -jé: can be used in cases like(xx2), where the speaker in effect expresses surprise at the addressee’shesitation in carrying out an action.(xx2) ú má làgà-já:2SgS 1SgO hit-ImpfNeg‘(How come) you-Sg don’t hit me?’10.2.3.6 Progressive Negative (-wɔ̀rɔ̀, -wèrè)A negative version of the Progressive is expressed by -wɔ̀rɔ̀ for singular subjectand -wèrè for plural subject. These are related to wɔ̀-rɔ́ 'is not (somewhere)' andits plural wè-ré 'are not (somewhere)', the (stative) negative forms of locationalquasi-verb wɔ̀ (plural wè) 'be (somewhere)'.The stem has its lexical tones. Nonmonosyllabic stems ending in a highvowel harmonize noninitial vowels with the initial vowel (xx1.c-d). Contractingrhotic-medial stems contract (xx1.e).(xx1)Progressive Negativebare stem Progressive Negative glossSgPla. monosyllabicó ó-wɔ̀rɔ̀ ó-wèrè 'give'nú nú-wɔ̀rɔ̀ nú-wèrè 'go in'á: á:-wɔ̀rɔ̀ á:-wèrè 'catch'nɔ̌: nɔ̌:-wɔ̀rɔ̀ nɔ̌:-wèrè 'drink'nĩ́: nĩ́:-wɔ̀rɔ̀ nĩ́:-wèrè 'eat'nú: nú:-wɔ̀rɔ̀ nú:-wèrè 'die'yě (yǎ:-) yǎ:-wɔ̀rɔ̀ yǎ:-wèrè 'go' [irregular]jê (jâ:-) jâ:-wɔ̀rɔ̀ jâ:-wèrè 'take away' [irr.]b. bisyllabic stems with fixed final vowelpaǵá paǵá-wɔ̀rɔ̀ paǵá-wèrè 'tie'suǵó suǵó-wɔ̀rɔ̀ suǵó-wèrè 'go down'dàgá dàgá-wɔ̀rɔ̀ dàgá-wèrè 'leave'piŕⁿí piŕⁿí-wɔ̀rɔ̀ piŕⁿí-wèrè 'milk (a cow)'197

mìrⁿí mìrⁿí-wɔ̀rɔ̀ mìrⁿí-wèrè 'swallow'c. bisyllabic stems with changeable final high vowelgúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́-wɔ̀rɔ̀ gúŋɔ́-wèrè 'take out'pâl paĺá-wɔ̀rɔ̀ paĺá-wèrè ‘pick (fruit)'kuń̀ kuńɔ́-wɔ̀rɔ̀ kuńɔ́-wèrè ‘put'mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̌:nɔ́-wɔ̀rɔ̀ mɔ̌:nɔ́-wèrè 'assemble'd. trisyllabic stemskiǵìrì kiǵeŕé-wɔ̀rɔ̀ kiǵeŕé-wèrè 'return'aẃùrù aẃárá-wɔ̀rɔ̀ aẃárá-wèrè 'lay out'suńuǵù suńuǵó-wɔ̀rɔ̀ suńuǵó-wèrè 'take down'e. rhotic-medial stems subject to rv-Deletionyɛ̀rɛ́ yé-wɔ̀rɔ̀ yé-wèrè 'come' [irreg.]jɛ̌:rì jé-wɔ̀rɔ̀ jé-wèrè 'bring' [irregular]poŕù pó-wɔ̀rɔ̀ pó-wèrè 'say'bìrɛ́ bǐ-wɔ̀rɔ̀ bǐ-wèrè 'do'gàrá gǎ-wɔ̀rɔ̀ gǎ-wèrè 'go past'dàrⁿá daň-wɔ̀rɔ̀ daň-wèrè 'kill'bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ̌-wɔ̀rɔ̀ bɛ̌-wèrè 'get'f. Mediopassivekiŕ-ì: kiŕ-é:-wɔ̀rɔ̀ kiŕ-é:-wèrè ‘jump'There is a suffixal distinction between singular and plural subject (xx2).Moreover, since the suffixes are based on 'not be' quasi-verbs, which distinguishhuman from nonhuman third person, there is also a human/nonhumandistinction.(xx2)Pronominal paradigm (Progressive Negative)category ‘go down’ ‘pick (fruit)'1Sg iń suǵó-wɔ̀rɔ̀ iń paĺá-wɔ̀rɔ̀1Pl ɛḿɛ́ suǵó-wèrè ɛḿɛ́ paĺá-wèrè2Sg ú uǵó-wɔ̀rɔ̀ ú paĺá-wɔ̀rɔ̀2Pl é suǵó-wèrè é paĺá-wèrè3Sg wó suǵó-wɔ̀rɔ̀ wó paĺá-wɔ̀rɔ̀3Pl bé suǵó-wèrè bé paĺá-wèrè198

Nonh kó suǵó-kɔ̀rɔ̀ kó paĺá-kɔ̀rɔ̀10.2.3.7 Reduplicated Progressive Negative (Cv-…-wɔ̀rɔ̀)It was possible to elicit a reduplicated form of the Progressive Negative. Thereduplicant is the usual L-toned Cv̀-, and there is no change in the form of theImperfective Negative stem or suffix. The limited data do not suggest asystematic difference in meaning. Example: sù-suǵó-wɔ̀rɔ̀ ‘is not going down’.10.3 Pronominal paradigms for non-imperative verbs10.3.1 Subject pronominal suffixesThere are no full suffixal paradigms for pronominal subject of verbs. Someverbal inflectional categories have a binary distinction between an unmarkedsingular-subject form (1Sg, 2Sg, 3Sg) and a marked plural-subject form (1Pl,2Pl, and especially human 3Pl). Even this binary distinction is not rigorous, asthe unmarked form is often heard with a plural subject expressed earlier in theclause. The unreliable.The relevant data for the inflectional categories is summarized in (xx1),repeating information given in the relevant sections above.(xx1) category Singular Plural Sg = Pla. perfective system (positive)Simple Perfective -ɛ̀/-è -sɛǹRecent Perfect -- -- jɛ̀Experiential Perfect -- -- -tɛ́-jɛ̀b. imperfective system (positive)Imperfective -jú ~ -nṹ -jí ~ -nĩ́Progressive -táŋà -téŋèc. negativePerfective Negative -lí -lâ:Experiential Perfect Negative tɛ̀-lí tɛ̀-lâ:Imperfective Negative -rò -rèProgressive Negative -wɔ̀rɔ̀ -wèrè199

The distinctively Plural-Subject suffixes are idiosyncratic to each category.Historically, -sɛǹ is probably an old 3Pl form of a perfective suffixal categorybased on the quasi-verb 'have' that is found in several Dogon languages. In thePerfective Negative, -lâ: reflects an old 3Pl form of -lí, but segmentation is nolonger transparent in Togo Kan. The Progressive Negative forms are parasiticon negative forms of stative quasi-verb 'be (somewhere)'.10.3.2 Nonhuman versus 3Sg subjectIn most verbal inflectional categories, the verb form used with Nonhumanpronoun kó, and with nonhuman subject NPs, is the same as the 3Sg form usedfor humans.In the Progressive Negative, the fact that forms of 'not be (somewhere)' areused means that Nonhuman and (human) 3Sg are distinct; see §10.xxx.10.4 Stative form of verbs (reduplicated and unreduplicated)Some verbs have a special Stative form. The verbs in question also occur in thefull range of (active) AMN categories with Mediopassive suffix -i: (§9.xxx).The Stative form denotes a static position or other state, rather than the event oftaking that position. The Mediopassive suffix does not appear in the Stative.The Stative verb has an initial Cv- reduplication in simple positiveutterances with no preceding element that could be interpreted as focalized. Inpractice, any locational expression including the default yɛ́ (Existential particle,§11.xxx) counts as “focalized” for this purpose, and is therefore followed by theunreduplicated form of the Stative.All attested Statives are of CvCv (including vCv) shape omitting thereduplicant. The final vowel in the Stative is a non-high vowel, either copyingthe first vowel quality (in the cases of a and mid-height vowels) or agreeingwith it in backness and rounding (in the cases of high vowels). In thereduplicated form, the initial syllable of the stem is H-toned, while thereduplicant and the final syllable are L-toned. In the defocalized form followinga locational, and before the Stative Negative, the stem is {L}-toned.The reduplication takes the form Cv- with a copy of the first two stemsegments if the stem is of the shape CvTv with nonnasal consonant T (Cv-CvTv). If the initial consonant position is unfilled and the medial consonant isoral, the reduplication takes the form v-, with a phonetic glottal stop separatingthe two vowels (v-ʔvTv). The reduplicant vowel is also nasalized if the stembegins with no consonant or with a nonnasal consonant, but has a medial nasal.200

Specifically, TvNv becomes Tvⁿ-TvNv, and vNv becomes vⁿ-ʔvNv,pronounced vⁿ-ʔvNv.Negation is by Stative Negative -lá (plural-subject -lé) added to the tonedropped,unreduplicated Stative form.The forms in (xx1) show representative singular-subject forms. Note thatverbs with CɛC-i: mediopassive vocalism shift to CaCa in the Stative(‘circulate’, ‘sit’), and that ‘lie down’ shifts from ìm-î: to umo.(xx1)Stative form of verbs (singular subject)stem gloss Stativereduplicated unredup.negativea. Cv- reduplicantñɛ̀ŋ-î: ‘circulate’ nã̀-nã́ŋà X nã̀ŋà nã̀ŋà-láwiẁ-î: ‘flip [intr]’ wì-wiýè X wiỳè wiỳè-lákɔŕ-ì: ‘hang [intr]’ kɔ̀-kɔŕɔ̀ X kɔ̀rɔ̀ kɔ̀rɔ̀-láb. v- reduplicantìg-î: ‘stand’ ì-iǵɛ̀ X ìgɛ̀ ìgɛ̀-lác. CvN- reduplicantdɛ̀ŋ-î: ‘sit’ daǹ-dáŋà X dàŋà dàŋà-lápiǹ-í: ‘be shut’ piǹ-pińɛ̀ X pìnɛ̀ piǹɛ̀-lábàŋ-î: ‘hide [intr]’ baǹ-báŋà X bàŋà bàŋà-látúŋ-ì: ‘kneel’ tuǹ-túŋò X tùŋò tùŋò-lád. vⁿ- reduplicantìm-î: ‘lie down’ uǹ-uḿò X ùmò ùmò-láThe corresponding plural-subject form has e replacing the final vowel of thesingular Stative. For some stems the vocalic difference from singular to pluralextends to the first stem syllable, and (therefore) to the reduplicant. Specifically,the mutations described above for verbs like ‘sit’ and ‘lie down’ in the singularsubjectStative are undone in the plural, which is therefore directly based on the(nonstative) stem. Only reduplicated forms are shown in (xx2), but theunreduplicated and negative plural-subject forms follow the same pattern seenin the singular. Some stems do not usually take human subjects for semanticreasons and are omitted.(xx2)Stative form of verbs (singular subject)stem gloss Stativesingular plural201

a. final vowel to e, no other differencebàŋ-î: ‘hide [intr]’ bàm-báŋà bàm-báŋèìg-î: ‘stand’ ì-iǵɛ̀ ì-iǵètúŋ-ì: ‘kneel’ tuǹ-túŋò tuǹ-túŋèb. first vowel also differentdɛ̀ŋ-î: ‘sit’ daǹ-dáŋà dɛǹ-dɛ́ŋèñɛ̀ŋ-î: ‘be restless’ nã̀-nã́ŋà ñɛ̀-ñɛ́ŋèìm-î: ‘lie down’ uǹ-uḿò iǹ-iḿè10.5 Post-verbal temporal particles10.5.1 Past clitic absentThere is no Past clitic or suffix comparable to ≡bɛ- and similar forms in otherDogon languages.10.6 Imperatives and Hortatives10.6.1 Imperatives and Prohibitives10.6.1.1 Positive imperatives (Imperative stem, Plural -ỳ)The Imperative stem is used without further suffixation as the 2Sg-subjectpositive imperative ('go!'). Adding a suffix -ỳ (note the low tone) to the samestem produces the 2Pl-subject positive imperative.The Imperative stem is sometimes identical to the bare stem, but this is farfrom systematic. Nonmonosyllabic verbs whose bare stem ends in a high vowelshow the non-high vowel variant in the Imperative. In addition, mono- andbisyllabic {LH}- and {LHL}-toned verbs shift to {H} tone in the Imperativestem. The exception is 'go', which has Imperative yǎ:. Trisyllabic and longer{LH}-toned verbs preserve the initial L-tone. Two verbs, ó 'give' and poŕì 'say',have irregular imperative stems with a -nɔ́ formative.(xx1)Imperativebare stem Imperative Sg glossa. monosyllabics, {H} and {HL} toned{H}-toned202

nú nú 'go in'á: á: 'catch'nĩ́: nĩ́: 'eat'{HL}-toned (only example, irregular)jê (jâ:-) jâ: 'take away' [irregular]irregularyě (yǎ:-) yǎ: 'go'b. nonmonosyllabic stems with fixed final vowel, {H}-tonedpaǵá paǵá 'tie'suǵó suǵó 'go down'piŕⁿí piŕⁿí 'milk (a cow)'c. nonmonosyllabics with changeable final vowelbisyllabicgúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́ 'take out'pâl paĺá ‘pick (fruit)'kiŕì kiŕé ‘jump'kuń̀ kuńɔ́ ‘put'trisyllabic, with changeable medial and final vowelskiǵìrì kiǵeŕé 'return'aẃùrù aẃárá 'lay out'trisyllabic, with fixed medial high vowelsuńú-gù suńú-gó 'take down'nũńú-gù nũǹú-gó 'ruin'd. {LH}- and {LHL}-toned mono- and bisyllabics shift to {H}nɔ̌: nɔ́: 'drink'gǒ: gó: 'go out'yɛ̀rɛ́ yɛŕɛ́ 'come'bìrɛ́ biŕɛ́ 'do'dàrⁿá daŕⁿá 'kill'gàrá gaŕá 'go past'bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛŕɛ́ 'get'mìrⁿí miŕⁿí 'swallow’mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ́:nɔ́ 'assemble'yɔ̌:rù yɔ́:rɔ́ 'roast on fire'jɛ̌:rì jɛ́:rɛ́ 'bring'e. trisyllabic and longer {LH} or {LHL} stems preserve lexical tonenũǹú-gù nũǹú-gó 'ruin'wɔ̀guŕù wɔ̀gɔŕɔ́ 'take (sth) out or off'f. irregular forms with final -nɔ́ó ɔ́-nɔ́ 'give'203

poŕù pɔ́-nɔ́ 'say'The 2Pl-subject form is phonologically unremarkable. Examples of Sg/Plpairs are in (xx2).(xx2) gloss Sg imperative Pl imperative'go' yǎ: yǎ:-ỳ'come' yɛŕɛ́ yɛŕɛ́-ỳSince there is little Accusative marking of direct object NPs, the syntacticissue of the case-marking of imperative direct object NPs is usually moot.However, the 1Sg Accusative má is compatible with imperatives: má paǵá 'tieme up!'.10.6.1.2 Prohibitives (-lé, Pl -lé-ỳ)The negative of the imperative, i.e. the Prohibitive, is characterized by a suffix-lé. The same Pl-subject -ỳ seen above with Imperatives is added to this toproduce Pl-subject Prohibitive -lé-ỳ.The stem takes the same form segmentally as in the Imperative (and someother inflections), except for a few verbs with irregular Imperative and/orirregular Prohibitive. {LH}-toned stems preserve the initial L-tone.Bimoraic Cvrv and Cvrⁿv stems, i.e. with a medial rhotic between shortvowels, reduce to Cv- before the Prohibitive suffix, reflecting the awkwardnessof syllable sequences involving a lateral then a rhotic (however, the sametruncation occurs in hortatives, see below). One Cv:rv stem with long vowel,jɛ̌:rì 'bring', has its contracted variant jê:- in this context (xx1.e). 'Come' shiftsfrom yɛ̀rɛ́ to yě-.(xx1)Prohibitivebare stem Prohibitive Sg glossa. monosyllabics, {H} and {HL} toned{H}-tonednú nú-lé 'go in'ó ó-lé 'give'á: á:-lé 'catch'nĩ́: nĩ́:-lé 'eat'{HL}-toned (only example)jê (jâ:-) jâ:-lè 'take away'204

irregularyě (yǎ:-) yǎ:-lé 'go'b. nonmonosyllabic stems with fixed final vowel, {H}-tonedpaǵá paǵá-lé 'tie'suǵó suǵó-lé 'go down'piŕⁿí piŕⁿí-lé 'milk (a cow)’c. bisyllabic and heavy stems with changeable final vowelbisyllabicpâl paĺá-lé ‘pick (fruit)'kiŕì kiŕé-lé ‘jump'kuń̀ kuńɔ́-lé ‘put'gúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́-lé 'take out'trisyllabic with changeable medial and final vowelskiǵìrì kiǵeŕé-lé 'return'aẃùrù aẃárá-lé 'lay out'trisyllabic with fixed medial high vowelsuńú-gù suńú-gó-lé 'take down'd. {LH}-toned mono- and bisyllabicsnɔ̌: nɔ̌:-lé 'drink'gǒ: gǒ:-lé 'go out'bàgá bàgá-lé ‘fall’mìrⁿí mìrⁿí-lé 'swallow’mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̌:nɔ́-lé 'assemble'e. rhotic-medial bisyllabics subject to rv-Deletionregularbìrɛ́ bǐ-lé 'do'gàrá gǎ-lé 'go past'bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ̌-lé 'get'poŕù pó-lé 'say'dàrⁿá daň-lé 'kill'with irregular vowel shiftyɛ̀rɛ́ yě-lé 'come'jɛ̌:rì jê:-lè 'bring'f. trisyllabic and longer {LH} or {LHL} stemsnũǹú-gù nũǹú-gó-lé 'ruin'wɔ̀guŕù wɔ̀gɔŕɔ́-lé 'take (sth) out or off'Examples of Sg/Pl pairs are in (xx2).(xx2) gloss bare stem Sg Prohib Pl Prohib205

‘drink' nɔ̌: nɔ̌:-lé nɔ̌:-lé-ỳ‘take out/off’ wɔ̀guŕù wɔ̀gɔŕɔ́-lé wɔ̀gɔŕɔ́-lé-ỳFor the Prohibitive verb form in ‘lest’ clauses, a kind of negative purposiveclause, see §17.6.2, below.10.6.2 Hortatives10.6.2.1 Positive Hortatives (-má, plural -má-ỳ)First-person (inclusive) hortatives are structured morphologically likeimperatives, as though addressed only to the listener. There is accordingly amorphological distinction between a first-person hortative addressed to one(other) person, as in 'let's (me and you-Sg) go!', and a first-person hortativeaddressed to two or more persons, as in 'let's (all three of us) go!'. The Hortativesuffix is -má, used as such with singular addressee. Unlike the morpheme máused in ‘good to eat’ type expressions, Hortative -má does not control tonedroppingon the verb stem.The plural counterpart is -má-ỳ, with the same Pl-subject suffix seen inimperative and prohibitive forms.The morphophonology including tonology is very similar to that describedjust above for the Prohibitive. Again, rhotic syllables are truncated, and 'bring'and 'come' add other shifts to the truncation. 'Go' has an irregular Hortativenã́-má, perhaps from *yá-má by secondary nasalization of the initial *y.(xx1)Hortative (positive)bare stem Hortative Sg glossa. monosyllabics, {H} and {HL} toned{H}-tonedó ó-má 'give'nú nú-má 'go in'á: á:-má 'catch'nĩ́: nĩ́:-má 'eat'{HL}-toned (only examples)jê (jâ:-) jâ:-mà 'take away'jɛ̌:rì (jê:-) jê:-má 'bring'irregularyě (yǎ:-) nã́-má 'go'206

. CvCv with fixed final vowel, {H}-tonedpaǵá paǵá-má 'tie'suǵó suǵó-má 'go down'piŕⁿí piŕⁿí-má 'milk (a cow)'c. stems with changeable final vowelbisyllabicpâl paĺá-má ‘pick (fruit)'kiŕì kiŕé-má ‘jump'gúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́-má 'take out'kuń̀ kuńɔ́-má ‘put'trisyllabic with changeable medial and final vowelskiǵìrì kiǵeŕé-má 'return'aẃùrù aẃárá-má 'lay out'trisyllabic with fixed medial high vowelsuńú-gù suńú-gó-má 'take down'd. {LH}-toned mono- and bisyllabicsnɔ̌: nɔ̌:-má 'drink'gǒ: gǒ:-má 'go out'dɔẁɔ́ dɔ̀wɔ́-má 'go up’mìrⁿí mìrⁿí-má 'swallow’e. Cvrv and Cvrⁿv truncate rhotic syllable before -léregularbìrɛ́ bǐ-má 'do'dàrⁿá dǎ-má 'kill'gàrá gǎ-má 'go past'bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ̌-má 'get'poŕù pó-má 'say'irregular rhotic-syllable truncation and vowel shiftyɛ̀rɛ́ yě-má 'come'f. trimoraic and longer {LH} or {LHL} stems preserve lexical tonemɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̌:nɔ́-má 'assemble'nũǹú-gù nũǹú-gó-má 'ruin'wɔ̀guŕù wɔ̀gɔŕɔ́-má 'take (sth) out or off'10.6.2.2 Hortative Negative (-m-lé, plural -m-lé-ỳ)The negation of the Hortative is by a suffix complex -m-lé, presumablycontaining Prohibitive suffix -lé. Again the Pl-subject form adds a suffix -ỳ.(xx1)Hortative Negative207

are stem Hortative Sg glossa. monosyllabics, {H} and {HL} toned{H}-tonedó ó-m-lé 'give'nú nú-m-lé 'go in'á: á:-m-lé 'catch'nĩ́: nĩ́:-m-lé 'eat'{HL}-toned (only examples)jê (jâ:-) jâ:-m-lè 'take away'jɛ̌:rì (jê:-) jê:-m-lè 'bring'irregularyě (yǎ:-) yǎ:-m-lé 'go'b. CvCv with fixed final vowel,{H}-tonedpaǵá paǵá-m-lé 'tie'suǵó suǵó-m-lé 'go down'piŕⁿí piŕⁿí-m-lé 'milk (a cow)’c. stems with changeable final vowelbisyllabicpâl paĺá-m-lé ‘pick (fruit)'kuń̀ kuńɔ́-m-lé ‘put'gúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́-m-lé 'take out'trisyllabic with changeable medial and final vowelskiǵìrì kiǵeŕé-m-lé 'return'aẃùrù aẃárá-m-lé 'lay out'trisyllabic with fixed medial high vowelsuńú-gù suńú-gó-m-lé 'take down'd. {LH}-toned monosyllabics and CvCvnɔ̌: nɔ̌:-m-lé 'drink'gǒ: gǒ:-m-lé 'go out'dɔẁɔ́ dɔẁɔ́-m-lé 'go up’mìrⁿí mìrⁿí-m-lé 'swallow’e. rhotic-medial stems subject to rv-Deletionregularbìrɛ́ bǐ-m-lé 'do'dàrⁿá daň-m-lé 'kill'gàrá gǎ-m-lé 'go past'bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ̋-m-lé 'get'poŕù pó-m-lé 'say'irregular rhotic-syllable truncation and vowel shift208

yɛ̀rɛ́ yě-m-lé 'come'f. heavy {LH} or {LHL} stems preserve lexical tonemɔ̌:ǹ mɔ̌:nɔ́-m-lé 'assemble'nũǹú-gù nũǹú-gó-m-lé 'ruin'wɔ̀guŕù wɔ̀gɔŕɔ́-m-lé 'take (sth) out or off'g. mediopassivekiŕ-ì: kiŕ-é:-m-lé ‘jump'10.6.3 Syntactic status of second-person subject in imperativesThe subject of a regular second person imperative is covert, except for thePlural -ỳ in the imperative verb itself. The fact that such agreement occurs couldbe taken as evidence that the presence of a 2Sg or 2Pl subject in imperativeclauses is recognized by the morphosyntax.When the imperative verb is chained to another verb or VP (in which case itis understood that the imperative force applies to the entire chain), the nonfinalverb appears either in bare-stem form (to create a direct chain) or in a pseudoconditionalclause with dè ‘if’. Both direct chains and pseudo-conditionalselsewhere (i.e. with indicative final verb) require same subjects in the twoclauses. This suggests that the interclausal syntax can detect imperative subjectsand verify the sameness (i.e. coindexation) of the subjects of two chained verbs.Examples with imperatives are in (xx1).(xx1) a. dɔẁɔ́ suǵógo.up go.down.Imprt‘Go up and come-2Sg (back) down!’(direct chain)b. [dɔẁ-ɛ́ dè] suǵó[go.up-Perf if] go.down.Imprt‘Go up and come-2Sg (back) down!’(pseudo-conditional)Likewise for plural subject imperative: dɔẁɔ́ suǵó-ỳ or [dɔẁ-ɛ́ dè] suǵó-ỳ.However, there is a glaring syntactic difference between imperative subjectsand other subjects, viz., the inability of imperative subjects to serve asantecedents for anaphors, specifically reflexives. In indicative (xx2.a), a secondperson subject (like any subject) requires that a coindexed clausemate objectappear as the reflexive morpheme saň. The imperative version, however, shows209

a regular 2Sg object pronominal, as one would get with a referentially disjointsubject.(xx2) a. ú saň kɛ́j-ɛ̀2SgS Refl cut-Perf‘You-Sg cut yourself.’b. ú kɛ́jɛ́2SgO cut.Imprt‘Cut-2Sg yourself!’Likewise for plural subject: indicative é [saň bè] kɛ́-ɛ́-sɛ̂ⁿ, but imperative ékɛ́jɛ́-ỳ.So, on the one hand, the morphology of the imperative verb itselfrecognizes the difference between singular and plural addressee, and (arguably)the interclausal syntax can detect imperative subjects and verify their referentialidentity. On the other hand, the (mostly) clause-internal anaphora system isunable to recognize an imperative subject.The syntax of hortative subjects is somewhat different from that ofimperatives. Hortatives agree with imperatives in the morphology of the verbitself, and in the use of same-subject chaining forms (direct chains and pseudoconditionals).However, hortatives quite frequently show a clause-initial 1Plsubject ɛḿɛ́, whereas imperatives do not have an initial 2Sg or 2Pl pronoun(except in vocative function). In addition, hortative subjects do serve asantecedents for reflexives. Examples are in (xx3).(xx3) a. ɛḿɛ́ dɔẁɔ́ suǵó-má-ỳ1PlS go.up go.down-Hort-PlS‘Let’s (three or more) go up and come (back) down!’(direct chain)b. ɛḿɛ́ [dɔẁɛ́ dè] suǵó-má-ỳ1PlS [go.up-Perf if] go.down-Hort-PlS[=(a)](pseudo-conditional)c. ɛḿɛ́ [saň bè] kɛ́jɛ́-má-ỳ1PlS [ReflO Pl] cut-Hort-Pl‘Let’s (three or more) cut ourselves!’(reflexive object)210

The shaky syntactic status of imperative subjects may be compared withthat of apparent subjects in fixed subject-verb collocations of the ‘night fell’type (§xxx). See also §11.1.1.1 on valency.10.6.4 Imperative verb with non-second person subject10.6.4.1 Imperative with third person subjectThis construction is used in wishes and imprecations of the type 'may GodVERB X'. The verb is in imperative form.(xx1) àmá ú baŕáGod 2SgO help.Imprt'May God assist you.'The imperative verb here is invariant in singular-subject form, though thepreverbal subject NP may be plural (xx2). This restriction was also noted byProst, who called the non-second person imperative the “subjonctif” (p. 56).(xx1) [àrⁿà gàrá bè] ú baŕá[man.L big Pl 2SgO help.Imprt'May the old people assist you.'A similar construction is used in jussives of the type 'Tell them to come'(§17.1.4.1, below).10.6.4.2 Imperative with implied first person singular subjectThe imperative verb form is also used in utterances expressing uncertaintywhether the addressee (or someone else who sent the addressee) wants thespeaker to do something. For 1Sg subject, the usually Accusative form má isused; for other nouns and pronouns there is no difference between subject andobject morphology.(xx1) má yɛŕɛ́ má1SgAcc come.Imprt Q'(Do you want) me to come?'211

11 VP and predicate structure11.1 Regular verbs and VP structure11.1.1 Verb types (valency)There is no Accusative marking of objects, but the distinction between subjectsand objects is clear.11.1.1.1 Defective or absent subjectsCovert (virtual) second person subjects of imperatives constitute an analyticalproblem. Morphologically, the presence of a (covert) subject appears to beindexed by the distinction between singular and plural subject forms on the verbitself: yɛŕɛ́ ‘come-2Sg!’, yɛ́rɛ́-ỳ ‘come-2Sg!’. Likewise, the interclausal syntaxseems to recognize imperative subjects as being coindexed (“same subject”) inverb/VP chains, allowing the use of direct chains and of pseudo-conditionals.However, the clause-internal syntax fails to recognize the imperative subject asan antecedent for reflexives, unlike all subjects in indicative clauses (includingfirst and second person pronouns), and even unlike hortative subjects. So thereis a mismatch between the imperative-verb morphology and the clausal andinterclausal syntax. See §10.6.xxx for examples and discussion.In indicative sentences, true subject NPs are clause-initial. However, thereis a construction with a fixed collocation of a noun and a verb, includingmeteorological expressions similar to English day broke or night fell, along withemotional expressions involving kɛńɛ́ ‘heart’. Here the apparent subject(‘night’, ‘heart’) does not display full subject qualities and follows rather thanprecedes adverbs. This raises the possibility that these clauses may besubjectless. However, these defective subjects, like imperative subjects, take thesame-subject subordinator in chains. It is not possible to test them foranaphoric-antecedent properties. See §11.1.4 for examples and discussion.11.1.1.2 ObjectsObject NPs follow subject NPs and may follow some other adverbial elements.Subjects, but not objects, have limited agreement in the verb, in the form of a an213

optional marking of plural subject, but not of pronominal person (xx1.a).Because of the limited nature of this agreement, independent pronouns insubject position are common (xx1.b).(xx1) a. [àrⁿá bè] [ɛẃɛ́ bîn] ñɛ̌ ɔ̌:-sɛ̂ⁿ[man Pl] [market in] woman see-Perf.PlS'The men saw the woman in the market.'b. ɛḿɛ́ yá: bú:dú bɛ̀rɛ́-sɛ̂ⁿ1PlS yesterday money get-Perf.PlS'We got the money yesterday.'The simple transitive construction exemplified in (xx1) is typical for impacttransitives like 'hit' and perception verbs like 'see'. It is also true for verbs ofcarrying and holding, although they are morphologically Mediopassive in form,like bòm-î: 'carry (child, on back)', which occurs in Stative form in (xx2).(xx2) iń [saň iǹ] boḿò1SgS [ReflP child] carry.on.back.Stat.SgS'I am carrying my child (on my back).'As in other Dogon languages there are many conventionalized objects,including cognate nominals, that have limited independent reference. Forexamples see §11.xxx, below.Motion verbs like 'go' have locational complements, typically expressed byadverbial phrases or by place names.(xx3) iń ɛẃɛ̀ yǎ:-jú1SgS market.Loc.HL go-Impf'I am going to (the) market.'‘Give’ and ‘show’ have a direct object (theme) without case-marking, and adative indirect object (xx4).(xx4) a. wó má-ǹ [tɛḿdɛŕɛ́ lɔỳ] ò-è3SgS 1Sg-Dat [hundred two] give-Perf.SgS.L‘He/She gave me 200.’b. iń [ú suǵɛ́:ⁿ]-ǹ [pèjù márⁿá] tó:ró-jú1SgS [2SgP younger.sib]-Dat [sheep.L big] show-Impf.SgS‘I will show a big sheep to your-Sg younger (same-sex) sibling.’214

‘Say’ also has a direct-object (theme) when the quotation is resumed as anoun, pronoun, or ‘what?’ interrogative. In any case, the original addressee isexpressed as a dative indirect object.(xx5) ú-ǹ ìŋé pòr-ì2Sg-Dat what? say-Perf.SgS‘What did he/she say to you-Sg?’‘Put’ and ‘take out’ verbs have a direct-object (theme) and a locationalexpression denoting the relevant container or containing space. The locationalexpression does not indicate directionality (‘to X’, ‘from X’), which is theresponsibility of the verb. Therefore both (xx6.a) and (xx6.a) have staticlocative ‘in the house’ as locationals.(xx6) a. ɛḿɛ́ dɛň [gìrⁿí bîn] kuń-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ1PlS waterjar [house in] put-Perf.PlSg‘We put-Past the waterjar in the house.’b. ɛḿɛ́ dɛň [gìrⁿí bîn] gúŋ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ1PlS waterjar [house in] take.out-Perf.PlSg‘We took the waterjar out of the house.’11.1.2 Valency of causativesWith the productive Causative in -m̀, the embedded agent appears in dativeform. This applies to embedded intransitive as well as transitive verbs. If theembedded clause is transitive, its direct object undergoes no change as part ofcausative clause union.(xx1) a. wó àrⁿá≡ǹ dɛ̀ŋ-ɛ́:-m̀-∅3SgS man≡Dat sit-MP-Caus-Perf‘He/She had/made/let the man sit.’b. wó má≡ǹ nã̌: nĩ́:-m-ì3SgS 1Sg≡Dat meal eat.meal-Caus-Perf‘He/She had/made/let me eat (a meal).’c. wó má≡ǹ í:ⁿ pińɛ́-m̀-∅3SgS 1Sg≡Dat child shut-Caus-Perf‘He/She made me shut up (=imprison) the child.’d. iń ú≡ǹ gǒ:-mí-nṹ215

1SgS 2Sg≡Dat go.out-Caus-Impf‘I will make you-Sg go out.’This does not apply to frozen and irregular causatives, which are treatedlike ordinary transitives. Thus nũǹú-gì ‘damage’, suńú-gì ‘take down’, gúŋ̀ ‘takeout’, and ú:-ǹ ‘lay, put down’ take simple NP and pronominal objects, forexample 1Sg má.11.1.3 Verb PhraseThe notion of VP is most useful in the grammar in connection with chaining,especially same-subject loose chaining (with a subordinator like -ní: ‘while.SS’,§15.2.1.3). The concept of VP is also useful in connection with anaphoricpronouns that have clausemate subjects as antecedents (chapter 18).11.1.4 Fixed subject-verb collocationsTightly-knit subject-verb collocations are not widespread, but are fairly typicalof temporal expressions (in a broad sense: time of day, weather, seasons), andemotional expressions.Some collocations whose first element has subject-like qualities are in(xx1).nose bleed? other body functions?(xx1)Subject-verb collocationsa. temporaldà:gá dɛ̌:pàrá gǒ:nũǹũ̌ núàrⁿú lɔẃɔ́‘night fall(s)’ (only use of verb dɛ̌:)‘cloudy weather go out’ (= ‘be autumn’)‘cold season enter’ (= ‘… begin’)‘rain fall’ (lɔẃɔ́ elsewhere ‘carve, chop out’)b. emotional[X kɛńɛ́] kɔ́:ⁿ ‘X’s heart weep’ (=’be sad’)X kɛńɛ́ paŕá ‘X heart rub on [lotion]’ (=’be angry’)However, the “subject” status of the nominals here is not full-fledged. Truesubjects are clause-initial in normal main clauses, preceding adverbials. Bycontrast, the fixed subject-like nominals in (xx1.a) follow adverbials. Compare216

(xx2.a-b) with true subjects to (xx2.c) with a subject-like nominal, showingdifferent linear orders in spite of sharing an adverb and a verb.(xx2) a. iń nɛ́:-wⁿɔń gò-è1SgS now go.out-Perf.L‘I have gone out now.’b. péjú nɛ́:-wⁿɔń gò-èsheep now go.out-Perf.L‘The sheep-Sg has gone out now.’c. nɛ́:-wⁿɔń pàrá gò-ènow cloudy.weather go.out-Perf.L‘The cloudy weather has gone out (=it is autumn).’This suggests that the fixed “subject” nouns may be some kind of defectivesubject, ending up in an adverb-like position, in which case sentences like(xx2.c) have no true subject NP.To be sure, same-subject subordinator -ɛ: (§xxx) can be used in two-clausesequences like (xx3) with fixed subject pàrá, but it could be debated whether -ɛ:requires true referential coindexation or whether it is an unmarked subordinatorused whenever the two subjects are not clearly disjoint.(xx3) pàrá nú-ɛ̀: gò-ècloudy.weather go.in-SS go.out-Perf‘Cloudy weather (=rainy season) came in and went out.’Regarding the emotion expressions with kɛńɛ́ ‘heart’ (really ‘liver/heart’) in(xx1.b), there is a structural difference between ‘heart weep’ and ‘heart rub.on’.In the first, ‘heart’ is a possessed noun, as seen clearly in the 1Sg combination[kɛńɛ́ mà] ‘my heart’. However, it still follows adverbs (xx4.a). In ‘heartrub.on’, if indeed párá in this collocation is the verb ‘rub on (e.g. lotion)’,‘heart’ is not treated as a possessed noun. Instead, there is a separate subjectdenoting the person (xx4.b).(xx4) a. iýé [kɛńɛ́ mà] kɔń-ɛ̀today [heart 1SgP] weep-Perf‘My heart wept.’ (=‘I was sad.)b. iń iýé kɛńɛ́ paŕ-ɛ̀1SgS today heart rub.on-Perf‘I got angry today.’217

11.1.5 Fixed verb-object combinations11.1.5.1 Verb and noncognate nounExamples of fixed phrases consisting of a verb and a noncognate object verb arein (xx1).(xx1)Verb-object combinationsa. noun carries main activity sense, verb is semantically lightàseǵú sá: ‘sneeze’ (sá: ‘answer’)kɔ̀mɔ́ tá: ‘wage war’ (tá: ‘shoot’)sań-lìgì á: ‘perform ablutions’ (á: ‘catch’)óŋó sá:ŋì ‘yawn’ (cf. sá:ŋù ‘stretch, spread’)óŋó dǎ:rì ‘yawn’ (cf. dǎ:rì ‘dare’)ò:gú tɔŕɔ́ ‘sweat’ (tɔŕɔ́ ‘hatch’, ‘begin’)b. noun carries main activity sense, verb confined to collocationsgiǹɛ́ nɔẃⁿ-ì: ‘go to sleep’iǹsìrⁿí sí:ⁿ ‘urinate’tà:lɛ̌:ⁿ dǎ: ‘say a proverb’c. verb carries main activity sensegìré kúmuǹũ̀ ‘blink’ (gìré ‘eyes’)kań luǵó ‘rinse out one’s mouth’ (kań ‘mouth’)dí: iǹ-î:‘bathe, take a bath’ (dí: ‘water’)11.1.5.2 Formal relationships between cognate nominal and verbThe collocations in this section are between a verb and a cognate nominal thatfunctions as default direct object. In some cases the verb seems to be lexicallyprimary with the cognate nominal adding little to the meaning. In other casesthe noun has an independent meaning and the verb appears to be parasitic on it.As an example, consider the data in (xx1). The collocation with cognatenominal in (xx1.a) is the common expression for the act by which a farmer turnsover a little earth with a slash of the pick-hoe (French pioche), after which asecond person (often a child or woman) drops seeds into the disturbed earth andtamps it down with his/her feet. The pick-hoe slashing is the central action inplanting seeds, and the phrase in (xx1.a) is the loose translation of ‘plant, sow’(French semer). There are, however, some more specialized planting techniquesthat are described by noncognate collocations (xx1.b).218

(xx1) a. lɛ̌ lɛ́: ‘slash earth in field to sow’b. lɛ̀-lìgìjí lɛ́: ‘make slashes irregularly (not in rows)’[bińiǵí bè] lɛ́: ‘sow (seeds) in a pit with manure’lɛ̀-lɔǹìrⁿí lɛ́: ‘oversow (seeds) widely’The collocations in (xx2) involve underived nouns and verbs of closelysimilar shapes segmentally and tonally, generally differing (if at all) only intone contour and/or (for nonmonosyllabics) in final vowel (even after factoringout Mediopassive -i: on some verbs). These differences are partially ascribableto the constraints on lexical tones and on vocalism of verb stems that do notapply to nouns. For example, initial voiced obstruents force {LH} tone on verbsbut not nouns, and nonmonosyllabic verbs have tight restrictions on vowelsequences.However, there are also a number of cases where the noun has one of theshapes Cv̌, CvČ with final sonorant, or Cv̀Cú, which are segmentally andtonally identical to the corresponding verbal noun with suffix -ú or(monosyllabic) -∅ (§4.xxx, above). There are also many cognate nominals thathave the segmental form of a verbal noun, but that (unlike verbal nouns) are{H}-toned, namely Cv́, Cv́C with final sonorant, Cv́Cú, Cv́:Cú, and Cv́Cv́Cú.(xx2)Verbs and simple cognate nominalsa. verb and noun monosyllabicnoun Cv̌ with short vowel (verbal noun?)kɔň kɔ́:ⁿ‘weep’noun Cv́ with short vowelmɔ́ mɔ̌:‘laugh’noun with long vowelbɛ́: bɛ̌:‘defecate’gí:ⁿ gǐ:ⁿ‘commit theft’gɔ́: gɔ̌:‘dance a dance’nã̌: nĩ́:‘eat meal’jí:ⁿ jǐ:ⁿ‘fart’dɔ̌: dɔ̌:‘make an insult’b. verb bisyllabic, noun monosyllabicnoun Cv̌ (divergent in vocalism from verbal noun)sǒ sɔẃɔ́ [!]‘give an injection’noun Cv́, verb CvCv with medial {y r rⁿ}já jaỳ-î:‘have a fight’sań saŕⁿá‘pray’tiň tiŕⁿí‘go get firewood’219

ɔń bɔ̀rⁿɔ́‘convoke, send out a summons’noun CvČ with final sonorant (verbal noun?)bɛň bɛǹɛ́‘go swimming’noun CvĆ with final sonorantjɛẃ jɛẁɛ́ ‘utter a curse’ (cf. sǎ ⁿ jɛ̀wɛ́ ‘take anoath’)mɔḿ mɔ̀mɔ́‘carry out second round of weeding’gɛ́ŋ gɛ̀ŋɛ́‘do pleading’c. verb and noun bisyllabicCvCv with noun Cv̀Cú (verbal noun?)dàbú dàbá‘tell fortunes’mùŋú mùŋó‘tie a knot’jàtú jàtá‘do a calculation’gɛ̀rú gɛ̀rɛ́‘do the harvest’nɔ̀ŋú nɔń̃ɔ́‘copulate’bàdú bàdá‘hold a meeting’jàmú jàmá‘betray, break a promise’tɔ̀ŋú tɔ́ŋɔ́‘do writing’ìmú ìm-î:‘lie down, go to bed’CvCv with noun CvĆúɛńú ɛńɛ́‘tell a story’nɛ́ŋú nɛ̀ŋɛ́‘squeeze out’jáŋú jàŋá‘engage in studies’toǵú toǵó‘have a chat’, cf. e.g. dà:gà-toǵú toǵó ‘havea night-chat’sɛǵú sɛǵɛ́‘pay dues, ante’núŋú núŋɔ́‘sing a song’tɛŕú tɛ́rɛ́‘clear (a field, with an axe)’jɔǵú jɔ̀gɔ́‘(bird) eat by pecking’waŕú wàrá‘do farm work’ (cf. wòrú ‘field’)duŕú dùró‘let out a groan’; ‘thunder’boǵú bògó‘(dog) bark’jɔ́ŋú jɔ̀ŋɔ́‘perform healing’CvCv with noun CvCikìrí kiŕ-ì:‘take a jump’ìrí iŕé‘stutter’ìjí íjé‘(quadruped) buck’jíŋí jìŋé‘take sides, support one side’jińĩ́ jiǹẽ́‘emit an odor’nĩńí nĩǹé‘breathe’CvCv with noun ending in nonhigh voweltìŋɛ́ tíŋɛ́‘speak’, cf. [tìŋɛ̀ báŋú] tíŋɛ́ ‘speak secretwords’, tìŋɛ̀-kɛ́rú tíŋɛ́ ‘tell a joke’biŕɛ́ bìrɛ́‘do work’220

siń̃ɛ́ siń̃ɛ́‘make noise’paŕⁿɛ́ párⁿì‘tell a riddle’sìjé síjé‘draw lines’guŕɔ́ gùrɔ́‘vomit’sùrɔ́ suŕɔ́‘make a heap’kɛ̀rɛ́ kɛń-ì: [!] ‘have fun’tuǹɔ́ tuńɔ́‘compete’duẃɔ́ duẁ-î: ‘bear a burden, take responsibility for’duẁɔ́ duẁɔ́‘(blacksmith) do forging’suẁⁿɔ́ suẃⁿɔ́ ‘(skin of dates) become wrinkled’duǵó dùgó‘cast spells’lùgó luǵó‘count (numbers)’tàgá taǵ-ì:‘put on shoes’CvCv with noun ending in mid-height nasalized vowelwìrɛň wírì‘give out a whistle’sìjɛň síjɛ́‘blow a horn (or a whistle)’CvCCvjańtɛ́ jańtì‘be kidding’Cv:Cv with noun Cv́:Cúwá:jú wá:jù‘preach, give a sermon’já:gú jǎ:gù‘do business’gá:nú gǎ:ǹ‘pester’gɛ́:rú gɛ̌:rì‘whisper’Cv:Cv with noun Cv́:Cíjí:rí jǐ:rì‘have a discussion or debate’Cv:Cv with noun ending in non-high voweltì:rɛ́ tí:rì‘make small bunches’sí:ŋé sí:ŋì‘sob’d. verb and noun trisyllabicCvCvCv with noun Cv́CvĆú or syncopated Cv́CCúdaẃrú daẁiŕì ‘cast spells’boǵuŕú bògiŕì ‘(male animal in rut) bellow’jaŕuǵú jàriǵì ‘make a criticism’gɔ́ŋuŕⁿú gɔ̀ŋúrⁿù ‘take a stroll’CvCvCv with noun ending in non-high vowelkàgújá kaǵùjì ‘clear one’s throat’siĺiǵá siĺiǵì‘make an exchange’biĺiǵá bìliǵì‘do magic tricks’dùgɔ̀rɔ́ dùgiŕì ‘mock, poke fun’jɔ́ŋɔŕⁿɔ́ jɔ̀ŋiŕⁿì ‘do spot-sowing’, ‘oversow’kòjuǵó kójùgù ‘cough’ (variant kòjuǵó koǵùjù)A few of the forms in (xx2) above have additional irregularities, signaled by“[!]” after the collocation. An irregular shift between [+ATR] and [-ATR] is221

found in sǒ sɔẃɔ́ ‘give an injection’ (compare sɔ̌w-∅, regular verbal noun ofsɔẃɔ́). An irregular consonantal shift occurs in kɛ̀rɛ́ kɛń-ì: ‘have fun’.In a significant number of further cognate collocations, the noun and verbdiffer morphologically. In tìgɛ́ tiǵìrì ‘(griot) call out the names of ancestors’, theverb probably has (or originally had) a derivational suffix -rv (§9.xxx). In mostcases, however, the verb is morphologically simple while the noun ismorphologically complex in one of the following ways: a) it begins with anarguably segmentable à(N)- morpheme of unclear function (§4.xxx); b) it has aninitial reduplication (§4.xxx); or c) the noun is compound (or is a nounadjectivecombination) and the verb is cognate to only one of the stems (usuallythe final). The data in (xx3) are organized around these morphologicalcategories. After factoring out the noncognate material on the noun, the verbsand cognate nominals in (xx3) are generally consistent with the phonologicalpatterns noted in (xx2) above; for example, aǹdáŋú dàŋá ‘fry large soft milletcakes’ can be compared to collocations with CvĆú nominal in (xx2). One broaddifference is that the collocations in (xx3), more so than those in (xx2), tend tohave lexically dominant nominals. Note, for example, that the verb tɔ́: occurs inthree distinct collocations in (xx3.c), essentially just repeating the respectivecompound final without adding much to the meaning. One consequence of theindependent status of the nouns in (xx3) is that very few have the rising toneand segmental form of true verbal nouns.(xx3)Verbs and morphologically complex cognate nominalsa. noun with initial à- or aǸnounà(N)CvĆúaǹdáŋú dàŋá ‘fry large soft millet cakes’àteǵú teǵé‘stand on tiptoes’àmámú màmá ‘bite one’s lower lip’b. noun with apparent initial Cv- reduplicationpɔ̀pɔ́: pɔ́:‘accuse’c. only final element of noun is cognate to verbcompound final -Cv́kèrù-ká ká:‘harvest millet (after the main harvest)’nùmɔ̀-dá dǎ: ‘signal to stop’compound final -Cv:kuǹ-ɔ̌: ɔ̌:‘see (foretell) the future’kiǹè-ɔ̌: ɔ̌:‘tell fortunes in a seance’àrⁿà-tɔ̌: tɔ́:‘have a fight (verbally)’dògò-tɔ̌: tɔ́:‘take down (wrestler) by tripping fromoutside’222

nìŋìrⁿì-tɔ̌: tɔ́: ‘set a date/deadline’nùmɔ̀-jɛ̌: jɛ̌:‘take handful (of food) in hand’compound final -CvČ with final sonorant (verbal noun?)ìmì-kǎm kámá ‘take down (wrestler) by falling backward’compound final -CvĆ with final sonorantkuẁɔ̀-seẃ seẃé ‘walk on tiptoes’compound final -CvĆúà:gà-yɛǵú yɛ̀gɛ́ ‘(herder) get up early’tɔ̀rɔ̀-bájú bàjá ‘tie a sliding knot’mɔ̀-kɛ́rú kɛŕɛ́ ‘smile broadly’gìrè-bɛ́mú bɛ̀mɛ́ ‘frown’compound final -CvĆíkuẁɔ̀-díŋí dìŋé ‘take down (wrestler) by tripping frominside’gɔ̀ŋɔ̀-díŋí dìŋé ‘(wrestlers) hold each other chest to chest’[nã̀: pírí] píré ‘cook meal with flour dumplings’ (pírí‘white’)compound final -CvCv with final non-high vowelbiǹ-kɛ́jɛ́ kɛ́jɛ́ ‘say sth false’nũ̀:-siẁé siẃé ‘lay the second layer of millet spikes’nùmɔ̀-sìjé síjé ‘draw lines (in sand)’kaǹ-tìŋé tíŋé‘utter magic spells’kuǹ-kuẃó kuẃ-ì: ‘put on hat’nũ̀:-sùrɔ́ suŕɔ́ ‘make small harvest pile’kuẁɔ̀-tàŋá táŋá ‘take a step’compound final -CvĆv́Cúnã̀:-muńṹrⁿú muǹṹrⁿù ‘have a dream’d. only initial element of noun is cognate to verbtùrɔ̀-dí: tuŕɔ́‘spit’ (dí: ‘water’)jè-tuǹɔ́ jɔẁɔ́ ‘run a race’ (tuǹɔ́ ‘comparison’, jé ‘act ofrunning’, jɔẁɔ́ ‘run’)11.1.5.3 Grammatical status of cognate nominalThe relationship in form and sense between the verb and the cognate nominaloften makes the latter redundant, essentially a pro-forma or default object, as in‘dance a dance’. In cases like ‘dance’, one can also have more specific objects(‘dance a jig’), whereas with ‘whistle (=give out) a whistle’ or ‘dream (=have) adream’ there may be no such alternatives.In any event, the cognate nominal is syntactically a true object NP, and itcan be modified. The collocations vary as to the propensity of the nominal to bedirectly modified by an adjective, numeral, or demonstrative. An example that223

only occasionally shows NP-internal modification is guŕɔ́ gùrɔ́ ‘vomit (=emit)vomit’. The adverb ‘a lot’ in (xx1.a) and the adverbial phrase ‘three times’ in(xx1.b) do not form part of the NP with guŕɔ́, although it would have beensyntactically possible to say ‘… vomited [much vomit]’ or ‘… emitted [threevomits]’. However, guŕɔ́ basically means ‘vomit (noun)’, and it can be modifiedadjectivally, e.g. with ‘red (brown)’ in (xx1.c).(xx1) a. wó guŕɔ́ gàr-á=> gùr-ɛ̀3SgS vomit(noun) a.lot vomit-Perf.L‘He/She vomited a lot.’b. wó [kuẃɔ́ tǎ:n] guŕɔ́ gùr-ɛ̀3Sgs [time three] vomit(noun) vomit-Perf.L‘He/She vomited three times.’c. wó [gùrɔ̀ bań] gùr-ɛ̀3SgS [vomit(noun).L red] vomit-Perf.L‘He/She vomited red (or brown) vomit.’On the other hand, in a collocation like sìjé síjé ‘draw lines’, the nominaldenotes a bounded unit and therefore lends itself to quantification as well as toother forms of modification (xx2).(xx2) a. wó [sìjé tǎ:n] sìj-è3SgS [line three] draw-Perf.L‘He/She drew three lines.’b. wó [sìjè gùrú] sìj-è3SgS [line long] draw-Perf.L‘He/She drew a long line.’11.2 ‘Be’, ‘become’, ‘have’, and other statives11.2.1 ‘It is’ clitics11.2.1.1 Positive ‘it is’ (≡y, ≡ì:)The ‘it is’ clitic may be added to a pronoun or any other NP, singular or plural,to create an identificational predicate. Its function is to indentify a referent thatis physically present, or that has been introduced into the discourse. Thisreferent may also appear as a topicalized NP just before the ‘it is’ clause.224

The segmental form is ≡y after a vowel and ≡ì: after a consonant. The finalsemivowel in the first variant is sometimes not audible, reflecting the generaltendency of TK to delete word-final semivowels. In combination with 1Plpronoun ɛḿɛ́, Plural bè, and 3Pl pronoun bé, the usual pronunciation is with afinal long ɛ: or e: but no clear semivowel. In this case, the clitic is transcribed as≡: as in (xx1.c). A final Cu combines with the clitic as Cu≡y, optionallymonophthongizing to Ci≡y (indistinguishable from Ci≡:).The tone of the nonsyllabic variant ≡y is carried forward from the precedingsegment. The syllabic variant also carries forward the preceding tone, exceptthat a word ending in two H-toned syllables is followed by a {L}-toned clitic(see the forms with Singular -n suffix given later in this section).(xx1) a. fańtà≡ỳFanta≡it.is'It's Fanta.'b. nɔ́: tuẁó≡ýProxSg stone≡it.is'This is a stone.'c. nɔ́:-nà [ñɛ̌ bè]≡:Prox-Pl [woman Pl]≡it.is'These are women.'The clitic is common with pronouns. The semivowel y is audible after all2nd and 3rd person pronouns. After 1Pl ɛ́mɛ́ there is no y, just lengthening ofthe final vowel to ɛḿɛ́≡:. The 1Sg form is phonetic [mi:]. It could be analysedeither as mí≡ý (compare 1Sg object má), as mí≡: by analogy to the 1Pl form, oras an unsegmentable form mí:. I will transcribe it as mí≡ý, but there is anargument for mí: (see the ‘it’s only me’ example, later this section).(xx2) a. ú≡ý2Sg≡it.is'It's you-Sg.'b. wó≡ý3Sg≡it.is'It's him/her.'c. ɛḿɛ́≡:1Pl≡it.is'It's us.'225

d. mí≡ý (or: mí≡:, mí:)1Sg≡it.is'It's me.'Nonhuman kó≡ý 'it's it' is commonly used like English that's it!, forexample confirming the correctness of an interlocutor's pronunciation.If the predicate is a human singular noun other than a personal name or akin term, a Singular suffix -n is audible. In addition to simple nouns, this appliesto 1Sg Possessor mà. Historically, this is a vestige of the once general HumanSingular suffix *-n. Its synchronic status is somewhat obscure, and one mightargue that the n is now part of an allomorph of the clitic.(xx3)a. jɛḿɛ́-n≡ì:blacksmith≡it.is'It's (or: He/She is) a blacksmith.' (jɛḿɛ́)b. gɔ̀:-gɔ́:-n≡í:dance[noun].L-dance.Agent.H-Sg≡it.is'It's (or: He/She is) a dancer.'c. sùgɛ̌:ⁿ mà-n≡ì:mà≡ỳyounger.sib 1SgP-Sg≡it.is'It's (or: He/She is) my younger same-sex sibling.'d. í:ⁿ-n≡ì:child-Sg≡it.is'It's (or: He/She is) a child.'e. ñɛ̀ dègé-n≡í:woman short-Sg≡it.is'It's (or: He/She is) a short woman.'f. nɔ́: ańsá:rá-n≡ì:Prox white.person-Sg≡it.is‘This is a white person’For the tonal adjustment in dɔ̀gɔ́-n≡í: ‘(it’s) a Dogon’, from dɔ̀gɔň ‘Dogon(person)’, see §3.7.4.6, above.For personal names as predicates, see examples in this section, above ('It'sSeydou', 'It's Fanta').Singular -n can be added to some but not all kin terms (most of which, inJamsay, do not allow number-marking suffixes except in special contexts).‘Mother’ and ‘father’ terms normally do not occur with -n.226

(xx4) [ú ińà:]≡ỳ[2SgP mother.HL]≡it.is'It's (or: He/She is) your-Sg mother.'NPs ending in saỳ 'only' have no audible 'it is' clitic, but a phonologicallyzero 'it is' is presumably present in examples like (xx5.a). For any pronoun otherthan 1Sg, the ‘it is only you/us/him/her/them’ form has no ‘it is’ clitic on thepronoun, so it must be on the ‘only’ word, as in (xx5.b). However, the 1Sg formis phonetic [mí:] with long vowel even in this construction (xx5.c), whichsuggests that this may now be an unsegmentable form.(xx5) a. dɔ̀gɔň bè saỳ≡∅Dogon Pl only≡it.is'It's only the Dogon-Pl.'b. ú saỳ≡∅2Sg only≡it.is‘It’s only you-Sg.’c. mí≡ý saỳ≡∅1Sg≡it.is only≡it.is‘It’s only me.’The 'it is' predicate is not suffixally conjugated (for "subject" to beidentified). A "subject" NP or pronoun may appear clause-initially. It isprobably better to consider it as a topical NP.(xx6) a. iń fańtà≡ỳ1Sg Fanta≡it.is'I am Fanta.'b. sè:dú dùdùgiń-n≡ì:Seydou sorceror-Sg≡it.is'Seydou is a sorceror.'11.2.1.2 ‘It is not’ (≡y≡lò:, ≡i:≡lò:)By adding Negative ≡lò: to the positive 'it is' clitic, we get the negativecounterpart.(xx1) a. sè:dú≡ý≡lò:227

Saydu≡it.is≡Neg'It isn't Seydou.'c. fańtà≡ỳ≡lò:Fanta≡it.is≡Neg'It isn't Fanta.'c. ɛḿɛ́≡:≡lò:1Pl≡it.is≡Neg'It isn't us.'d. nɔ́: tuẁɔ́≡ý≡lò:ProxSg stone≡it.is≡Neg'This isn't a stone.'e. nɔ́:-nà [ñɛ̌ bè]≡:≡lò:Prox-Pl [woman Pl]≡it.is≡Neg'These are not women.'The postconsonantal allomorph of the 'it is' clitic appears with H- ratherthan L-tone in this combination.(xx2)gɔ̀:-gɔ́:-n≡í:≡lò:dance[noun].L-dance.Agent.H-Sg≡it.is≡Neg'It isn't (or: He/She is not) a dancer.'To negate a NP ending in 'only' (saỳ), the combination sǎy lò: is used.(xx3) [dɔ̀gɔň bè sǎy]≡lò:[Dogon Pl only]≡Neg'It isn't only the Dogon-Pl.'11.2.2 Existential and locative quasi-verbs and particles11.2.2.1 Existential (yɛ́)A particle yɛ́ is used with the 'have' quasi-verb. It is required in the positive andcannot occur in the negative.(xx1) a. iń [gìrⁿí tuŕú] yɛ́ sà1SgS [house one] Exist have.SgS'I have a house.'228

. iń gìrⁿí sà:-rá1SgS house have-Neg.SgS'I don't have a/any house.'With a thin phonological disguise attributable to (irregular) vocalicassimilation, a variant of the same element occurs in existential-locational 'be'quasi-verbs (with human wɔ̀ or Nonhuman kɔ̀). Again the particle is required inthe positive and not allowed in the negative. For more on these 'be' quasi-verbs,see the following section.(xx2) a. ú nî yɔ́ wɔ̀2SgS here Exist be.HumSgS'You-Sg are here.'b. ú nî wɔ̀:-rɔ́2SgS here be.Hum-Neg.SgS'You-Sg are not here.'11.2.2.2 Locational(-existential) copula (wɔ̀, kɔ̀, negative wɔ̀:-rɔ́, kɔ̀:-rɔ́)As in Jamsay, the locational (and existential) 'be (somewhere)' predicatedistinguishes Human from nonhuman forms, both of which are phonologicallyrelated to pronouns (human 3Sg wó, human 3Pl bé, Nonhuman kó). Theseforms can be used with an explicit location expression, with an adverb, or bythemselves (in which case a gloss 'be present, exist' is appropriate).The forms are summarized in (xx1). The forms in the ‘be present’ columninclude Existential yɔ́ ~ yɛ́, which is used as a default complement in positiveutterances. The ‘be at X’ column shows forms used after a marked locationalexpression (e.g. a postpositional phrase). The rightmost column shows formsused after expressive adverbials. The copula is usually L-toned, but becomes H-toned (shown in parentheses) after a completely {L}-toned adverbial, as inwùrùjà kɔ́ ‘it (tree) is laden with fruits’ (§8.4.6).(xx1)Locational-existential copulas'be present' 'be at X' ‘be (adverbial)’Human Sg yɔ́ wɔ̀ X wɔ̀ wɔ̀ (wɔ́)Human Pl yɛ́ wè X wè wè (wé)229

Nonhuman yɔ́ kɔ̀ X kɔ̀ kɔ̀ (kɔ́)Examples with Existential yɔ́ ~ yɛ́ are in (xx2).(xx2) a. saỳdi yɔ́ wɔ̀Seydou Exist be.HumSgS'Seydou is present.'b. péjú yɔ́ kɔ̀sheep Exist be.Nonh'(A) sheep is present.'c. ñɛ́: yɔ́ kɔ̀fire Exist be.Nonh'(A) fire is present.'d. [ñɛ̌ bè] yɛ́ wè[woman Pl] Exist be.HumPl'(Some) women are present.'Either the 'be present' or the shorter 'be (somewhere)' forms are also usedafter explicit locationals. The 'be present' forms tend to have an existentialflavor, establishing the existence of a discourse referent, as in 'there is somemoney in the village' as opposed to 'the money is in the village' (which specifiesthe location of an already understood referent). Examples are in (xx3.a-c). Notethat some common locations like gìrⁿí 'house' (= 'at home') and 'village' ('in thevillage, in town') may appear without explicit determiners or postpositions.(xx3) a. iⁿ aǹá wɔ̀iń aǹá yɔ̂:1Sg village (Exist-)be.HumSg'I am in (the) village.' (yɔ̂: contracted from yɔ́ wɔ̀)b. [àrⁿá bè] gìrⁿí wè[àrⁿá bè] gìrⁿí yɛ́ wè[man Pl] house Exist be.HumPl'(Some/The) men are in the house (= at home).'c. bú:dú aǹá kɔ̀bú:dú aǹá yɔ́ kɔ̀money village Exist be.Nonh'(Some/The) money is in the village.'230

Copulas with expressive adverbials, which have no other way to serve aspredicates, are in (xx4). (xx4.b) shows the H-toned copula, tonally polarizing tothe preceding {L}-toned adverbial.(xx4) a. mǎ:-ŋ-ɛ̀: kańãẃⁿ kɔ̀dry-Inch-SS.Ant shriveled be.Nonh‘(The calabash) having dried, it is shriveled.’b. saň nàrⁿ-ɛ́: wùrùjà kɔ́wild.grape give.birth-SS.Ant heavy.with.fruits be.Nonh.H‘The wild-grape tree (Lannea), having borne (fruits), is heavy-ladenwith fruits.’Negative counterparts are in (xx5). There is no morphological distinctionbetween the forms used in the general sense 'be absent, not exist' and those usedin 'not be (in a place)' with a locational or ‘not be’ with an adverbial. This isbecause Existential yɔ́ ~ yɛ́ is incompatible with negation. One can detect aNegative element -rv́ with variable vowel (due to assimilation), cf. sà:-rá ‘nothave’.(xx5) Negative Locational quasi-verbs'be absent', 'not be (somewhere)'Human SgHuman PlNonhumanwɔ̀:-rɔ́wè:-rékɔ̀:-rɔ́Examples are in (xx6).(xx6) a. ñɛ́: kɔ̀:-rɔ́fire be.Nonh-Neg'Fire is absent.' = 'There is no fire.'b. iń aǹá wɔ̀:-rɔ́1SgS village be.HumSg-Neg'I am not in the village (= in town).'c. [ñɛ̌ bè] wè:-ré[woman Pl] be.HumPl-Neg'(The) women are absent (= not here).' = 'There are no women.'231

11.2.2.3 Active copula (kɛ́:, wɛ́:) ‘become’The (stative) locational-existential copulas (kɔ̀, wɔ̀, wè) described above do notcombine with aspectual-marked inflctional categories and have no imperative orhortative.There are, however, alternative forms, Nonhuman kɛ́: and Human wɛ́:, thatare conjugated like ordinary active verb stems. Representative forms, all quiteregular, are in (xx1). There are also causative derivatives, e.g. kɛ́:-m̀ ‘cause (sth)to become (adverbial)’.(xx1)Forms of active copulasHumSg HumPl NonhSg NonhPlPerfective wɛ́-ɛ̀ wɛ́-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ kɛ́-ɛ̀ kɛ́-ɛ̀:-sɛǹPerfective Negative wɛ̀:-lí wɛ̀:-lâ: kɛ̀:-lí kɛ̀:-lâ:Imperfective wɛ́:-jú wɛ́:-jí kɛ́:-jú kɛ́:-jíImperfective Negative wɛ̂:-rò wɛ̂:-rè kɛ̂:-rò kɛ̂:-rèImperative wɛ́: wɛ́:-ỳ kɛ́: kɛ́:-ỳThe active copula forms are used to “conjugate” expressive adverbials,which have no other way to combine with aspectually and modally markedinflections. Most instances of active copulas in my data involve adverbials.(xx1.a) shows the (static) copula, and (xx1.b) an aspectually marked activecopula. The active copula is glossed ‘become’ in interlinears.(xx1) a. tìmɛ́ gɛ̀gí=> kɔ̂tree tilted be.Nonh‘The tree is tilted.’b. tìmɛ́ gɛ̀gí=> kɛ́:-jútree tilted become.Nonh-Impf‘The tree will tilt (become tilted).’Active copulas can also be used with locational expressions (xx2.b), whichhowever are much more common with stative copulas (xx2.a)(xx2) a. wó gìrⁿí yɔ́ wɔ̀3SgS house Exist be.HumSg‘He/She is at home.’b. wó gìrⁿí wɛ́:-jú3SgS house become.Hum-Impf232

‘He/She will be at home (e.g. tomorrow).’‘He/She should be (=probably is) at home.’11.2.3 Positional stativesThe most important of the more specific positional stative are those in (xx1). Ofthese, sò has a strong morphological resemblance to the 'have' and 'be' quasiverbsdescribed above. The two others have the CvCv shape typical of theStative derivation from regular verbs (§10.xxx, above).(xx1)Positional stativesgloss positive negativea. 'be in (container)' yɛ́ sò sò:-rób. 'be on (horizontal surface)' yɛ́ nàŋà nàŋà≡lác. 'be on (vertical surface)' yɛ́ waẁà waẁà≡láThe enclosed entity with sò may be dry (e.g. grain) or liquid.11.2.4 ‘Know’ and ‘want’11.2.4.1 ‘Know’ (í:ⁿ wɔ̀, negative ińɛ́)‘Know’ is a transitive predicate consisting of uninflected í:ⁿ (homophone of‘child’) plus a copula: Human Singular wɔ̀ or Human Plural wè. It translatesFrench savoir as well as connaître. It can therefore take a NP object, as in(xx1.a-b). (xx1.b) illustrates how a relative clause can be used to translate anEnglish embedded interrogative.(xx1) a. iń sè:dú í:ⁿ wɔ̀1SgS S know be.HumSg‘I know Seydou (man’s name).’b. [nã̀ wó yé] í:ⁿ wɔ̀[place.L 3SgS go.Perf] know be.HumSg‘I know the place (=I know where) he/she went.’233

The negative counterpart is the irregular ińɛ́ ‘not know’, with no copula andno plural-subject agreement.(xx2) ɛḿɛ́ bàmàkɔ́ ińɛ́1PlS B not.know‘We do not know (=are not familiar with) Bamako (city).’For factive clausal complements of ‘know’ see §17.2.1, below.A semantically similar regular verb jùgɔ́ means ‘recognize (the identity of)’.The noun juǵɔ́ means ‘knowledge’.11.2.4.2 ‘Want’ (iỳɛ́)In clause-final position after a NP object, the usual form of the positive ‘want’predicate is a {L}-toned iỳɛ̀. When pronounced in isolation, with a pronominalobject, or before polar interrogative mà, fuller forms are heard: singular-subjectiỳɔ̂:, plural-subject form iỳê:. These variants contain contracted versions ofcopulas wɔ̀ and plural wè, suggesting that the lexically basic form of thepredicate is iỳɛ́.(xx1) a. ú ìŋé iỳɛ̀2SgS what? want.L‘What do you-Sg want?’b. ɛḿɛ́ kògò-taŕú iỳɛ̀1PlS chicken.L-egg want.L‘We would like some (chicken) eggs.’c. iń kó iỳɔ̂:1SgS NonhO want‘I want it.’d. iń nɔ́: iỳɛ̀1SgS Dist want.L‘I want that (pointing).’The negative counterpart is iỳɛ̀-lá ‘not want’, optional plural-subject formiỳɛ̀-lé. The noun from the same word-family is iỳɛ́ ‘wanting, desire’.For clausal complements of ‘want’, see §17.3.6, below.A semantically closely related verb is dɛǹɛ́ ‘seek, look for’.234

11.2.5 Morphologically regular verbs11.2.5.1 ‘Remain’ (siǵɛ́-)‘Remain, stay’ is siǵɛ́, a regularly inflected verb.11.2.5.2 ‘Become’ (táŋá)‘X become Y’ where Y is a NP is expressed by the verb táŋá, following therelevant ‘it is’ predicate (§11.xxx). There is a transitive counterpart ‘Ztransform/convert X into Y’ with the verb tańú-gù (§9.xxx).(xx1) a. wó ańsá:rá≡ý tàŋ-ɛ̀3SgS white.person≡it.is become-Perf.L‘He/She has become a white person.’b. iń ańsá:rá≡ý wó taǹ(u)-g-ì1SgS white.person≡it.is 3SgO become-Caus-Perf.L‘I transformed him/her into a white person.’11.2.5.3 ‘Take place’ (bɔ̀r-î:)An event (concert, hunt, holiday) can be said to ‘take place’ using the verbbɔ̀r-î: (Simple Perfective). Other inflected forms are based on /bɔ̀rɔ́-/, hencebɔ̌-jú ‘will take place’, bɔ̀-lí ‘did not take place’, and bɔ:-rò ‘will not takeplace’. The morphology, only slightly irregular, is the same as that for gɛ̀r-î:‘look’ (§10.1.3.6) and liẃ-ì: ~ liý-ì:) ‘fear’ (§11.2.5.4, below).11.2.5.4 ‘Fear, be afraid’ (liẃ-ì: ~ liý-ì:)The 'X fear Y' (i.e. 'X be afraid of Y') verb has a basically regular paradigmbased on stem liẃɛ́ ~ liýɛ́, e.g. Imperfective liẃɛ́-jú ~ liýɛ́-jú. However, the barestem and the Simple Perfective are liẃ-ì:, with a variant liý-ì: that is sometimesheard as lî:. This limitation of an apparent Mediopassive suffix -i: to the barestem and Simple Perfective is a feature shared with gɛ̀r-î: ‘look’ (§10.1.3.6) andbɔ̀r-î: ‘take place’ (§11.2.5.3, above).Stative forms of this verb have not been observed. Perfective forms are usedwith present reference: iń liẃ-ì: ‘I was afraid’ or ‘I am afraid (=have becomeafraid)’.235

The noun 'fear' is liẁɛ́. The irregular causative 'X scare Y, X make Y afraid'is lí:-rɛ́-m̀, including an apparent Transitive suffix -rv- (§9.3.1) preceding theCausative suffix.(xx1) a. iń kìkíjí liẃɛ́-jú1SgS bat fear-Impf'I am afraid of bats.'b. ú uŕⁿí: lí:-rɛ́-mí-nṹ2SgS children fear-Caus-Pres.Sg'You-Sg frighten (the) children.'For clausal complements of ‘be afraid (to VP)’, see §17.3.9.11.3 Quotative verb11.3.1 ‘Say’ (pórì, gí)The common inflectable 'say' verb is poŕì (Perfective poŕ-ì). The stem is subjectto rv-Deletion before most suffixes, e.g. Imperfective pó-jú.(xx1) a. wó [ú nì] ìŋé pòr-ì3SgS [2Sg Dat] what? say-Perf.L'What did he/she say to you-Sg?'b. [ɔ̀jɔ̀ pɔ́:ⁿ] pò-lí[thing.L none] say-PerfNeg'He/She didn't say anything.'The imperative is irregular: pɔ́-nɔ́ 'say!'. The -nɔ́ formative occurs elsewhereonly in the imperative of ‘give’ (ɔ́-nɔ́).Another ‘say’ verb is gí (Perfective g-ì and plural gí-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ, Imperfectivegí-jú). It is also the likely source of Purposive postpositions gɛ́-ɛ̀: and gì(§8.3.1), and therefore of gí dè in purposive clauses (§17.6.1).For the form of the quoted material, see §17.1.2.These conjugatable verbs are often omitted in favor of Quotative particlewà at the end of a quotations; see §17.1.3.236

11.4 Adjectival predicatesThis section treats predicates consisting of an adjective stem (in more or less thesame form as in modifying function) plus a copula or Stative Negative clitic.For deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs with senses like ‘becomeheavy’ and ‘make (sth) heavy’, and with regular verbal inflectional morphology,see §9.xxx.11.4.1 Positive adjectival predicates11.4.1.1 Simple adjective stem plus copulaAn adjective can function as a positive predicate when combined with a copula(§11.xxx). The copula is optionally omitted.(xx1) a. [sùŋù nɔ́:] gùrú (kɔ̀)[rope.L Prox] long (be.Nonh)‘This rope is long.’b. [ú dɛ́:ⁿ] ɔǵú (wɔ̀)[2SgP elder.sib.H] fast (be.HumSg)‘Your older (same-sex) sibling is fast.’c. [ú dɛ́:ⁿ bè] ɔǵú (wè)[2SgP elder.sib.H Pl] fast (be.HumPl)‘Your elder (same-sex) siblings are fast.’11.4.1.2 Adverbial extension of adjective stem (e.g. -í=>) plus copulaThe predicative construction with overt copula favors the use of the adverbialextension -í=> or allomorph thereof (interlinear gloss “-Adj”) with stems thatallow it, like dògú ‘heavy’. The extension is absent when the adjective is an NPinternalmodifier (xx1.a). When the adjective is predicative, the form with theadverbial extension (xx1.b) and that without the morpheme (xx1.c) aregrammatical. This syntactic behavior is typical of expressive adverbials(§8.4.6), as is the fact that the adverbial extension cannot be used before StativeNegative ≡lá (see the following section).(xx1) a. nà dògúperson.L heavy‘a heavy person’237

. iń dòg-í=> wɔ̀1SgS heavy-Adv be.HumSg‘I am heavy.’c. iń dògú wɔ̀1SgS heavy be.HumSg[= (b)]Some adjectives do not allow the adverbial extension. For those that do, theform taken by the extension depends on the phonological form of the adjective.It was possible to elicit adverbial forms from the adjectives listed in (xx2).Several adjectives with final high vowel {u i), ranging from CvCv to longershapes, allow the adverbial extension in the form -i=>, and preserve thelexical tone (xx2.a-b). Some monosyllabic stems with final nonhigh vowel add-y=> (xx2.c). Bisyllabic Cv̀Cv́ stems with final nonhigh vowel lengthen thatvowel and keep the {LH} contour (xx2.d), but similar stems with lexical {H}contour have an extended form with {HL} contour (xx2.e). Two stems with a-vowel have a final falling-tone (xx2.f). One C-final stem is attested with -i=>as the extension, keeping the lexical {LH} tone but spreading it over the twosyllables of the extended from (xx2.g). The adverbial forms in (xx2) are usedbefore a copula or its negative counterpart (e.g. Nonhuman kɔ̀ ‘be’, negativekɔ̀:-rɔ́ ‘not be’, active kɛ̂: ‘become’). Some can also be used as nonpredicativeadverbs (‘far away’ etc.).(xx2)Adverbial extension of predicative adjectivea. stem ends in u or i. {LH} contourdògú dòg-í=> ‘heavy’ɔ̀mú ɔ̀m-í=> ‘rotten’ùjú ùj-í=> ‘slender’yù:gú yù:g-í=> ‘slow’kuŕuǵú kuŕuǵ-í=> ‘dense’b. stem ends in u or i, {H} contouryɛŕú yɛŕ-í=> ‘blue’piŕí piŕ-í=> ‘white’c. monosyllabic with final nonhigh vowelgɛń gɛń-yⁿ=> ‘black’bań bań-yⁿ=> ‘red’mǎ mǎ-yⁿ=> ‘dry’ɛ̌: ɛ̌:-y=> ‘tight’238

d. Cv̀Cv́ with {LH} contour and final non-high vowelgàrá gàr-á=> ‘big’, also adverbial ‘a lot, greatly’(§8.4.2)wàgá wàg-á=> ‘far, distant’dègé dèg-é=> ‘short’sèré sèr-é=> ‘diluted’kìrɛ́ kìr-ɛ́=> ‘difficult’e. CvĆv̀ with {H} contour and final non-high voweldaǵá daǵ-à=> ‘small’, also adverbial ‘a little’(§8.4.2)márⁿá márⁿ-à=> ‘big’woŕó woŕ-ò=> ‘deep’f. extension ends with falling tonewá: w-â=> ‘wide’nà:rⁿá nà:rⁿ-â=> ‘easy’g. CvCɛ̌m ɛ̀m-í=> ‘crowded’11.4.2 Negative adjectival and stative predicates (≡lá, ≡lé)The Stative Negative clitic ≡lá (plural subject ≡lé) is added to a {L}-toned formof the adjective to form a negative predicate. The adverbial extension describedabove does not occur before the Stative Negative. This is because the extensionsare adverbials rather than adjectives syntactically, and can only be “inflected”via copulas.(xx1) a. sùŋú gùrù≡lárope long.L≡StatNeg‘The rope is not long.’b. dògù≡láheavy.L≡StatNeg‘He/She/it is not heavy.’ (#dòg-ì=>≡lá rejected)239

11.5 Possessive predicates11.5.1 ‘Have’ (sà, sè)This is another stative quasi-verb, with no perfective/imperfective distinctions.The forms are in (xx1). In the positive combinations, yɛ́ is the Existentialmorpheme found (with phonological disguise) in the locational construction 'be(somewhere)', §11.xxx, above. Again the Existential morpheme is incompatiblewith negation.(xx1) Sg subject Pl subject'have' yɛ́ sà yɛ́ sè'not have' sà:-rá sè:-réExamples are in (xx2).(xx1) a. iń gìrⁿí yɛ́ sà1SgS house Exist have.Sg'I have a house.'b. ɛḿɛ́ nàŋá jó=> yɛ́ sè1PlS cow many Exist have.Pl'We have lots of cows.'c. iń suǵɔŕɔ́ sà:-rá1SgS sugar have-Neg.Sg'I don't have any sugar.'d. ɛḿɛ́ péjú sè:-ré1PlS sheep have-Neg.Pl'We don't have any sheep.'These predicates may be used in past-time contexts.(xx3) iń kòkɛ̌: gìrⁿí yɛ́ sà1SgS Past house Exist have.Sg'I had a house (in the past).'For relative clauses with positive sá, negative sà:-rá, see §14.1.8.240

11.5.2 ‘Belong to’ predicatesAny alienably possessable noun may occur as the subject (or topic) of a 'belongto' predicate, which identifies the owner. The NP or pronoun denoting theowner is followed by Possessive kè, a noun-like element that might be glossedas '(someone's) possession'. This combination is them combined with the 'it is'clitic.(xx1) a. gìrⁿí [ǎ: kè]≡ỳhouse [who? Poss]≡it.is'(The) house belongs to whom?'b. [iń kè]≡ỳ[1Sg Poss]≡it.is'It (= house) is mine.' = 'It belongs to me.'c. péjú [saỳdí kè]≡ỳsheep [Seydou Poss]≡it.is'(The) sheep-Sg belongs to Seydou.'d. [iń kè]≡ỳ≡lò:[1Sg Poss]≡it.is≡Neg'It isn't mine.'11.6 Verb iteration11.6.1 Uninflected iteration of type [verb 1 -verb 1 (-verb 1 …)]A stylistically colorful backgrounded durative construction typical of narrativesis exemplified in (xx1). The verb, in the form of a singular-subject SimplePerfective but with intonational prolongation, has at least two iterations. Pluralsubjectagreement on the verb is not possible in this construction. The durativesequence is interrupted by a new event (stopping, encountering someone,getting tired, etc.) preceded by an ‘until’-type morpheme.(xx1) a. jé jɔẁɛ́=> jɔẁɛ́=> [fó=> dɛń-ɛǹ]run(noun) run run [until get.tired-Perf]‘He ran and ran until he was weary.’b. bé nã̌: nĩ́:=> nĩ́:=>3PlS meal eat eat[pá=> [saň bè] biń] jò:-n-ì]241

[until [ReflP Pl] belly.H] be.full-Caus-Perf.L‘They ate and ate until they had filled their bellies (=weresatisfied).’242

12 Comparatives12.1 Asymmetrical comparatives12.1.1 Predicative adjective with là ‘than’ and comparandumIn positive adjectival predicates (‘be long’), the adjectival stem may beextended (with -i: or other extension), and it is often followed by a copula. Innegative adjectival predicates, the extension is absent and the adjective, in {L}-toned form, is followed by Stative Negative clitic ≡lá. See §11.xxx, above, forexamples and analysis.In the most common positive comparative adjectival predicate construction(‘be longer than X’), the adjectival stem follows the comparandum (‘than X’),which has the form X là. There is no copula, and no final extension onadjectives like dògú ‘heavy’, so the construction is rather tight (almostcompound-like) and is not merely a regular adjectival predicate plus acomparandum (xx1).(xx1) a. wó [má là] gùrú3SgS [1Sg than] long‘He/She is longer (=taller) than I (am).’b. tuẁó [ú là] dògú#dògú kɔ̂#dòg-í: kɔ̂stone [2Sg than] heavy‘The rock is heavier than you-Sg (are).’The negative counterpart is illustrated in (xx2). The adjective takes its usualnegative predicative form, {L}-toned with following Stative Negative clitic.Here the only difference between the comparative and the regular constructionis the addition of the comparandum.(xx2) tuẁó [ú là] dògù≡lástone [2Sg than] heavy.L≡StatNeg‘The rock is not heavier than you-Sg (are).’243

A slightly different construction for positive adjectival comparativesinvolves the addition of sìgɛ̀ ‘more’. In this case, the predicate is identical to theregular (noncomparative) adjectival predicate. Specifically, a copula is oftenpresent, and adjectives like ‘heavy’ may take their extended form (xx3).(xx3) tuẁó [ú là] sìgɛ̀ dòg-í: kɔ̂stone [2Sg than] more heavy-Adj be.Nonh‘The rock is heavier than you-Sg (are).’12.1.2 Verbal predicate plus sìgɛ̀ ‘more’ and là ‘than’Any verb or other predicate can be expanded into an asymmetrical comparativeby adding sìgɛ̀ ‘more’, preceded by a comparandum phrase X là ‘than X’. Heresìgɛ̀ is bracketed with the comparandum phrase rather than with anotherconstituent, in spite of the most idiomatic English free translation in manycases. The syntax of sìgɛ̀ can be clarified by glossing it adverbially, i.e. as ‘to agreater extent (than X)’.(xx1) a. wó [[má là] sìgɛ̀] kɛǹ̃ɛ́ nɔ̀:-nũ̀3SgS [[1Sg than] more] millet.beer drink-Impf.L‘He/She drinks millet beer to a greater extent than me.’[= ‘… drinks more millet beer than I (do)’]b. iń [[ú là] sìgɛ̀] péjú sà1SgS [[2SgS than] more] sheep have‘I have sheep to a greater extent than you-Sg.’[= ‘… have more sheep than you (do)’]There is no positive construction directly expressing the sense ‘VP less thanX’. This sense can be express using a negation of bǎ: ‘equal’ (§12.xxx, below).12.1.3 ‘Be better, more’ (ìré)ìré is a defective stative verb meaning ‘be better’. The comparandum takespostposition là ‘than’ (xx1).(xx1) a. iń [wó là] ìré1SgS [3Sg than] be.better‘I am better than he/she (is).’b. máŋgóró [buỳà:gú là] ìré244

mango [guava than] be.better‘Mangoes are better than guavas.’The negative counterpart is with ì-lá (reduced from /ìrè-lá/), containingStative Negative -lá.(xx2) iń [wó là] ì-lá1SgS [3Sg than] be.better-StatNeg‘I am not better than he/she (is).’12.1.4 ‘Best’Superlatives are just a special case of the regular comparative when thecomparandum denotes the whole set, although this twists the logic a bit. (xx1)can be used whether ‘he/she’ is or is not a member of the set ‘us’.(xx1) wó [[ɛ́mɛ́ wò=>] là] ìré3SgS [1Pl all] than] be.better‘He/She is better than all of us (=is the best of us).’12.2 Symmetrical comparatives12.2.1 ‘Be equal to’ (bǎ:)The uninflectable predicative element bǎ: is used in contexts like ‘X is the sameage as Y’ and ‘X is worth Y’. It denotes a static equivalence rather than anevent of closing the gap; contrast dɔ̌: ‘arrive, reach’ in the sense ‘become asgood as’ (§12.2.2, below). bǎ: is followed by a copula that agrees with thesubject. If the domain of comparison is specified, it takes the form of apossessed noun, like ‘price’ in (xx1.c).(xx1) a. sè:dú àmàdú bǎ: wɔ́S A equal be.HumSgS‘Seydou is the same (age) as Amadou.’b. bé má bǎ: wé3PlS 1SgO equal be.HumPlS‘They are the same (age) as me.’c. [[sà:gù tuńɔ́] dɔń] [[ɛ̀rⁿɛ́ naỳ] dɔń] bǎ: kɔ́[[sack.L one] price.H] [[goat four] price.H] equal be.NonhS245

‘The price of one sack (of millet) equals the price of four goats.’[=‘One sack is worth four goats’]Negation is expressed by Perfective Negative bà:-lí ‘is not equal to’ forsingular subject, bà:-l-â: ‘for plural subject.bǎ: can also be used with non-copula negative predicate to translate ‘lessthan’ (xx2.a). My assistant prefers gí:ⁿ ‘like’ to bǎ: in corresponding positivesthat are not of the copula type (xx2.b).(xx2) a. wó [má bà:] biŕɛ́ bi:-rò3SgS [1Sg equal] work(noun) do-ImpfNeg‘He/She does not do work equal to me.’[= ‘… does less work than I (do).’]b. wó [má gí:ⁿ] biŕɛ́ bì-jù3SgS [1Sg like] work(noun) do-Impf.L‘He/She works like me (=as much as I do).’12.2.2 ‘Same (equal)’ (kɛẃ-kɛ́w, kɛ́-kɛ́w)‘(Exactly) equal’ (e.g. in height or some other dimension other than age) isexpressed by the reduplicative adverb kɛẃ-kɛẃ or by its variant kɛ́-kɛẃ. Thecomparanda are expressed by a conjoined NP ‘X and Y’ or some other pluralNP. The domain of comparison is expressed by a noun such as ‘height’ with itslexical tones.(xx1) a. [àmàdú∴ mí∴] geńé kɛẃ-kɛẃ[A.and 1Sg.and] height equal‘Amadou and I are (of) the same height.’b. [lù:rò-ná:∴ sùŋú∴] gù-gùruǹá kɛ́-kɛẃ[python.and rope.and] length equal‘A python and a rope are of equal length.’Negation is with the usual Stative Negative, which controls tone-dropping:kɛ̀-kɛẁ-láCompare the predicate kɛẃ kɔ̀ ‘it (= garment) fits, it is the right size (= thesame size as the wearer)’.Unlike their Jamsay cognates, kɛẃ and related forms in TK do not functionas universal quantifiers (‘all Xs’).246

12.2.3 ‘Attain, equal’ (dɔ̌:)dɔ̌: ‘arrive at, reach, attain’ can be used in a more abstract comparative sense‘attain the level of (someone, in some respect)’. Although it usually describes asituation, it presupposes a process of catching up rather than a permanentequality.(xx1) kà:ná geńé [saň dɛ́:ⁿ] dìgɛ́ dɔ̀-ɛ̀now height [ReflP elder.sib.H] join arrive-Perf.SgS‘Now he has attained the same height as his older brother.’12.3 ‘A fortiori’ (sá:-gàrà, sɔ̂:)An element sɔ̂: occurs in two constructions that emphasize the impossibility ofan eventuality by denying the possibility of an easier or more likely eventualityof the same type.In one construction, the easier eventuality is negated, with nɛ̀: as a clauselinkingform. The more difficult eventuality follows, perhaps with some sharedphrasing pruned, ending with sɔ̂:-ló, which contains a Negative element -ló.Compare English not to mention or never mind in similar contexts. In (xx1), it ispresupposed that cows are much more expensive than goats.(xx1) [ɛ̀rⁿɛ́ bù:dù bé ɛẃɛ́-jú] sà:-rá nɛ̀:,[goat money.L 3PlS buy-Impf] have-Neg.SgS xxx,nàŋá (ɛẃɛ́-jú) sɔ̂:-lócow (buy-Impf) xxx‘I don’t have the money to buy a goat with, never mind (the money) (tobuy) a cow (with).’In the other attested construction, the easier eventuality is negated with yè:as the clause-final linking element. This is followed by sá:-gàrà ‘a fortiori’ atthe beginning of the (perhaps pruned) more difficult eventuality, with a final sɔ̂:,this time without negation.(xx2) iń nṹ: bɛ̀-lí yè:,1SgS millet get-PerfNeg.SgS xxx,sá:-gàrà ɛ̀mɛ́ sɔ̂:a.fortiori sorghum xxxThe context of (xx2) is that sorghum requires more rain than millet, so apoor millet harvest normally entails an even worse sorghum harvest.247

248

13 Focalization and interrogation13.1 FocalizationA NP or adverb in a clause may be singled out for focus, as in answers to WHquestions.In free translations, I underline the focalized constituent and add“[focus]” after it, as in ‘It is you-Sg [focus] who will buy the sheep.’Focalization is ordinarily not expressed by the form of the focalizedconstituent itself, except perhaps by a little extra stress. As often in TKgrammar, the exception to this generalization is the 1Sg pronoun. In subjectfunction, it is heard as [mí:] with long vowel as focalized subject, versus iń in assubject in ordinary clauses. I analyse [mí:] as mí≡ý ‘it’s me’, ending with the ‘itis’ clitic, though this could be questioned. In the dialect described by Prost (p.34ff.) the ‘it is’ clitic is added to other focalized pronouns and NPs, as in e.g.Jamsay.Existential particle yɛ́ ~ yɔ́, which is required or allowed in some stativepredicates (§11.xxx), is systematically absent from focalized clauses. Compare(xx1.a) with focalized (xx1.b), and (xx1.c) with focalized (xx1.d). (xx1.b,d) alsoillustrate the special 1Sg focalized form.(xx1) a. iń nàŋá yɛ́ sà1SgS cow Exist have‘I have a cow.’b. mí≡ý nàŋá sà1Sg≡it.is cow have‘It is I [focus] who have a cow.’[nàŋá mí≡ý sà is also grammatical]c. sè:dú yɔ́ wɔ̀S Exist be.HumSg‘Seydou is present (here).’d. mí≡ý wɔ̀1Sg≡it.is be.HumSg‘It is I [focus] who am here.’249

Focalization is also expressed in part by linear position. In particular, afocalized subject follows, rather than precedes, a direct object (§13.xxx, below).Finally, focalization of a constituent (NP, PP, adverb) may be indexedindirectly by tonal changes and morphological restrictions on the clause-finalverb. In effect, the verb is audibly defocalized, representing the defocalization(i.e. backgrounding) of the entire clause with the exception of the highlightedconstituent. The difference in form between a normal and a defocalized verb ismost likely to be audible in short clauses, preferably where the verb is precededonly by a subject pronoun, and the difference cannot be reliably heard at the endof longer clauses. Details on the form of defocalized verbs are given in thesection on subject focalization below, but they also apply to clauses withfocalized constituents other than subjects.A more distinct focalization construction is a cleft of the type ‘[the personwho bought the sheep] is X’, with a relative clause followed by anidentificational ‘it is’ expression. It is useful to have this construction available,since clause-internal focalization is not always easily recognized.I know of no syntactic mechanism for focalizing a VP (‘sweeping thecourtyard is what I’m doing’). The truth value of a complete proposition can beemphasized (focalized) by using a clause-final Emphatic particle (§xxx).13.1.1 Subject focalizationThe distinction between unfocalized and focalized subjects is most easily seenin transitive clauses with a nonpronominal object. The linear order in anunfocalized clause is S-O-V (xx1.a,c). When the subject is focalized, whetherpronominal or nominal, it shifts to post-object position (xx1.b.d).(xx1) a. ú iŕí yuẁ-ɛ́yuẁ-ɛ̀2SgS milk spill-Perf(.L)‘You-Sg spilled the milk.’b. iŕí ú yuẃ-ɛ̀milk 2SgS spill-Perf.HL‘It was you-Sg [focus] who spilled the milk.’c. [ñɛ̌ bè] ɛ́:rɛ́ tɛẃⁿ-ɛ́-sɛǹ[woman Pl] peanut crunch-Perf‘It was the women [focus] who ate the peanuts.’d. ɛ́:rɛ́ [ñɛ̌ bè] tɛẃⁿ-ɛ̀peanut [woman Pl] crunch-Perf.HL250

‘It was the women [focus] who ate the peanuts.’Specifically, the shifted focalized subject follows all constituents exceptpronominal direct objects and datives, which are arguably proclitics on the verb.The focalized constituent follows a spatial PP in (xx2.a), a nonpronominaldirect object in (xx2.b,c), a nonpronominal dative in (xx2.c). It precedes apronominal dative PP in (xx2.b), and a pronominal direct object in (xx2.d).(xx2) a. [gìrⁿí bîn] mí≡ý nú-nṹ[house in] 1Sg≡it.is go.in-Impf‘It is I [focus] who will go into the house.’b. bú:dú sè:dú [má nì] ó-èmoney S [1Sg Dat] give-Perf.HL‘It is Seydou [focus] who gave me the money.’c. sè:dú≡ǹ bú:dú é ó-júS≡Dat money 2PlS give-Impf‘It is you-Pl who will give the money to Seydou.’d. sè:dú ú laǵ-ɛ̀S 2SgO hit-Perf.HL‘It is Seydou [focus] who hit you-Sg.’If two or more verbs are more or less tightly chained (chapter 15), thefocalized subject appears before the first verb (xx3.a-b).(xx3) a. nàŋá mí≡ý dàrⁿ-ɛ́: daǵ-ɛ̀cow 1Sg≡it.is kill-and.SS leave-Perf.HL‘It is I [focus] who killed the cow and left it (there).’b. gìrⁿí mí≡ý újɔ́ bɛ̀-jùhouse 1Sg≡it.is build get-Impf.L‘It is I [focus] who can build houses.’In the Perfective, the defocalized verb has an overlaid {HL} contour, and itdoes not allow the explicitly plural-subject suffixed form. In the precedingexamples, note {HL}-tone in the defocalized verb in (xx1.b,d) and (xx2.b,d),and note the absence of plural-subject agreement in (xx1.d) in comparison to(xx1.c). The {HL} is realized as HLL on trisyllabics.The overlaid {HL} is not reliably audible for verbs whose SimplePerfective already has this contour. The overlaid {HL} is more clearly audiblefor verbs with lexical {LH} contour, whose Simple Perfective otherwise begins251

with a L-tone. The tonal distinction is relatively easy to hear when the verb ispreceded by only a subject pronoun; at the end of a longer clause the distinctionis not reliably made because of downdrift effects. Some examples are in (xx4).(xx3)Simple Perfective under defocalizationglossSimple Perfectiveordinary defocalizeda. monosyllabicno reliably audible change‘give’ ó-è ó-è‘weep’ kɔń-ɛǹ kɔń-ɛǹ‘go in’ nú-ỳ nú-ỳaudible change‘drink’ nɔ́-ɛ́ nɔ́-ɛ̀b. bisyllabicno reliably audible change‘shoot’ tɛẃ-ɛ̀ tɛẃ-ɛ̀audible change‘go up’ dɔẁ-ɛ́ dɔẃ-ɛ̀c. trisyllabicno reliably audible change‘return’ kiǵìr-ì kiǵìr-ìaudible change‘ruin’ nũǹú-gɪ̀ nũńù-g-ìThe Perfective Negative also shows a tone-shift. Instead of {L}-toned stemfollowed by H-toned suffix, as in ordinary clauses, a defocalized PerfectiveNegative verb reverses this and has {H}-toned stem and L-toned suffix. Thetonal difference (xx4) is audible in short clauses, but as with the categories ittends to be neutralized at the end of longer clauses.(xx4)Perfective Negative under defocalizationglossPerfective Negativeordinary defocalizeda. monosyllabic‘give’ ò-lí ó-lì‘go in’ nù-lí nú-lì‘weep’ kɔ̀:ⁿ-lí kɔń-lì252

‘drink’ nɔ̀:-lí nɔ́:-lìb. bisyllabic‘shoot’ tɛẁɛ̀-lí tɛẃɛ́-lì‘go up’ dɔẁɔ̀-lí dɔẃɔ́-lìc. trisyllabic‘return’ kìgìrè-lí kiǵiŕé-lì‘ruin’ nũǹù-gò-lí nũńú-gó-lìIn the Imperfective positive, the tonal difference between focalized andunfocalized clauses is particularly hard to hear. In careful elicitation, myassistant drops the stem and suffixal tones to {L} in a defocalized Imperfective.This distinguishes it from the regular form, which has the lexical {H} or {LH}of the stem plus H-toned suffix. The best chance of hearing a distinction is witha lexically {LH}-toned stem with a minimum of preceding material within theclause. One can hear a tone break in the {LH}-toned stem in (xx5.a), whereasthe entire verb form in (xx5.b) has flat pitch.(xx5) a. ú dɔẁɔ́-jú2SgS go.up-Impf‘You-Sg will go up.’b. ú dɔẁɔ̀-jù2SgS go.up-Impf.L‘It’s you-Sg [focus] who will go up.’When constituents other than simple subject pronouns precede the verbwithin a clause, the effect of clause-level pitch decay (downdrift) on the finalverb makes it impossible for me to hear such tonal differences. In (xx6), forexample, there is no (other) evidence for the presence of a focalized constituent,but in most repetitions by my assistant I hear flat low pitch on the verb;compare the isolation form dàgá-jú.(xx6) iń péjú [dá:goĺú bîn] dàgà-jù1SgS sheep [courtyard in] leave-Impf.L‘I will leave the sheep-Sg in the courtyard.’In examples with Imperfective verbs presented in other chapters, I havetried to transcribe the tones as I hear them but readers should not rely on them.The remaining high-frequency indicative category is the ImperfectiveNegative. When the verb is defocalized, the stem has a contour with H-tonesending with a terminal long falling-toned vowel. For lexically {H}-toned verbs,253

this is indistinguishable from the regular tone of the Imperfective Negative. Forlexically {LH}-toned verbs, the absence of an initial L-tone signals that the verbis defocalized.(xx7) Imperfective Negative under defocalizationglossImperfective Negativeordinary defocalizeda. monosyllabicno audible change‘give’ ô:-rò ô:-rò‘go in’ nû:-rò nû:-rò‘weep’ kɔ̂:ⁿ-rò kɔ̂:ⁿ-ròaudible change‘drink’ nɔ:-rò nɔ̂:-ròb. bisyllabicno audible change‘shoot’ tɛẃɛ̂:-rò tɛẃɛ̂:-ròaudible change‘go up’ dɔẁɔ̂:-rò dɔẃɔ̂:-ròc. trisyllabicno audible change‘return’ kiǵiŕê:-rò kiǵiŕê:-ròaudible change‘ruin’ nũǹú-gô:-rò nũńú-gô:-ròExamples showing the audible distinction are in (xx8). As usual, the tonaldistinction is most likely to be audible in short clauses like these.(xx8) a. iń dɔẁɔ̂:-rò1SgS go.up-ImpfNeg‘I will not go up.’b. mí≡ý dɔẃɔ̂:-rò1Sg≡it.is go.up-ImpfNeg.HL‘It’s I [focus] who will not go up.’254

13.1.2 Object focalizationBecause main clauses already have SOV order, if we suppose that a focalizedobject moves into the same clause-medial position as a focalized subject, thismovement is not audible. There is also no difference between the focalized andunfocalized forms of the 1Sg pronoun, whose special Accusative form má isused in both contexts. Therefore the best hope of detecting syntactic focalization(short of extraposition) is the form of the verb.In (xx1.a), the {L} tone contour and the absence of plural-subjectagreement allow an object-focus interpretation. In (xx1.b), the {HL} tonecontour of the Perfective Negative verb points in the same direction, providedthat the speaker makes this tone contour audible.(xx1) a. é má ɔ̀-ɛ̀2PlS 1SgO see-Perf.L‘It’s me [focus] that you-Pl saw.’b. ú má ɔ́:-lì2SgS 1SgO see-PerfNeg.HL‘It’s me [focus] that you-Sg did not see.’13.1.3 Focalization of PP or other adverbFocalized PPs, and adverbial adjuncts more generally, can be identified bylinear position with respect to an object NP. Position between a nonpronominalobject NP and the verb suggests focalized status (xx1.b,d,f). Of course this testis of little use with intransitive verbs like ‘come’, but the frequency of defaultobjects (including cognate nominals) is advantageous in this respect. As withother focalized constituents, the form of the verb may also be useful, but sincePPs are prosodically rather heavy their presence favors downdrift, leaving theverb with low pitch so that tonal distinctions are difficult to produce and hear.(xx1) a. ɛḿɛ́ [dá:goĺú bîn] nã̌: nĩ́:-nĩ́1PlS [courtyard in] meal eat.meal-Impf‘We will eat the meal in the courtyard.’b. ɛḿɛ́ nã̌: [dá:goĺú bîn] nĩ́:-nĩ́1PlS meal [courtyard in] eat.meal-Impf.L‘It’s in the courtyard [focus] that we will eat the meal.’c. ɛḿɛ́ iýé dá:goĺú sɛ̀mɛ̀-nũ̀1PlS today courtyard sweep-Impf.L255

‘We’ll sweep the courtyard today.’d. ɛḿɛ́ dá:goĺú iýé sɛ̀mɛ̀-nũ̀1PlS courtyard today sweep-Impf.L‘It’s today [focus] that we will sweep the courtyard.’e. [kɔň bè] waŕú wà-jù[daba with] farming do.farm.work-Impf.L‘We do farm work with a daba (hoe).’f. waŕú [kɔň bè] wà-jùfarming [daba with] do.farm.work-Impf.L‘It’s with a daba [focus] that we do farm work.’In (xx1.b,d) and other attested examples, the entire PP (or adverbial phrase)is syntactically focalized. That is, there is no counterpart correspondingstructurally to the alternative English free translation with stranded preposition(‘It’s the courtyard that we will eat in’).13.1.4 Focalization of postpositional complementThe NP complement of a postposition cannot be focalized, apart fromfocalization of the entire PP.13.2 Interrogatives13.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogatives (mà)The particle mà at the end of an indicative sentence converts it into a polarquestion. The interlinear gloss is “Q”.A polar question is always implicitly a disjunction of two propositions, oneperhaps unstated. In TK, the alternative proposition is often stated at least inpruned-down form (e.g. with NPs not overtly repeated). mà=>, L-toned andoften with intonational prolongation, occurs at the end of the first proposition.The second, if overt, follows with or without a brief pause (comma).(xx1) a. ú yě-jú mà=> yê:-rò2SgS come-Impf Q come-Impf.Neg.SgS‘Are you-Sg coming, or not?’b. ɛḿɛ́ nǐ: nĩ́:-nĩ́ mà=>, kògó kuẃó-jú256

1PlS cow.peas eat.meal-Impf Q,‘Will we eat cow-peas, or chicken?’chicken eat.meat-Impfc. wó yê:-rò mà3SgS come-Impf.Neg.SgS Q‘He/She isn’t coming?’Examples like (xx1.c) with the alternative proposition omitted may beinterpreted as reductions of the fuller construction with parallel propositions in(xx1.a-b). Therefore it is possible to equate polar interrogative mà withdisjunctive particle mà ‘or’ (§xxx).13.2.2 ‘Who?’ (ǎ:)This interrogative is illustrated in (xx1).(xx1) a. ǎ:≡ỳwho?≡it.is'Who is it?'b. ú ǎ:≡ỳ2Sg who?≡it.is'Who are you-Sg?'c. ǎ: baǵ-ɛ̀who? fall-Perf.SgS'Who fell?'d. ú ǎ: ɔ̀-ɛ̀2SgS who? see-Perf.SgS.L'Who(m) did you-Sg see?'A plural ǎ: bè 'who-Pl?' was elicited, but is sparingly used. It is optional in(xx2).(xx2) a. é [ǎ: bè]≡ỳ2PlS [who? Pl]≡it.is'Who is are you-Pl?'b. é ǎ:≡ỳ2PlS who? ≡it.is[= (a)]257

13.2.3 ‘What?’ (ìŋé), ‘with what?’, ‘why?’‘What?’ as simple NP is ìŋé. It is unrelated in form to other contentinterrogatives. The expected plural ìŋé bè is not used, since the same form iscommon in the sense ‘with what?’, see below. Instead, an interacted ìŋé-ìŋé isused when multiplicity is emphasized (xx1.c).(xx1) a. ú ìŋé ɔ́-táŋà2Sg what? see-Prog‘What do you-Sg see?’b. nɔ́: ìŋé≡ỳDist.Nonh what? ≡it.is‘What is that?’c. ɛḿɛ́ ìŋé-ìŋé nĩ́:-nĩ́1PlS what?-what? eat.meal-Impf‘What things (what and what) will we eat?’PPs based on ‘what?’ include Purposive ìŋé gɛ̀ ‘why?’ and Instrumental ìŋébè ‘with (by means of) what?’13.2.4 ‘Where?’ (yǎ:)‘Where?’ and ‘whither? (= ‘to where?’)” is yǎ:. Following the usual Dogonpattern, locative, allative, and ablative (‘from’) senses are distinguished byaccompanying verbs rather than by adpositions. As predicate, yǎ: may befollowed by the relevant copula (xx1.b-c), or by the ‘it is’ clitic (xx1.d). In(xx1.f), yǎ: is syntactically a possessor.(xx1) a. ú yǎ: yà:-jù2SgS where? go-Impf.SgS.L‘Where are you-Sg going?’b. iǹbaỳⁿ-bɔǹ-kuǹú yǎ: kɔ̀newborn.L-name.L-put.VblN where? be.Nonh‘Where is the name-giving ceremony?’c. é yǎ: wè2Pl where? be.HumPl.Sg‘Where are you-Pl?’258

d. yǎ:≡ỳwhere?≡it.is‘Where is it?’e. ú yǎ: gò-è2SgS where? go.out-Perf.SgS‘Where did you come from?’f. nɔ́: [[yǎ: ná] bè]≡ỳDist [[where? person.H] Pl]≡it.is‘Those are people of (=from) where?’The morpheme yǎ: is also found as part of ‘which?’ and ‘when?’interrogatives.13.2.5 ‘When?’ (yǎ: doǵùrù, yǎ: téŋé bè)The interrogative morpheme yǎ: also found in the senses ‘where?’ and ‘which?’combines with a noun denoting a time period to produce ‘when?’ interrogatives.yǎ: doǵùrù, literally ‘(at) (the) time of which?’ is apparently preferred when theset of possible responses extends over a period of days. The alternativecombination, which can be used in more constricted temporal contexts, is [yǎ:téŋé] bè, literally ‘by means of (the) time of which?’. The nouns doǵuŕú andtèŋé both mean ‘time’. Note also compound final -dògùrú in season terms likeò:gù-dògùrú ‘hot season’.(xx1) a. ú [yǎ: doǵùrù] yè-jù2SgS [which? time.HL] come-Impf.Sg.L‘When will you-Sg come?’b. laýɛ́ [yǎ: doǵùr]≡ì:Feast.of.Ram [which? time.HL]≡it.is‘When is the Feast of the Ram?’13.2.6 ‘How?’ (nã̂ŋ)The interrogative manner adverbial is nã̂ŋ ‘how?’ (i.e. ‘in what manner?’). It isunrelated in form to other content interrogatives. In predicative form, anadditional n is added before the ‘it is’ clitic (xx1.c).259

(xx1) a. ɛḿɛ́ nã̂ŋ bì-jì1PlS how? do-Impf.PlS.L‘What (lit. “how”) will we do?’b. ú toǵú nã̂ŋ tògò-jù2SgS shed how? build.shed-Impf.SgS.L‘How are you-Sg going to build the shed?’c. nã̂ŋn≡ì:how?≡it.is‘How is it?’ (common greeting)For ‘by means of what?’ see §13.2.3, above.13.2.7 ‘How much/many?’ (à:ŋá)The content interrogative for cardinal quantities is à:ŋá. It has no transparentrelationship in form to other interrogatives, but it shares some segments with‘who?’ and ‘what?’. Although à:ŋá directly follows the NP it has scope over(when the latter is overt), it is syntactically adverbial rather than part of that NP.The distributive iteration is in (xx1.d). The ordinal (§4.7.2) is à:ŋà-nìrⁿí ‘howmany-eth?’.(xx1) a. ú suǵɔŕɔ́ à:ŋá ɛẁ-ɛ̀2SgS sugar how.much? buy-Perf.SgS.L‘How much sugar did you-Sg buy?’b. bé péjú à:ŋá s-è3PlS sheep how.many? have-PlS‘How many sheep do they have?’c. uŕⁿí: à:ŋá yè-jìchildren how.many? come-Impf.PlSg‘How many children will come?’d. kɔǵɔŕɔ́ à:ŋá-à:ŋá dɔň-téŋèfish how.much?-how.much? sell-Prog.PlS‘How much (each) are they selling fish for?’e. à:ŋá≡ỳhow.many?≡it.is‘How many (of them) are there?’260

f. [nàŋá iń-kè] kɛńɛ̀, nàŋá à:ŋá nù-y[cow 1Sg-Poss] among, cow how.many? die-Perf.SgS.L‘Among my cows, how many cows died?’An optional extended variant à:ŋá bà: ends with an element that myassistant associates with plurality, cf. Plural morpheme bè in NPs. For anexample, see (xxx) in §13.2.9, below.13.2.8 ‘Which?’ (yǎ:-kɔ̀)The ‘which?’ interrogative adjective is yǎ:-kɔ̀. Compare yǎ: ‘where?’ and itsderivative ‘when?’. It can be used predicatively (xx1.a), or it can function as amodifying adjective, in which case a preceding noun drops tones as before otheradjectives (xx1.b).(xx1) a. [gìrⁿí [ú kè]] yǎ:-kɔ̀≡ỳ[house [2Sg Poss]] which?≡it.is‘Your-Sg house is which (one)?’b. ɛḿɛ́ [[gìrⁿì yǎ:-kɔ̀] bîn] nà:-nĩ̀1PlS [[house.L which?] in] spend.night-Impf.PlSg.L‘Which house will we sleep in?’c. [nàŋà ú dɔ̀-nũ̀] yǎ:-kɔ̀≡ỳ[cow.L 2SgS sell-Impf.L] which?≡it.is‘Which of your-Sg cows are you selling?’[lit. “The cow that you are selling, it is which?”]With postposition nì (e.g. Dative), the form is yǎ:-kɔ́≡ǹ, with H-tone on -kɔ́.13.2.9 Embedded interrogativesThe elicitation frame here is ‘I don’t know’ plus an embedded interrogative.The favored construction replaces the interrogative content word (‘who?’,‘what?’, ‘where?’, etc.) by the corresponding semantically light noun (‘person’,‘thing’, ‘time’, etc.), as head of a relative clause. For example, ‘I don’t knowwho will go’ is expressed as ‘I don’t know the person who will go’ (xx1.a).(xx1) a. iń [nà yǎ:-jú] iǹɛ̀1SgS [person.L go-Impf] not.know.L‘I don’t know who will go.’261

[lit. “I don’t know [the person who will go].”]b. iń [ɔ̀jɔ̀ ɛḿɛ́ nĩ́:-nĩ́] iǹɛ̀1SgS [thing.L 1PlS eat.meal-Impf] not.know.L‘I don’t know what we will eat.’c. iń [nã̀ ɛḿɛ́ ná:-nṹ] iǹɛ̀1SgS [place.L 1PlS spend.night-Impf] not.know.L‘I don’t know where we will spend the night.’d. iń [bàmàkɔ́ tèŋè ɛḿɛ́ yǎ:-jú] iǹɛ̀1SgS [B time.L 1PlS go-Impf] not.know.L‘I don’t know when we will go to Bamako.’e. iń [tuẁó aŕà] bà:ⁿ ɛḿɛ́ dɔẁɔ̀-jù] iǹɛ̀1SgS [stone on.top.of] manner.L 1PlS go.up-Impf.L]not.know.L‘I don’t know how we will go up the mountain.’This construction does not apply to polar (yes-no) interrogatives. It is alsonot available for ‘how many?’ in the absence of a corresponding abstract noun(‘quantity’). It is also awkward when the head NP is the complement of apostposition. In all these cases, the complement has the form of an unembeddedinterrogative clause, ending with Interrogative particle mà(=>) (xx2).(xx2) a. iń [bé yɛ̀r-ɛ́-sɛ̂ⁿ mà=>] iǹɛ̀1SgS [3PlS come-Perf.PlS Q] not.know.L‘I don’t know whether they have come.’b. iń [[nǎ à:ŋá bà:] yǎ:-jú mà] iǹɛ̀1SgS [person how.many Pl] go-Impf Q] not.know.L‘I don’t know how many people will go.’c. iń [ɛḿɛ́ [aǹà yǎ:-kɔ́≡ǹ] yǎ:-jú mà] iǹɛ̀1SgS [1PlS [village.L which?≡Dat] go-Impf Q] not.know.L‘I don’t know which village we will go to.’d. iń [bé [ìŋé gɛ́-ɛ̀:] yɛ̀-ɛ̂: ma=>] iǹɛ̀1SgS [3PlS [what? for] go-Perf.PlS Q] not.know.L‘I don’t know why they went.’262

14 Relativization14.1 Basics of relative clausesBriefly, the following features characterize TK relative clauses.a) the verb of the relative clause retains its basic inflectional category, butdoes not agree with a plural subject, and it undergoes some modifications incomparison to main clauses, especially in the Perfective;b) the extended core NP (noun, adjective, numeral) that forms the lexicalcore of the head NP, which can be in essentially any syntactic function withinthe relative clause, remains in its normal position inside the clause, butundergoes tone-dropping (the final word in the noun-adjective sequence, and anumeral if present, are simultaneously tone-dropped);c) the linear order of adjective and numeral is optionally reversed in thehead NP;d) if the head NP contains a possessor, the possessor is restructured as anappositional possessive (‘X’s thing’) preceding the head NP, which now has thesame form as an unpossessed head NP;e) if the possessor itself is the head NP (‘the man whose house collapsed’),both the possessor NP and the possessed NP are tone-dropped;f) if the NP complement of a postposition is the head NP, both the NP andthe postposition are tone-dropped;g) demonstratives, Plural bè, and ‘all’ quantifiers that are logically part ofthe head NP are detached from it and are positioned after the verb;h) in nonsubject relatives, the subject is obligatorily expressed as a pronounimmediately before the verb, even if the subject is also expressed as a full NP inclause-initial position;i) the relative clause proper may be followed by a {L}-toned form of a nounthat resumes or agrees with the head NP, namely human singular bàŋà ‘owner’,human Plura nà, and spatiotemporal nouns like nìŋìrⁿì ‘day’ and dèŋ ‘place’;j) there is a special same-subject form used when the subject of anonsubject (e.g. object) relative is coindexed with the subject of the mainclause.263

14.1.1 Coordinated relatives with a shared headIt is not possible to conjoin two relative clauses with a shared head. Instead, thefirst clause is expressed in the appropriate chaining or subordinated form, sothat only the final clause is relativized. For example, in (xx1) the initial ‘spendnight’ clause has pseudo-conditional form, so only the ‘pass’ clause isrelativized as such.(xx1) iń [yèriǹ [nî [dà:gá tuŕú]1SgS [guest.L [here [night one]ná-ɛ̀ dè] gǎ-jú] iỳɛ̀spend.night-Perf if] pass-Impf] want‘I love a visitor who spends (=stays for) one night, then moves on.’14.1.2 Tone-dropping in an unpossessed NP as head of relative clauseThe NPs whose form in main clauses is shown in the left-hand column of (xx1)appear in the form shown in the middle column when they function as heads ofrelatives. Underlining in the middle column indicates tone-dropping that isspecifically due to the relative clause, disregarding the tone-dropping of thenoun in (xx1.b) that already applies in the regular form. In (xx1.d), the order ofthe modifyng adjective and the numeral is also optionally switched.(xx1)Tone-dropping in unpossessed head NP in relative clausesregular relative head glossa. nounpéjú pèjù ‘(a/the) sheep’b. noun plus adjectivepèjù márⁿá pèjù màrⁿà ‘(a/the) big sheep’c. noun plus numeralpéjú kuŕé: pèjù kùrè: ‘six sheep’d. noun plus adjective plus numeral[pèjù maŕⁿá] kúré: pèjù kùrè: màrⁿà ‘six big sheep’or: pèjù màrⁿà kùrè:Examples of these NPs as relative heads are in (xx2). As usual, “.L” ininterlinears indicates that the word has been tone-dropped.264

(xx2) a. pèjù iń daŕⁿ-ɛ́sheep.L 1SgS kill-Perf.H‘the sheep-Sg that I killed (slaughtered).’b. [pèjù màrⁿà] iń daŕⁿ-ɛ́[sheep.L big.L] 1SgS kill-Perf.H‘the big sheep-Sg that I killed (slaughtered).’c. [pèjù kùrè:] iń daŕⁿ-ɛ́[sheep.L six.L] 1SgS kill-Perf.H‘the six sheep-Sg that I killed (slaughtered).’b. [pèjù kùrè: màrⁿà] iń daŕⁿ-ɛ́[sheep.L six.L big.L] 1SgS kill-Perf.H‘the six big sheep-Sg that I killed (slaughtered).’Relative-clause tone-dropping affects the final word in the core NP, whichconsists of a noun plus any modifying adjectives. Nonfinal words in the core NPare already tone-dropped, so it cannot be determined whether they would havebeen tone-dropped by the relative clause if they had retained their tones.Relative-clause tone-dropping also applies, independently, to a numeral inthe head NP.14.1.3 Addition of a possessor NP to a relative-clause head NPA possessed NP functioning as relative-clause head is restructured as anappositional possessive of the type [[X kè] Y] ‘(the) Y of X’, literally ‘[X’sthing] Y’ with Y in apposition to ‘thing’; see §14.xxx. This applies both tononappositional possessed NPs, usually [X Y.H(L)] except for 1Sg possessor[Y mà], and to appositional possessed NPs of the form [Y [X kè]]. In otherwords, the distinction between appositional and nonappositional possessiveconstructions is neutralized in relative-clause head function. The restructuringalso applies equally to possessed kin terms (classic inalienables) and to otherpossessed NPs. Note that in relative-clause head NP function, the combinationincluding kè precedes rather than follows the main possessed NP.Since kè is already L-toned we cannot determine if it would have been tonedroppedby the relative clause. The possessor NP itself (X in the formulaeabove) has its regular form (tonally and otherwise).(xx1)Restructuring of possessed NP functioning as relative-clause head265

egular head NP glossa. pronominal possessordɛ̌:ⁿ mà [iń kè] dɛ̀:ⁿ ‘my elder same-sex sib’gìrⁿí mà [iń kè] gìrⁿì ‘my house’gìrⁿí [iń kè] " " "ú iśí [ú kè] ìsì ‘your-Sg dog’b. nonpronominal possessorsè:dú giŕⁿí [sè:dú kè] gìrⁿì ‘Seydou’s house’The possessor in this appositional construction has no tonal effects on thepossessed NP. That is, there are no tonosyntactic-island effects by which apossessor-possessed combination has its tones locked, so that a relative clauseor a demonstrative cannot effect tone-dropping within the island.Instead, in TK the possessed NP as head of a relative undergoes tonedropping(and optional reordering of adjective and numeral) in exactly the sameway that it would have without the possessor. The relationship between regularand relative-head forms of possessed NPs, using ‘Seydou’ as possessor, isshown in (xx2). As before, underlining indexes tone-dropping due specificallyto the relative clause (from the perspective of an unpossessed NP in its regularform). If we remove ‘Seydou’ from the middle column, we get the same formsas relative head as seen in the preceding section for unpossessed relative headNPs.(xx2)Tone-dropping in possessed head NP in relative clausesregular relative head glossa. nounsè:dú péjú [sè:dú kè] pèjù ‘S’s sheep-Sg’b. noun plus adjectivesè:dú [péjú màrⁿà] [sè:dú kè] pèjù màrⁿà ‘S’s big sheep-Sg’c. noun plus numeralsè:dú [péjú kùrè:] [sè:dú kè] pèjù kùrè: ‘S’s 6 sheep’d. noun plus adjective plus numeralsè:dú [péjú màrⁿà kùrè:]‘S’s 6 big sheep’[sè:dú kè] pèjù màrⁿà kùrè:or: [sè:dú kè] pèjù kùrè: màrⁿà266

14.1.4 Restrictions on the head noun in a relative clauseA personal pronoun may not directly head a relative. Instead, we get anautonomous relative clause containing ‘person’ or ‘owner’, with the pronoun onthe margins in apposition.(xx1) ɛḿɛ́ [nà nî yɛ̀rɛ́-sań nà]1PlS [person.L here come-Perf.Ppl Pl](ɛḿɛ́) yɔẁɔ̀-lâ:(1PlS) accept-PerfNeg.PlS‘We (the people) who have come here do not agree.’14.1.5 Relative clause with conjoined NP as headNPs are conjoined by juxtaposition, with dying-quail intonation (final syllableprolonged, with declining pitch unless already L-toned), see §7.1. It is possiblefor the conjoined NP as a whole to function as head NP of a relative. In thiscase, both conjuncts are subject to tone-dropping. The dying-quail intonationpersists, but since the nouns are now {L}-toned the only audible effect isprolongation.The verb can be morphologically plural, and the relative-clausefinal Plural morpheme nà is used, even in (xx1.b) where the conjuncts areindividually singular.(xx1) a. [àrⁿá∴ ñɛ̌∴] já jaỳ-ɛ̂:-sɛǹ[man.and woman.and] fight(noun) fight-MP-Perf.PlS‘A man and a woman had a fight (squabble).’b. [àrⁿà=> ñɛ̀=>] já jaỳ-ɛ̂:-sɛń nà[man.and.L woman.and.L] fight(noun) fight-MP-Perf.Ppl Pl‘the man and the woman who had the fight’Expressions like ‘men and women’ that usually do not have an audibledying-quail effect also undergo tone-dropping as relative head (xx1.b). It is notpossible to determine whether Plural bè, which is already L-toned, would haveundergone tone-dropping.(xx1) a. [àrⁿá bè] [ñɛ̌ bè] já jaỳ-ɛ̂:-sɛǹ[man Pl] [woman Pl] fight(noun) fight-MP-Perf.PlS‘The men and the women had a squabble.’b. [àrⁿà bè] [ñɛ̀ bè] já jaỳ-ɛ̂:-sɛń nà[man.L Pl] [woman.L Pl] fight(noun) fight-MP-Perf.PlS Pl267

‘the men and the women who had a fight’14.1.6 Headless relative clauseElicitation attempts suggested that headless relatives are not readily allowed. Atleast a semantically light head noun (‘person’, ‘thing’, ‘place’, etc.) appeared inmost elicited example, even of adverbial relatives. However, under certainconditions a relative clause with no overt internal head is possible in adverbialclauses, see §15.4.3.14.1.7 Preverbal subject pronominal in relative clauseWhen the head NP is other than the subject of the relative clause, the subjectmust be expressed by an immediately preverbal subject pronoun (xx1.b). It hasthe same form as a clause-initial subject pronoun in a main clause (xx1.a). Inparticular, the 1Sg form is iń in both cases. The subject pronoun is required evenwhen a fuller subject NP has already appeared clause-initially (xx1.c).(xx1) a. iń yá: péjú dàrⁿ-ɛ́1SgS yesterday sheep kill-Perf‘I killed (=slaughtered) a sheep yesterday.’b. yá: pèjù iń daŕⁿ-ɛ́yesterday sheep.L 1SgS kill-Perf.H‘the sheep that I killed yesterday’c. sè:dú yá: pèjù wó daŕⁿ-ɛ́S yesterday sheep.L 3SgS kill-Perf.H‘the sheep that Seydou killed yesterday’Likewise, plural-subject agreement is common in main clauses (xx2.a),even when redundant because of the clause-initial nonsingular subject, butagreement is ungrammatical (#) in nonsubject relatives (xx2.b).(xx2) a. bé yá: péjú dàrⁿá-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS yesterday sheep kill-Perf.PlS‘They killed (=slaughtered) a sheep.b. yá: pèjù bé daŕⁿ-ɛ́ (#dàrⁿá-sɛ̂ⁿ)yesterday sheep.L 3PlS kill-Perf.H‘the sheep that they killed yesterday’268

14.1.8 Relative-clause verbThe following sections describe the form of the verb in relative clauses. Theprimary inflectional categories in main clauses (perfective/imperfective,positive/negative) are maintained in relative clauses. Given the general lack ofsuffixal morphology for nouns and pronouns in TK, it is difficult to determinewhether the verb in a relative clause is basically a verb or an adjective.(xx1) is a brief summary of the data for the main inflectional categories thatare given in more depth in the following sections. There are additional tonalchanges on the stems from main clause to relative clause, except in theImperfective Negative.(xx1)Relative-clause verb (S = subject relative, NS = nonsubject relative)category relative clause main clausePerfective sâⁿ (S) -ɛ ~ -e ~ -i, plural sɛ̂ⁿ ~ sɛǹ-ɛ ~ -e ~ -i (NS)Imperfective -jú ~ -jù -jú, plural -jéPerfective Neg -lí -lí, plural -lâ:Imperfective Neg -rò -rò, plural -rè14.1.8.1 Positive perfective-system verbs in relative clausesIn nonsubject relatives, the Perfective has its regular form segmentally, butundergoes tonal changes. Unlike other inflectional categories, the Perfective hasa special participial form for subject relatives.In the nonsubject relatives in (xx1), note that both the {H} toned verb ‘tie’in (xx1.b) and the {LH}-toned verb ‘leave’ in (xx1.c) have {HL} tones in therelative clause. This would also be the tone contour for ‘see’ in (xx1.a), but theusual relative form ɔ́-ɛ̀ has shifted to {H} tone before the L-toned Pluralmorpheme nà. The corresponding main-clause Perfective forms are shown inparentheses after the free translations.(xx1)Nonsubject relatives269

a. nà iń ɔ́-ɛ́ nàperson.L 1SgS see-Perf.H Pl‘the people that I saw’ (ɔ́-ɛ́)b. nàŋà iń paǵ-ɛ̀cow.L 1SgS tie-Perf.HL‘the cow that I tied’ (paǵ-ɛ̀)d. tuẁò iń daǵ-ɛ̀stone.L 1SgS leave-Perf.HL‘the stone that I left’ (dàg-ɛ́)Forms of the verb, in main clauses and in nonsubject relatives, are shown in(xx2). Notations like {LHL} refer to the tone contours of the forms shown, notthe lexical tones seen in the bare stem. The plural-subject forms used in mainclauses are not possible in relative clauses.Inspection of (xx2) shows that a Simple Perfective verb in a nonsubjectrelative has an overlaid {HL} tone contour. Some verbs already have thiscontour in their Simple Perfective, but others audibly change.(xx2)Verbs in nonsubject relative clauses, Perfective (positive)Perfectiveregular in nonsubject rel glossa. monosyllabic with -e/-ɛ{HL} unchangedó-è ó-è ‘give’á-ɛ̀ á-ɛ̀ ‘catch’{H} to {HL}ɔ́-ɛ́ ɔ́-ɛ̀ ‘see’nɔ́-ɛ́ nɔ́-ɛ̀ ‘drink’b. monosyllabic with -y{HL} unchangedjé-ỳ jé-ỳ ‘take away’nĩ́-ỳ nĩ́-ỳ ‘eat (meal)’c. bisyllabic{HL} unchangedpaǵ-ɛ̀ paǵ-ɛ̀ ‘tie’gúŋ-ì gúŋ-ì ‘take out’{LH} to {HL}270

dàg-ɛ́ daǵ-ɛ̀ ‘leave’{LHL} to {HL}bǎ:r-ì bá:r-ì ‘send’c. trisyllabic{HL} unchangedsuńú-g-ì suńú-g-ì ‘take down’{LHL} to {HL}nũǹú-g-ì nũńú-g-ì ‘ruin’When the verb is immediately followed by a {L}-toned word that formspart of the relative clause, the {HL} contour of the verb changes to {H}, so thatthe tone break coincides with the word break. The relevant {L}-toned word maybe Plural nà (xx3.a). Or it may be a morphologically simple demonstrativepronoun that itself drops to {L} tones in this construction, as in (xx3.b). Or itmay be a {L}-toned word associated with the clause-internal head NP, as inadverbial relatives (‘the place where …’, ‘the day when …’) like that in (xx3.c).Without the final {L}-toned word, the verb would be {HL}-toned suńú-g-ì in(xx3.a-b), and yɛ́r-ɛ̀ in (xx3.c).(xx3) a. nà iń suńú-g-í nàperson.L 1SgS go.down-Caus-Perf.H Pl‘the people that I brought down’b. nà iń suńú-g-í yɔ̀:person.L 1SgS go.down-Caus-Perf.H NearDist.L‘that person that I brought down’c. [nìŋìrⁿì iń yɛŕ-ɛ́] nìŋìrⁿì[day.L 1SgS come-Perf.H] day.L‘the day when I came’In subject relatives, the verb is followed by Perfective Participial saǹ ~ sâⁿ,with the tone agreeing with the final tone of the preceding verb form, exceptthat if there is a following {L}-toned word within the relative clause only sâⁿ isused (becoming sań). For human singular head NP, {L}-toned bàŋà ‘owner’(lexically bàŋá) is optionally added, forming sań bàŋà. However, my assistantonly rarely added bàŋà after sâⁿ, as opposed to relative verbs of otherinflectional categories which more or less require bàŋà. If the head NP is humanplural, Plural nà is always added, producing sań nà.Care needs to be taken to distinguish Perfective Participial allomorph sâⁿfrom universal quantifier sâⁿ ‘all’.271

(xx4)Subject relativesa. nà yɛ̀rɛ́ sâⁿperson.L come Perf.Ppl‘the person who came’(occasionally extended as: nà yɛ̀rɛ́ sań bàŋà)b. nà yɛ̀rɛ́ sań nàperson.L come Perf.Ppl Pl‘the people who came’Representative combinations with saǹ ~ sâⁿ are in (xx5). The verb forms areno longer closely related to the regular Perfective form; instead, they are relatedeither to the bare stem or to the Same-Subject Anterior subordinated form withsuffix -ɛ̀:, depending on the verb. Verbs whose bare stem and (main-clause)Perfective end in a high vowel, including all heavy stems (trimoraic and longer)as well as some CvCv stems, plus all extra-short Cv stems, have -ɛ̀: saǹ. Cv: andmost CvCv stems have the bare stem, which always ends in a H-tone, plus sâⁿ.(xx5)Verbs in subject relative clauses, Perfective (positive)Perfectiveregular in subject rel bare stem glossa. Cv with -ɛ̀: saǹlexically {H}ó-è ó-ɛ̀: saǹ ó ‘give’nú-ỳ nú-ɛ̀: saǹ nú ‘go in’lexically {HL}jé-ỳ jɛ́-ɛ̀: saǹ jé ‘take away’lexically {LH}ɔ́-ɛ́ ɔ̌ sâⁿ ɔ̌ ‘see’yé-ỳ yɛ̌-ɛ̀: saǹ yě ‘go’b. Cv: with bare stem plus sâⁿlexically {H}nĩ́-ỳ nĩ́: sâⁿ nĩ́: ‘eat (meal)’á-ɛ̀ á: sâⁿ á: ‘catch’lexically {LH}nɔ́-ɛ́ nɔ̌: sâⁿ nɔ̌: ‘drink’c. bisyllabic ending in nonhigh vowel, with bare stem plus sâⁿlexically {H}paǵ-ɛ̀ paǵá sâⁿ paǵá ‘tie’272

lexically {LH}dàg-ɛ́ dàgá sâⁿ dàgá ‘leave’d. bisyllabic ending in high vowel, with -ɛ̀: saǹlexically {H}gúŋ-ì gúŋ-ɛ̀: saǹ gúŋ̀ ‘take out’lexically {LH}bǎ:r-ì bǎ:r-ɛ̀: saǹ bǎ:rì ‘send’c. trisyllabic, with -ɛ̀: saǹlexically {H}suńú-g-ì suńú-g-ɛ̀: saǹ suńú-gì ‘take down’lexically {LH}nũǹú-g-ì nũǹú-g-ɛ̀: saǹ nũǹú-gì ‘ruin’The Experiential Perfect (-tɛ́-jɛ̀) can also be relativized. A subject relative isin (xx1).(xx1) [nà bàmàkɔ́ yǎ:-tɛ́-jɛ́] bàŋà[person.L B go-ExpPerf-RecPerf.H] owner.L‘a person who has (ever) gone to Bamako’For a nonsubject relative, see §10.1.1, where the position of the preverbalsubject pronoun immediately before -tɛ́-jɛ́ provides evidence that the latter is achained auxiliary verb (tɛ́-jɛ́), at least as far as the syntax is concerned.§10.1.1 also includes a relative based on the Recent Perfect with jɛ̀ (whichappears in relatives as jɛ́). Again, the position of a subject pronoun shows that jɛ́is a chained auxiliary verb. However, my assistant was generally reluctant toproduce relatives including jɛ́, preferring to express the relevant senses with thePerfective.14.1.8.2 Positive imperfective-system verbs in relative clausesFor the Imperfective, nonsubject relatives are illustrated in (xx1). The form ofthe verb is segmentally identical to the main-clause form (shown inparentheses). However, in (xx1.a) it differs tonally from its form in mainclauses.(xx1) a. nàŋà ú daǹ-nũ̀cow.L 2SgS kill-Impf.L‘the cow-Sg that you will kill (slaughter)’ (< daň-nṹ)273

. nàŋà ú paǵá-júcow.L 2SgS tie-Impf.HL‘the cow-Sg that you will tie’ (< paǵá-jú)As (xx2) shows, the verb takes the same form in subject relatives.(xx2) a. nà nàŋá daǹ-nũ̀person.L cow kill-Impf.L‘the person who will kill (slaughter) the cow’ (< daň-nṹ)b. nà nàŋá paǵá-júperson.L cow tie-Impf‘the person who will tie up the cow’ (< paǵá-jú)Additional examples of the form of the verb in relative clauses are in (xx2).Except for the irregular {HL}-toned verb ‘take away’, the forms are of twotonal types. Verbs with lexical {H} tone, and heavy high-vowel-final verbs with{HL} contour in the bare stem, keep the same {H}-toned word form they havein main clauses. Verbs whose bare stem begins with a L-tone have an entirely{L}-toned word (stem plus suffix). Basically, the initial stem-tone is extendedrightward to the end of the word.‘Take away’ keeps its unique {HL}-toned presuffixal shape jâ:-, so we getjâ:-jù in both main and relative clauses.As generally in relative clauses, marked plural-subject forms are notallowed, since the subject is expressed by a preverbal pronoun.(xx3)Verbs in relative clauses, Imperfective (positive)bare Imperfective rel glossa. monosyllabic{H} to {H}ó ó-jú ‘give’á: á:-jú ‘catch’nĩ́: nĩ́:-nĩ́ ‘eat (meal)’{LH} to {L}ɔ̌ ɔ̀-jù ‘see’nɔ̌: nɔ̀:-nũ̀ ‘drink’{HL} to {HL}jê (jâ:-) jâ:-jù ‘take away’b. bisyllabic{H} to {H}paǵá paǵá-jú ‘tie’274

{HL} to {H}gúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́-nṹ ‘take out’{LH} to {L}dàgá dàgà-jù ‘leave’dàrⁿá dà-nũ̀ ‘kill’ (rv-Deletion){LHL} to {L}bǎ:rì bà:rà-jù ‘send’c. trisyllabic{HL} to {H}suńú-gì suńú-gó-jú ‘take down’{LHL} to {L}nũǹú-gì nũǹù-gò-jù ‘ruin’In eliciting the above data, I sometimes transcribed the relative-clause formwith {H}-toned verbs as having L-toned suffix -jù. More checking withadditional speakers would be useful.My assistant did not approve of relatives based directly on the Progressive(-táŋà). The Imperfective forms shown above are often used in the full range ofimperfective, including progressive and habitual as well as future, contexts.However, it is possible to combine the -táŋà form with a following copula,which can be relativized, as in (xx4), though this does not seem to be verycommon.(xx4) a. nà suǵó-táŋà wɔ́person.L go.down-Prog be.HumSg.H‘the person who is going down’b. nà suǵó-táŋà wé nàperson.L go.down-Prog be.HumPl.H Pl‘the people who are going down’14.1.8.3 Negative perfective-system verbs in relative clausesThe Perfective Negative in main clauses has an {L}-toned stem followed byH-toned suffix -lí. The form used in relatives is segmentally identical. In subjectrelatives, the form of the verb is also tonally identical to the main-clause form.(xx1) a. [nà yè-lí] bàŋà[person.L come-PerfNeg.H] owner.L‘the person who did not come’b. ìsì boǵú bògò-lí275

dog barking bark-PerfNeg.H‘the dog that didn’t bark’Non-subject relatives are in (xx2). My assistant gave forms with {H}-tonedstems as well as H-toned suffix, sometimes alongside variants with the same{L}-toned stem as in the subject relatives and in main clauses. (xx2.a) is one ofthe examples elicited with {H}-toned verb. (xx2.b) is one of the exceptionswhere the verb remains {L}-toned. More work needs to be done on this, withadditional informants. To the (limited) extent that subject and nonsubjectrelatives may be tonally differentiated, one might attribute this to the influenceof the corresponding positive Perfective relative clauses described in §14.xxx,above.(xx2) a. nàŋà iń paǵá-lícow.L 1SgS tie-PerfNeg.H‘the cow that I didn’t tie up’b. [àrⁿú nìŋìrⁿì lɔẁɔ̀-lí] nìŋìrⁿì[rain day.L rain.fall-PerfNeg] day.L‘the day when it didn’t rain’The Experiential Perfect Negative, which includes the Perfective Negativesuffix, can also be relativized.(xx3) [nà bàmàkɔ́ yà:-tɛ̀-lí] bàŋà[person.L B go.L-ExpPerf-PerfNeg] owner.L‘(a/the) person who has never been to Bamako’14.1.8.4 Negative imperfective-system verbs in relative clausesThe verb takes the same Imperfective Negative form as in main clauses. (xx1.a)is a subject relative, (xx1.b) a nonsubject (here, object) relative.(xx1) a. [ñɛ̀ nî ye:-rò] bàŋà[woman here come-ImpfNeg] owner.L‘a woman who does not come here’b. nàŋà bé piŕⁿî:-ròcow.L 3PlS milk-ImpfNeg‘a cow that they do not milk’276

14.1.8.5 Stative verbs (positive and negative) in relative clausesIn main clauses, a positive Stative verb has a reduplicated form Cv̀-Cv́Cv̀,which is reduced to {L}-toned Cv̀Cv̀ following a locational or othernonpronominal constituent (§10.4). In a relative clause, the form is CvĆv̀, i.e.unreduplicated but with {HL} contour. Like other {HL} verbs in relativeclauses, this CvĆv̀ shifts to {H}-toned form before a L-toned word such as bàŋà‘owner’ or Plural nà.(xx1) a. [àrⁿà [ɛ́ tɛ̀] dáŋá] bàŋà[man.L [there.Def around] sit.Stat.H] owner.L‘the man who is sitting there’b. àrⁿá nã̀ wó dáŋàman place.L 3SgS sit.Stat.HL‘(there) where the man is sitting’The regular Stative Negative is of the form Cv̀Cv̀-lá in main clauses. It canbe used without change in relatives.(xx2) [àrⁿà dàŋà-lá] bàŋà[man.L sit.Stat-StatNeg] owner.L‘the man who is not sitting’14.1.8.6 Other predicates in relative clausesThe locational-existential quasi-verb (‘be [somewhere]’) occurs in positive andnegative forms in relative clauses. The human forms are generally followed bybàŋà ‘owner’ (singular) or by Plural nà. In this case, the positive human quasiverbsare heard with {H}-tone, but probably reflect {HL} wɔ̂ and wê. Thefalling tone is more easily heard in the adverbial subordinating function of thisconstruction, on which see §15.1.7. The Nonhuman form kɔ̂ does not have aconventionalized following L-toned work and so clearly shows the {HL}contour. The negative quasi-forms have their usual Cv̀:-rv́ shape.(xx1) a. [nà bàmàkɔ́ wɔ́] bàŋà[person.L B be.HumSg.H] owner.L‘the person who is in Bamako’b. tuẁò bàmàkɔ́ kɔ̂stone.L B be.Nonh.HL‘the stone that is in Bamako’277

c. [nà bàmàkɔ́ wè:-ré] nà[person.L B be.HumPl-Neg] Pl‘the people who are not in Bamako’It is not normal to relativize on a positive ‘it is’ clitic form, since e.g. ‘aperson who is a Dogon’ is always rephrased as ‘a Dogon’. However, it ispossible to relativize on the corresponding negation (xx2).(xx2) iń [nà [dɔ̀gɔń≡í: lò:]] dɛǹɛ́-táŋà1SgS [person.L [Dogon≡it.is Neg] look.for-Prog‘I’m looking for someone who is not a Dogon.’Relativization of ‘have’ clauses is illustrated in (xx3). The form of ‘have’ inrelatives is sá, negative sà:-rá. Existential yɛ́ is absent from this construction.(xx1) a. àrⁿà nàŋá sáman.L cow have‘a man who has a cow’(also: àrⁿà nàŋá sá bàŋà)b. nã̀ péjú iń sáplace.L sheep 1SgS have‘a place where I have a sheep’c. [nà bú:dú sà:-rá] bàŋàperson money have-Neg owner.L‘a person who has no money’14.1.9 Same-subject má connecting nonsubject relative to main clauseConsider the examples in (xx1). Here the subject of a nonsubject relative iscoindexed to the subject of the main clause. The key morpheme is má followingthe verb. There is no (other) pronominal subject pronoun in the relative clause.In effect, má is an anaphoric pronoun (requiring an antecedent) similar toReflexive saň. Like the Reflexive, má can be coindexed to any subject,including first and second person pronouns.(xx1) a. iń [pèjù ɛẃɛ́ má] jê:-jù1SgS [sheep.L buy Rel.SS] bring-Impf‘I will bring the sheep-Sg that I bought.’278

. sè:dú [pèjù ɛẃɛ́ má] jê:-jùS [sheep.L buy Rel.SS] bring-Impf‘Seydou x will bring the sheep-Sg that he x bought.’c. ú [[nìŋìrⁿì yɛ̀rɛ́ má] nìŋìrⁿì] yǎ:-jú2SgS [[day.L go Rel.SS] day.L] go-Impf‘You-Sg will go on the (same) day that you have come.’The verb before má is in bare-stem form. For example, ‘sell’ appears asdɔ̀rⁿɔ́ má, with bare stem dɔ̀rɔ́ rather than Perfective dɔ̀rⁿ-ɛ́. However, the L-tone at the end of {HL}- and {LHL}-toned heavy stems like nũǹú-gì ‘ruin,damage’ becomes H, hence nũǹú-gí má.jé mà with ‘take away’ shows the {HL} tone in jê, which is more easilyheard in the allomorph jâ:- used in several inflectional forms. The L-toneelement in jê is delinked and appears on the má morpheme, which is then heardwith L-tone as mà. By contrast, ‘go’ combines with má as yě má.In (xx2.a), the relative clause is Imperfective, denoting an event expected tofollow that of the main clause. Negative relatives clauses are illustrated in(xx2.b) (imperfective) and (xx2.c) (perfective). In (xx2.b), the final L-toneelement of the Imperfective Negative suffix is carried over to má, which isheard as mà.(xx2) a. iń [pèjù ɛẃɛ́-jú má] ɔ̀-ɛ̀1SgS [sheep.L buy-Impf.H Rel.SS] see-Perf.L‘I saw the sheep-Sg that I will buy.’b. iń [pèjù ɛẃɛ̂:-rò mà] ɔ̀-ɛ̀1SgS [sheep.L buy-ImpfNeg Rel.SS] see-Perf.L‘I saw the sheep that I will not buy.’c. iń [pèjù ɛẁɛ̀-lí má] ɔ̀-ɛ̀1SgS [sheep.L buy-ImpfNeg Rel.SS] see-Perf.L‘I saw the sheep that I did not buy.’Historically, it is possible that má originated as a special use of thehomophonous 1Sg pronoun form. There are some same-subject constructionsusing 1Sg morphology in Najamba, for example.14.1.10 Relative clause involving verb- or VP-chainAny chain or similar clause sequence can be relativized on. The nonfinal verbshave the same form they have in normal chains with final inflected verb. The279

final verb has the appropriate relative-clause form. (xx1.a) is a subject relative.In non-subject relatives like (xx1.b), the preverbal subject pronoun is placeddirectly in front of the final verb.(xx1) a. [nà bàgá suǵó sań] bàŋà[person fall go.down Perf.Ppl.H] owner.L‘the person who fell down’b. [nã̀ bàgá iń suǵ-é] dèŋ[place.L fall 1SgS go.down-Perf.H] place.L‘the place where I fell down’14.1.11 Demonstratives following the participleMy assistant had no difficulty placing a morphologically simple demonstrativepronoun after the verb of the relative clause, semantically modifying the headNP. In this construction, with Near Distal yɔ́: or Proximal nɔ́:, the verbundergoes no additional tonal changes, but the demonstrative itself drops tones(as it does following a numeral).(xx1) a. pèjù ú ɛẃ-ɛ́ yɔ̀:sheep.L 2SgS buy-Perf.H NearDist.L‘that sheep over there that you-St bought’b. mòtàm nî nuẃ-ɛ̀:-sań nɔ̀:scorpion.L here go.in-Perf-Ppl Prox.L‘this scorpion who has come in here’My assistant was not comfortable with similar combinations involving theFar-Distal demonstratives, which are more complex morphologically to beginwith.14.1.12 Universal quantifier ‘all’ following the participleMy assistant had difficulty using sâⁿ (and fú=>) ‘all’ after relatives, which isnot surprising given the homophony of the more common of these twoquantifiers, namely sâⁿ, with the participial morpheme used in Perfectivesubject relatives. In some cases, the quantifier sâⁿ appeared as an adverb-likeelement, prosodically separated from the relative clause; compare English“floating” quantifiers (the people in the village all came). An example is(xx2.a), where sâⁿ ‘all’ follows Plural nà.280

Instead, the intended sense is usually expressed by adding {L}-toned daỳⁿafter the relative clause, cf. noun dǎyⁿ ‘boundary’. A simple example is (xx2.b),while (xx2.c) shows both daỳⁿ and (adverbial) sâⁿ.(xx2) a. [nà [saň bè] laḿpɔǹ] tɔ́jɔ́-sań nà] sâⁿ[person.L [[ReflP Pl] tax.HL] pay-Perf.Ppl Pl] all‘all the people who have paid their taxes’b. [[pèjù ú dɔń-lí] daỳⁿ] jɛ́:rɛ́[[sheep 2SgS sell-PerfNeg.H] limit.L] bring.Imprt‘Bring all the sheep-Pl that you didn’t sell.’c. [[àrⁿú gìrⁿì nũńú-g-í] daỳⁿ][[rain house.L be.ruined-Caus-Perf.H] boundary.L]sâⁿ daň-gá-júall be.good-Caus-Impf‘We will fix up all the houses that the rain damaged.’ (daǹú-gì)There is also a construction with dǎyⁿ ‘outer limit, maximum’ in {L}-tonedform following the verb. It is used in contexts similar to those with ‘all’ justgiven, but puts more emphasis on the division between the subset of referentsthat satisfy the condition specified by the relative clause and the unmentionedsubset that does not. The construction with {L}-toned noun following a relativeresembles adverbial relatives ending with a {L}-toned semantically light noun(e.g. ‘day’).14.2 Subject relative clauseIn a subject relative, like other relatives, the extended core NP (includingadjectives and numerals) that functions as relative head remains in the relativeclause but undergoes tone-dropping. If the head NP is (human) plural, a Pluralmorpheme nà is added after the verb. Other than this there is no agreement withthe (subject) head NP; in particular, there is no additional preverbal subjectpronoun.(xx1) a. [ì:ⁿ bàgá sâⁿ] yǎ: wɔ̀[child.L fall Ppl.Perf] where? be.HumSg'Where is the child who fell?'b. [ùrⁿì: bàgá sań nà] yǎ: wè[children.L fall Ppl.Perf Pl] where? be.HumPl281

'Where are the children who fell?'c. [ìsì ú kɛŕɛ́ sâⁿ] yǎ: kɔ̀[dog.L 2SgO bite Ppl.Perf] where? be.Nonh'Where is the dog that bit you-Sg?'Adjectives and numerals that are part of the head NP remain with it, insidethe relative clause, and are subject to relative-clause tone-dropping. However,any demonstratives, universal quantifiers, or discourse particles (like 'only') thatwould normally be part of the head NP are shifted to the position after the verb.Demonstratives precede Plural nà (xx2.d), while universal quantifiers follow nàand do not drop tones (xx2.e). Demonstratives drop tones regardless of whetherPlural nà is present (xx2.c-d).(xx2) a. [ì:ⁿ siǹsiǹ bàgá sâⁿ] yǎ: wɔ̀[child.L small.L fall Ppl.Perf] where? be.HumSg'Where is the small child who fell?'b. [ùrⁿì: kùrè: bàgá sań nà] yǎ: wè[children.L six.L fall Ppl.Perf Pl] where? be.HumPl'Where are the six children who fell?'c. [ì:ⁿ bàgá sań yɔ̀:] gɛ̀rɛ́[child.L fall Ppl.Perf Dist.Sg.L] look.at.Imprt'Look at that child who fell!'d. [ùrⁿì: bàgá sań yɔ̀: nà] gɛ̀rɛ́[childred.L fall Ppl.Perf Dist.Sg.L Pl] look.at.Imprt'Look at those childred who fell!'e. [ùrⁿì: bàgá sań nà sâ:ⁿ] baẁⁿɛŕⁿɛ̀-sɛǹ[children.L fall Ppl.Perf Pl all] be.wounded-Perf.Pl'All of the children who fell are hurt (wounded).'If the head NP is possessed, only prenominal possessors are allowed. Eventhe 1Sg possessor, which is elsewhere normally postnominal, must be shifted toprenominal position. Possessive morpheme kè is present for all prenominalpossessors, including nonpronominal NPs, in this construction. Thesepossessors are not subject to relative-clause tone-dropping; that is, theyconstitute tonosyntactic islands. The remainder of the head NP is subject totone-dropping as though the possessor were not present.(xx3) a. [ú kè] ì:ⁿ bàgá sâⁿ] bǎwⁿrⁿ-ì[2Sg Poss] child.L fall Ppl.Perf-Pl] be.wounded-Perf.Sg282

'Your child who fell was hurt (wounded).'b. [iń kè] ì:ⁿ bàgá sâⁿ] yǎ: wɔ̀[1Sg Poss] child.L fall Ppl.Perf-Pl] where? be.HumSg'Where is my child who fell?'f. [sè:dú kè] ì:ⁿ bàgá sâⁿ] yǎ: wɔ̀[Seydou Poss] child.L fall Ppl.Perf-Pl] where? be.HumSg'Where is Seydou's child who fell?'14.3 Object relative clauseIn an object relative clause, the subject is expressed by a preverbal pronouneven if also expressed clause-initially by a NP. The head NP undergoes theusual tone-dropping. The verb has the form it would have in a main clause withsingular subject, and does not agree with a plural subject. If the head NP isplural, Pl morpheme nà occurs after the verb. Before nà, a final L-tone on theverb is raised to high, as in laǵ-ɛ́ in (xx1.c).(xx1) a. [sè:dú ì:ⁿ wó laǵ-ɛ̀] bǎwⁿrⁿ-ì[Seydou child.L 3SgS hit-Perf.HL] be.wounded-Perf.Sg'The child who(m) Seydou hit was hurt.'b. [ì:ⁿ bé laǵ-ɛ̀] bǎwⁿrⁿ-ì[child.L 3PlS hit-Perf.HL] be.wounded-Perf.Sg'The child who(m) they hit was hurt.'c. [sè:dú ùrⁿì: wó laǵ-ɛ́ nà] baẁⁿɛŕⁿɛ̀-sɛǹ[Seydou children.L 3SgS hit-Perf.H Pl] be.wounded-Perf.Pl'The children who(m) Seydou hit were hurt.'d. [nàŋà iń dɔŕⁿ-ɛ̀] nɔ́: kó≡ỳ[cow.L 1SgS sell-Perf.HL] Prox Nonh≡it.is‘The cow that I sold, this is it.’e. nɔ́: [nàŋà iń dɔŕⁿ-ɛ̀]≡ỳProx [cow.L 1SgS sell-Perf.HL] ≡it.is‘This is the cow that I sold.’283

14.4 Possessor relative clauseIn this construction, the possessor itself undergoes tone-dropping as the head ofthe relative clause. In (xx1.a-b), the tone-dropping actually applies both to thepossessor and to the possessed noun.(xx1) a. [[[nà gìrⁿì] bàgá sań] bàŋà][[[person.L house.L] fall Perf.Ppl] owner.L]yǎ: wɔ̀where? be.HumSgS‘Where is the person whose house fell?’b. [[[nà nùmɔ̀] baẁɛ́rⁿ-ɛ̀: sań] nà][[[person.L hand.L] be.injured-then.SS Perf.Ppl] Pl]yǎ: wèwhere? be.HumPlS‘Where are the people whose hands were hurt?’However, my assistant had some difficulty with the tones of the possessednoun, and I also recorded a variation on (xx1.b) with clearly audible lexicaltones on the possessed noun ‘foot’.(xx2) [nàŋà kuẃɔ́ baẁɛ́rⁿ-ɛ̀: saǹ][cow.L foot be.injured-then.SS Perf.Ppl]yǎ: kɔ̀where? be.NonhS‘Where is the cow whose foot was hurt?’The inconsistency of the data may be partially due to the ambiguity of bàŋàin e.g. (xx1.a). The literal sense of bàŋá is ‘owner’. Whereas a final bàŋà inmost relative clauses merely specifies human singular head NP, in possessorrelatives the literal sense may well be activated. Indeed, examples like (xx3) aredifficult to understand without taking bàŋà literally. Note that in the reading ‘theowner of [the roof that collapsed]’, ‘roof’ is quite properly {L}-toned since it isnow the head NP of the relative, while bàŋà is a compound final (admittedly, itshould be {H}-toned báŋá in this function).(xx3) [[kuǹ-mɔ̀rù wòró sań] bàŋà][[roof.L collapse Perf.Ppl] owner.L]yǎ:wɔ̀where? be.HumSgS‘Where is the owner of the house that collapsed?’284

The double tone-dropping (i.e. of possessor and possessed) in (xx1) isnevertheless syntactically defensible, though not typical in other Dogonlanguages. We will see a kind of double tone-dropping in the next section, onrelativization involving postpositions.14.5 Relativization on the complement of a postpositionWhen the NP complement of a postposition is relativized on, both the NP itselfand the postposition are subject to tone-dropping. In each example in (xx1), thecomplement NP (‘person’, ‘people’, ‘house’) is audibly tone-dropped in thefamiliar fashion. The postpositions kûⁿ ‘on’ (xx1.a) and bîn ‘in’ (xx1.c) havealso audibly dropped from {HL} to {L} tone. The Dative postposition (xx1.b) isalready L-toned; we can assume that it is (vacuously) tone-dropped bycomparing it to the other postpositions.(xx1) a. [kuǹ-mɔ̀rú [nà kuǹ] wòró sań] bàŋà[roof [person.L on.L] collapse Ppl.Perf] owner.L‘the person on whom the roof collapsed (=fell)’b. [bú:dú nà≡ǹ iń ó-é] nà[money person.L≡Dat 1SgS give-Perf.H] Pl‘the people to whom I gave the money’c. [[gìrⁿì biǹ] ú nú-ỳ] [gìrí mà]≡ỳ‘the house that you-Sg have entered, it’s my house’[based on example from Prost, p. 94]285

15 Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clausesBy “chain” is meant a sequence of verbs, VPs, or clauses that denote two ormore eventualities (sequenced or simultaneous), or that describe a singleeventuality as a composite of co-events. Adverbial clauses (‘at the timewhen …’) are closely related to this concept. Conditionals are treated in chapter16. The complement clauses in chapter 17 involve more specific grammaticalinteraction with the main clause, e.g. when the latter contains a control verb like‘begin (to VP)’ or when the subordinated clause functions as a purposive clause.A direct chain of verbs or VPs is one whose nonfinal verbs occur in thebare stem form, without an explicit subordinating morpheme. Typically, thecomponents of direct chains denote co-events of a more or less unifiedeventuality. In TK, direct verb chains are rather strictly limited, because of theproductivity of subordinators, especially the same-subject subordinator -ɛ:(§15..., below). Chain-like sequences involving explicit subordination, are loosechains.15.1 Direct chains (without chaining morpheme)A distinction must be made between those direct chains that can occur in anyaspectual context, and those that only occur in imperfective contexts due torestrictions on the Same-Subject Anterior subordinator -ɛ:.The aspectually versatile type of direct chain, functioning much like acompounds denoting a single complex eventuality, and used in perfective aswell as imperfective contexts, is exemplified (xx1). In cases like tá: gɛ̀r-î:‘taste’, the need for a chain may not be so much the complexity of the event,rather the need to avoid confusion, given the fact that tá: ‘taste’ has homonyms(tá: ‘shoot, sting’; tá: ‘avoid taboo’).(xx1)Direct verb chains (in any aspectual context)chain gloss componentsjǔ:rù lɛ́:‘(2 farmers) sow in unison (in separate rows)’jǔ:rù ‘put side by side’, lɛ́:‘slash (earth) to sow seeds’287

àgá suǵó ‘fall down’ bàgá ‘fall (out)’, suǵó ‘godown’bàjá gúŋ̀ ‘pull off’ bàjá ‘pull’, gúŋ̀ ‘remove’tá: gɛ̀r-î: ‘taste’ tá: ‘taste’ (with severalhomonyms), gɛ̀r-î: ‘look at,consider’kaḿá suńú-gì ‘throw down’ kaḿá ‘throw’, suńú-gì ‘takedown’kaḿá tí ‘throw (far) away’ kaḿá ‘throw’, tí ‘send’dèmé ná:-ǹ ‘push up’ dèmé ‘push’, ná:-ǹ ‘put up’Certain verbs are particularly common in chains. Some clearly retain theirbasic lexical sense in the chain. For example, gúŋ̀ ‘remove, take out’ occurs asfinal verb in numerous combinations like the one illustrated in (xx1), generallycombining with a preceding verb specifying manner of action.A possible specialized element is tí, which as simple transitive verb means‘send’, and which occurs as the final in kaḿá tí ‘throw (far) away’, i.e.horizontally as opposed to ‘throw down’ or ‘throw up’. It occurs in whatappears to be a three-part chain, dàgá tí gàrá ‘pass (sb, e.g. in a race)’, with dàgá‘leave’ and gàrá ‘pass’. Here, however, we may be dealing with a homonym títhat indicates a chronological divergence; see tí dè (§xxx) and related forms.If a stem occurs only as a nonfinal verb in chains, or develops a divergentsense in this position, it is difficult to identify it as a verb, rather than as anautonomous adverb. This is the case with tɔŕɔ́, which seems to mean somethinglike ‘(move) over, (move) a short distance’ in tɔŕɔ́ gúŋ̀ ‘move, displace (sth)’with gúŋ̀ ‘remove’ and in tɔŕɔ́ dɔ̌: ‘move over (a little), budge; come near,approach’ with dɔ̌: ‘arrive, reach’. There is no obvious connection with theverb(s) tɔ́rɔ́ ‘begin’, ‘resharpen (blade)’, ‘(egg) hatch’.Because ‘go and come (back)’ expresses a sequence of bounded events, itdoes not qualify as an aspectually versatile direct chain, so we get yɛ́-ɛ̀: yɛ̀rɛ́with the same-subject subordinated form of ‘go’ (contrast Jamsay direct chainyǎ: yɛ̀rɛ́).Co-events can also be expressed in other ways. In (xx2), ‘run’ is expressedas a noun ‘running’ plus an instrumental postposition.(xx1) wó [jé bè] nù-y3SgS [running with] go.in-Perf.L‘He/She ran in.’‘He/She came in on the run.’For cases where the final verb is specialized in chain-final function as akind of control verb, e.g. ‘get, obtain’ in the sense ‘be able to’, see §17.5.288

In imperfective contexts, those chains that are expressed in perfectivecontexts using the Same-Subject Anterior subordinator -ɛ: can be expressed ineither of two ways: direct chains, or pseudo-conditionals with the first clauseending in dè. As a result, any verb-verb combination, even one that cannot beexpressed as a direct chains in perfective contexts (e.g. in narrative sequences)can appear as direct chains when the final clause is imperfective (includingprogressive), imperative, or hortative.15.1.1 Verbal Noun of directly chained verbsTwo chained verbs may combine into a verbal noun. The final verb has itsregular verbal-noun form (§4.xxx). The nonfinal verb functions as compoundinitial and is {L}-toned: bàgá súgó ‘fall down’, verbal noun bàgà-[sùg-ú]‘falling down’.15.1.2 Presence of AMN suffix in nonfinal verb in direct chainsAMN marking is not allowed on nonfinal verbs in chains, which appear in barestemform.15.1.3 Linear position and arguments of directly chained verbsIn normal chains where the two (or more) verbs denote co-events, they areusually either all intransitive or all transitive, with the same subject and (ifrelevant) object.The chained verbs normally occur together, following the subject and anyother constituents. For intransitive chains, this applies to the subject and toadverbial elements (xx1).(xx1) sè:dú [sɔǹsɔǹɔ́ kûⁿ] bàgá suǵ-èSeydou [sand on] fall go.down-Perf‘Seydou fell down in the sand.’For a transitive chain, the (nonpronominal or pronominal) object alsoprecedes.(xx2) a. iń jɔǹtuŕú bàjá gúŋ-ì1SgS donkey pull remove-Perf‘I pulled out the donkey.’289

. ɛḿɛ́ ú bàjá gúŋɔ́-nṹ1PlS 2SgO pull remove-Impf‘We will pull you-Sg out.’The verbs in a chain are, however, separated by a preverbal subjectpronominal in relative clauses and related constructions.(xx3) a. [nã̀ bàgá wó suǵ-é] dèŋ[place.L fall 3SgS go.down-Perf.H] place.L‘the place where he/she fell down’b. [nìŋìrⁿì ú bàjá iń gúŋ-ú] nìŋìrⁿì[day.L 2SgO pull 1SgP remove-VblN] day.L‘the day (when) I pulled you-Sg out’Since intransitive motion verbs do not form direct chains with transitiveverbs (‘go hit’) in TK, I am not able to elicit chains of two verbs with valencymismatches, except (irrelevantly) for combinations with a syntacticallyspecialized final like bɛ̀rɛ́ ‘get’ in the sense ‘be able to’ (§17.xxx).15.1.4 Negation of direct verb chainsOnly the final verb in a chain may be morphologically negated. The negationhas scope over the entire chain. Only the final verb undergoes whatever tonalchanges are required by the negative inflectional suffix.(xx1) wó bàgá sùgò-lí3SgS fall go.down-PerfNeg‘He/She did not fall down.’15.1.5 Iterated {HL}-toned verbs plus a final motion verbTo indicate the cooccurrence of a backgrounded activity with a motion event(‘go’, ‘come’, ‘go up’, etc.), the backgrounded activity verb is iterated once(after a cognate nominal or other constituents). Both occurrences have {HL}tone contour and no inflection. The {HL} applies to lexically {LH} verbs likedɛ̀gɛ́ ‘lick’ (xx1.e) as well as to {H}-toned verbs. Nonmonosyllabic stemswhose bare form ends in a high vowel, like wiŕì ‘whistle’ (xx1.c), have the290

vocalic form with final mid-height vowel as in the imperative and varioussuffixed forms.(xx1) a. wó [nã̌: nĩ̂:-nĩ̂:] yɛ̀r-ɛ̀3SgS [meal eat.HL-eat.HL] come-Perf.L‘He/She came (while) eating.’b. wó [núŋú núŋɔ̀-núŋɔ̀] aŕà dɔẃ-ɛ̀3SgS [song sing.HL-sing.HL] top.Loc-HL go.up-Perf.HL‘He/She went up (while) singing.’c. wó [wìrɛň wiŕɛ̀-wírɛ̀] nã́ sùg-è3SgS [whistling whistle.HL-whistle.HL] ground go.down-Perf.L‘He/She came down (while) whistling.’d. wó [kìrⁿí kóŋòrò-kóŋòrò] yé-y3SgS [bone gnaw.HL-gnaw.HL] go.Perf.L‘He/She went (while) gnawing on a bone.’e. wó [nùmɔ́ dɛǵɛ̀-dɛǵɛ̀] suǵ-è3SgS [hand lick.HL-lick.HL] go.down-Perf‘She came down licking her hand.’15.1.6 Chaining with jíjɛ̀ ‘go with’The invariant form jíjɛ̀ ‘along with’ seems to function as a transitive verb innonfinal position in a chain with a motion verb. The context is that the subjectof the motion verb is taking along a dependent person (such as a child or avisitor), an animal, or e.g. a tool. The 1Sg object form má preceding jíjɛ̀ (xx1.b)suggests a possible analysis of jíjɛ̀ as a transitive verb (limited to nonfinalposition in chains) rather than a typical spatial postposition. However, one couldalternatively argue that jíjɛ̀ is a postposition of the type seen in Dative nì, whichalso follow 1Sg má.(xx1) a. [í:ⁿ jíjɛ̀] yǎ:[child along.with] go.Imprt‘Go-2Sg with the child!’ (= ‘Take the child with you!’)b. [má jíjɛ̀] yɛ̀r-ɛ̀[1Sg along.with] come-Perf.L‘(He/She) came with me (=brought me along).’291

15.1.7 Chains with relativized copulaIn the construction exemplified by (xx1), a verb with Same-Subject Anteriorform (-ɛ:) is followed by a subject pronoun and a falling-toned form of theappropriate copula (Human Singular wɔ̂, Human Plural wê, Nonhuman kɔ̂).This clause, which has the form of a relative clause, functions as an adverbialclause, providing background to a foregrounded event.(xx1) a. [kɔň nɔ̂ŋ diǹ-ɛ̂: iń wɔ̂] [má à-ɛ̀][daba thus hold-and.SS 1SgS be.HumSg.HL] [1SgO catch-Perf]‘(They) caught me (as I was) holding the (stolen) daba like this.’b. [kɔň nɔ̂ŋ diǹ-ɛ̂: ɛḿɛ́ wê] [ɛḿɛ́ à-ɛ̀][daba thus hold-and.SS 1PlS be.HumPl.HL] [1PlO catch-Perf]‘(They) caught us (as we were) holding the (stolen) daba like this.’15.2 Adverbial clauses with overt chaining or subordinating morpheme15.2.1 Imperfective and durative subordinated clausesIn addition to the constructions described in the following subsections, see thedurative complements of perception verbs like ‘see’ and ‘find’ in §17.2.2.1, andthe iterated {HL}-toned verbs and a final motion verb in §15.1.7, above.15.2.1.1 Progressive adverbial clause (-táŋà, plural -téŋè)Time-of-day verbs like ná: ‘spend the night’ and dɛ̀gɛ́ ‘spend the day’, andtɔẃⁿɔ́ ‘do for a long time’, can combine with a subordinated progressive clause(xx1.a) whose verb has inflectional suffix -táŋà. The optional plural-subjectform -téŋè can be used when the subject is plural. My assistant favored thisconstruction, rather than that with -ní: (see just below) when the temporallyconcurrent main clause is perfective.(xx1) a. bé [gɔ́: gɔ̌:-téŋè] nà-ɛ̀3PlS [dance(noun) dance-Prog.PlS] spend.night-Perf.L‘They spent the night dancing.’b. wó [nã̌: nĩ́:-táŋà] tɔẃⁿ-ɛ̀3SgS [meal eat.meal-Prog] do.long.time-Perf‘He/She took a long time to eat.’292

c. bé [nã̌: nĩ́:-táŋà] tɔẃⁿɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS [meal eat.meal-Prog] do.long.time-Perf.PlS‘They took a long time to eat.’15.2.1.2 Different-subject ‘while’ clause (-nì)A backgrounded clause denoting an activity simultaneous to that of the mainclause, but with a disjoint subject, has suffix -nì on the verb.(xx1) a. iń biŕɛ́ [nã̌: é nĩ́:-nì] bì-jù1SgS work(noun) [meal 2PlS eat.meal-while.DS] do-Impf.L‘I will work while you-Pl eat.’b. [biŕɛ́ é bǐ-nì][work(noun) 2PlS do--DS.while.DS]iń giǹɛ́ nɔẁⁿ-ɛ̀:-nũ̀1SgS sleep(noun) sleep-MP- Impf.L‘While you-Pl work, I will sleep.’Forms of this suffix with various verb-stem shapes and tones are in (xx2).The stem takes its usual presuffixal form, and preserves its lexical tones. Thevowel of -nì is often apocopated, resulting in -ǹ. rv-Deletion usually applies toCvrv and Cvrⁿv stems (xx2.d). A connection between this suffix and the Dativepostposition nì, which also often apocopates, is phonologically reasonable butmakes no sense semantically.(xx2)Different-Subject (DS) ‘while’ subordinatorbare stem DS glossa. Cvregularó ó-nì ‘give’nú nú-nì ‘go in’irregularyě yǎ:-nì ‘go’jé jâ:-nì ‘take away’b. Cv:ná: ná:-nì ‘spend night’nú: nú:-nì ‘die’gǒ: gǒ:-nì ‘go out’bě: bě:-nì ‘put down’293

jǎ: jǎ:-nì ‘dig’jɛ̌: jɛ̌:-nì ‘scoop’ká:ⁿ ká:ⁿ-nì ‘shave’kɔ́:ⁿ kɔ́:ⁿ-nì ‘weep’tú:ⁿ tú:ⁿ-nì ‘measure’gǐ:ⁿ gǐ:ⁿ-nì ‘steal’c. CvCv except with medial rhotic{H}-tonedsuǵó suǵó-nì ‘go down’paǵá paǵá-nì ‘tie’pińɛ́ pińɛ́-nì ‘shut (door)’{LH}-tonedbògó bògó-nì ‘(dog) bark’dɔẁɔ́ dɔẁɔ́-nì ‘go up’bàgá bàgá-nì ‘fall’d. Cvrv, Cvrⁿv usually shortens to Cvrv-Deletionappliesbàrⁿá bǎ-nì ‘beat (tomtom)’dɔ̀rⁿɔ́ dɔ̌-nì ‘sell’gɛ̀r-î: gɛ̌-nì ‘look’yɛ̀rɛ́ yě-nì ‘come’rv-Deletion fails to applyteŕé teŕé-nì ‘pound’e. Cv:Cvsí:rì sí:rɛ́-nì ‘cook (meal)’sí:rì sí:ré-nì ‘point at’ú:-ǹ ú:-nɔ́-nì ‘lay down’bǎ:rì bǎ:rá-nì ‘send’f. CvCvCvkiǵìrì kiǵeŕé-nì ‘return’uǵùrù uǵoŕó-nì ‘bake’koǵújù koǵújó-nì ‘cough’wɛ̀giŕì wɛ̀gɛ́rɛ́-nì ‘rub (eye)’nũǹú-gù nũǹú-gó-nì ‘ruin’g. Mediopassive CvC-i:diẁ-î: diẁ-é:-nì ‘lean on’kiŕ-ì: kiŕ-é:-nì ‘jump’294

15.2.1.3 Same-Subject ‘while’ clause (-ní:)With a time-of-day verb (ná: ‘spend the night’, dɛ̀gɛ́ ‘spend the day’), myassistant preferred a complement with suffix -ní: on the verb, instead of theprogressive construction described above, when the temporally enclosing mainverb is imperfective. For verbs like jǎ:nù ‘boil (sth)’ whose bare stem ends in ashort high vowel, the vocalism of the stem is that of the imperative and othersuffixed forms, with a non-high final vowel.(xx1) a. ɛḿɛ́ [té jǎ:ná-ní:] dɛ̀gɛ́-jú1PlS [tea boil-while.SS] spend.day-Impf‘We (will) spend the day making tea.’b. ɛḿɛ́ gɔ́: gɔ̌:-ní:] nà:-jù1PlS dance(noun) dance-while.SS] spend.night-Impf.L‘We will spend the night dancing.’The form of the verb is identical to that with Different-Subject ‘while’subordinator -nì as described just above.-ní: can be reduced to -n in allegro speech or in high-frequencycombinations. See yé yǎ:-n ‘while walking’, example (xx3.c) in §17.6.1.15.2.1.4 ‘Until getting tired’ (pó=> dɛń-ɛ̀)This phrase can be added to a clause with Progressive suffix, denoting anextended activity. It means literally ‘until (I, you, …) got tired’, but it mainlyemphasizes the temporal extent of the activity.(xx1) [iń núŋú núŋɔ́-táŋà] [pó=> dɛń-ɛ̀][1SgS song sing-Prog] [until get.tired-Perf]‘I sang until (I) got tired.’‘I sang for a very long time.’15.2.2 Anterior clausesIn the constructions described under the “anterior” rubric, the time intervalassociated with the subordinated clause precedes that associated with thefollowing main clause.295

15.2.2.1 Same-Subject Anterior clause (-ɛ: ~ -e:)The subordinating suffix -ɛ: is added to a clause (really a VP) with the samesubject as the main clause. The two events are chronologically sequenced. Myassistant did not accept this construction with the corresponding imperative,preferring a direct verb chain (xx1.b).(xx1) a. iń [dɛň jɛ̌:r-ɛ̀:] dǎ:n-ì1SgS [waterjar bring-and.SS] put.down-Perf‘I brought the waterjar and put it down.’b. dɛň jɛ̌:rì dá:náwaterjar bring put.down.Imprt‘Bring-2Sg the waterjar and put it down!’Forms of this subordinator with stems representing different shapes andtone contours are in (xx2). The vowel quality is [-ATR] -ɛ: for Cv stems,regardless of lexical ATR quality. This is also true for heavy stems, i.e. Cv:Cv,mediopassive CvC-i:, and trisyllabic stems. For the trisyllabics the [-ATR]value extends backward from the suffix to the medial syllable, if this syllablehas a mid-height vowel, hence kiǵɛ̀r-ɛ̀: from kiǵìrì ‘return’ (which is lexically[+ATR] as seen in imperative kiǵéré). For Cv: and CvCv stems, on the otherhand, the suffix agrees with the lexical ATR value of the stem, so we get -e: or-ɛ: depending on the stem. The allomorph is -i: after Cv: verbs with high vowel(xx2.e). The phonology is not entirely transparent, but one way to explain thedifference between Cv and Cv: stems is to argue that -ɛ̀: is appended to theformer, but fuses with the second mora of the latter, with the ATR value of thissecond mora dominating that of the suffix. How this analysis would explain thedifference between CvCv and heavier stems is left to the reader.The vocalism of a verb plus -ɛ: suffix very close to that of the SimplePerfective form (§10.2.1.1), apart from the vowel length. The only cleardifference in vocalism is for ‘give’, which has Simple Perfective ó-è but SSsubordinated form ó-ɛ̀:. Given that the clause with SS -ɛ: denotes an antecedenteventuality, so there is also a semantic connection with perfectivity. Thissuggests that the SS -ɛ: form is segmentally a variant of the Simple Perfectivewith the final vowel (or semivowel -y) lengthened.The tone of the suffix is also variable. It is always L-toned after a Cv stemor after a heavy stem (Cv:Cv, trisyllabic); in these combinations the stem itselfhas its lexical tone. For Cv: stems, regardless of lexical tone contour, the entireword form is {H}-toned. For CvCv stems, we get Cv́C-ɛ̀: for {H}-toned verbsand Cv̀C-ɛ́: for {LH}-toned verbs. The tones again show considerable similarityto those of the Simple Perfective, but there are tonal divergences between the296

two forms for some Cv stems, and a systematic tonal divergence in the {H}-toned Cv́: stems (Simple Perfective Cv́-ɛ̀ etc., but SS subordination form Cv́-ɛ́:etc.).(xx2) Same-subject (SS) Anterior subordinatorbare stem SS glossa. Cvó ó-ɛ̀: ‘give’tí tí-ɛ̀: ‘send’nú nú-ɛ̀: ‘go in’yè yɛ̀-ɛ̂: ‘go’jé jɛ́-ɛ̀: ‘take away’b. Cv: with nonhigh vowel[+ATR]gǒ: gó-é: ‘go out’bě: bé-é: ‘put down’otherná: ná-ɛ́: ‘spend night’ká:ⁿ kań-ɛ́: ‘shave’jǎ: já-ɛ́: ‘dig’jɛ̌: j-ɛ́: ‘scoop’kɔ́:ⁿ kɔń-ɛ́: ‘weep’c. CvCv , {H}-toned[+ATR]suǵó suǵ-é: ‘go down’teŕé teŕ-é: ‘pound’otherpaǵá paǵ-ɛ́: ‘tie’pińɛ́ piń-ɛ́: ‘shut (door)’d. CvCv, {LH}-toned[+ATR]bògó bòg-é: ‘(dog) bark’otheryɛ̀rɛ́ yɛ̀r-ɛ́: ‘come’dɔẁɔ́ dɔẁ-ɛ́: ‘go up’bàgá bàg-ɛ́: ‘fall’e. Cv: with high vowelnú: nú-í: ‘die’tú:ⁿ tuń-í: ‘measure’297

gǐ:ⁿ giń-í: ‘steal’f. Cv:Cvsí:rì sí:r-ɛ̀: ‘cook (meal)’sí:rì sí:r-ɛ̀: ‘point at’ú:-ǹ ú:n-ɛ̀: ‘lay down’bǎ:rì bǎ:r-ɛ̀: ‘send’’g. CvCvCvkiǵìrì kiǵɛ̀r-ɛ̀: ‘return’uǵùrù uǵɛ̀r-ɛ̀: ‘bake’koǵújù koǵúj-ɛ̀: ‘cough’wɛ̀giŕì wɛ̀gɛ́r-ɛ̀: ‘rub (eye)’nũǹú-gù nũǹú-g-ɛ̀: ‘ruin’h. Mediopassive CvC-i:gɛ̀r-î: gɛ̀r-ɛ̂: ‘look’diẁ-î: diẁ-ɛ̂: ‘lean on’kiŕ-ì: kiŕ-ɛ̀: ‘jump’There is a variant with tɛ́-ɛ̀: following the bare stem of the verb. Thisconstruction puts more emphasis on the chronological sequencing than thesimple form. tɛ́-ɛ̀: can be analysed as a slightly irregular combination of -ɛ̀: witha verb-like element tí that is also found in the combination tí-∅ dè (§xxx).Compare the more regular tí-ɛ̀: from tí ‘send’, and cf. Purposive gɛ́-ɛ̀: from gí‘say’ (§xxx). I gloss tí as ‘do.first’ in interlinears.(xx3) [[kuń mà] ká:ⁿ tɛ́-ɛ̀:] gò-è[[head 1SgP] shave do.first-SS.Ant] go.out-Perf.L‘He shaved me, then left.’‘Having (first) shaved me, he left.’15.2.2.2 Past Anterior (ma)Prost (pp. 52, 87) describes a participial anterior clause that is followed by aregular perfective clause with past time reference. The examples given are ofsame-subject sequences denoting chain-like action sequences (e.g. ‘ayant faitdes trous, il planta les arbres’).My assistant rendered such examples with -ɛ: (§15.2.xxx). For má inrelative clauses, see §14.xxx.298

15.2.2.3 (Pseudo-conditional) Future Anterior (dè)As Prost already noted (p. 67 and passim), there are two distinct constructionswith dè ‘if’. One is a conventional conditional antecedent clause, with clausefinaldè ‘if’ in ‘if he comes, I will see you’. The antecedent and the consequentare both ordinary main clauses (except for dè at the end of the antecedent), withtheir own independent subjects. The antecedent denotes a possible futureeventuality, the consequent an eventuality that is in some way (causally orotherwise) dependent on the realization of the antecedent. The verb of theantecedent clause is often, but need not be, aspectually perfective. Either or bothof the clauses may be negative. See §xxx on conditionals.The other is a (pseudo-conditional) chain construction requiring a (positive)Perfective verb before dè and a chronological sequence of eventualities. In thegreat majority of cases, the subjects of the two clauses are coindexed. Unlikethe case with same-subject Anterior subordinator -ɛ:, which is used under thesesame conditions when the entire chain is perfective, the pseudo-conditionalconstruction is used when the entire chain is imperfective. Therefore the dèclause is followed by a clause denoting an eventuality that is in progress,recurrent, or not yet actualized, and it is at least implied that the first eventualityis included in this time perspective. The final clause may be imperative orhortative as well as imperfective indicative. Prost aptly dubs thepseudoconditional verb the “participe futur antérieur.” Examples are in (xx1).(xx1) a. wó [dɔẁ-ɛ́ dè] suǵó-jú3SgS [go.up-Perf if] go.down-Impf‘He/She will go up and (then) come (back) down.’b. ɛḿɛ́ [yé-∅ dè] yě-má-ỳ1PlS [go if] come-Hort-Pl‘Let’s (three or more) go and come (back)!’c. [dɛň dǎ:ǹ-∅ dè] yǎ:[waterjar put.down-Perf if] go.Imprt‘Put-2Sg the waterjar down and (then) go!’d. bé [já-wò=> yɛ̀rɛ́(-sɛ̂ⁿ) dè]3PlS [always come-Perf(.PlS) if][[saň giŕⁿì] yǎ:-téŋè[[ReflP house.Loc.HL] go-Prog.PlS‘Every day he/she comes here and (then) goes (back) home.’299

See also (xxx) in §8.2.6 (‘We’ll go to the edge of the mountain, then we’llrest’).The verb before dè, in both conditional and pseudo-conditionalconstructions, triggers Apocope (here really a kind of Syncope) on a finalPerfective -ì after an unclustered sonorant, thus dǎ:ǹ-∅ for dǎ:n-ì in (xx1.c).Prost stated that the pseudoconditional dè, unlike conditional antecedent dè,cannot combine with an explicit plural-subject verb form. I find that this isusually the case, but that pseudo-condition dè can occasionally take a pluralsubjectPerfective verb (xx1.d). Because the pseudo-conditional requires thatthe subjects in the two clauses be the same, plural-subject marking in the dèclause is redundant. Since plural-subject marking is optional anyway, thisredundancy probably accounts for any statistical differences betweenconditional and pseudo-conditional clauses.Likewise, Prost’s claim that the pseudo-conditional clause must share asubject with the following clause is not completely correct. While the greatmajority of examples do follow this pattern, it is possible to switch subjects aslong as the chronology is maintained and there is a close connection betweenthe two eventualities. See ex. (xx1) in §8.4.5.2 (‘I will go first, then as for you-Sg, come-2Sg behind!’).The pseudo-conditional with dè competes with the direct-chainconstruction, where the nonfinal clause ends in a verb in bare-stem form. Allexamples with pseudoconditional dè can be rephrased as direct chains. Thisapplies to the examples in (xx1), which can be rephrased with direct chainsdɔẁɔ́ suǵó-jú, yě yě-má-ỳ, dǎ:ǹ yǎ:, yɛ̀rɛ́ … yǎ:-téŋè. If there is any differencein meaning, it is probably that the dè form puts a little more emphasis on thechronological sequence (‘…, then …’).The reverse is not true, i.e. many direct verb chains cannot be freelyreplaced by pseudoconditionals, even when the entire sequence is imperfective.This is because the co-events denoted by the verbs in some direct chains are notchronologically sequenced, as in bàjá gúŋ̀ ‘pull off’ (‘pull’ plus ‘remove’),whose co-events are synchronized.Special cases of the pseudo-condition are tí-∅ dè (§16.1.2) with thePerfective of tí ‘do first’, and gí-∅ dè in purposive clauses (§17.6.1) with thePerfective of gí ‘say’.15.2.2.4 Different-subject Anterior clause (kɛ̂:ⁿ ~ kɛ́rⁿɛ̀)We now move on to clause combinations involving disjoint subjects. In theconstruction illustrated in (xx1), the first clause does include a same-subjectsubordinator -ɛ̀: (§15.xxx), but the coindexation extends only to a followingmini-clause (or chained verb) with an obligatory pronominal subject and a verb-300

like form kɛ̂:ⁿ or its less common variant kɛŕⁿɛ̀. This form is not attested in othercontexts; I will gloss it as ‘when.DS’ (DS = different subject). It is followed bya normal main clause with a disjoint subject.(xx1) a. sè:dú nú-ɛ̀: wó kɛ̂:ⁿ, iń gó-èS go.in-SS 3SgS when.DS, 1SgS go.out-Perf‘When Seydou came in, I went out.’b. ɛḿɛ́ nú-ɛ̀: ɛḿɛ́ kɛ̂:ⁿ, bé gó-è1PlS go.in-SS 3SgS when.DS, 3PlS go.out-Perf‘When we came in, they went out.’c. sùŋú bàj-ɛ́: iń kɛ̂:ⁿ, paĺ-ìrope pull-SS 1SgS when.DS, snap-Perf‘When I pulled (on) the rope, it snapped.’d. iń bú:dú [[saň dédè:] nuḿɔ̀] gɛ̀ŋ-ɛ́:1SgS money [[ReflP father.HL] to] request-SSiń kɛ̂:ⁿ, [ɛǹɛ́ ô:-rò] wà1SgS when.DS, [LogoS give-ImpfNeg] say‘When I asked my father for some money, he said he wouldn’t giveit (=he refused).’Prost (p. 86) comments that this construction is common in narratives: anew event is expressed as a Perfective clause, then the same event is repeated asa background clause using the construction with kɛŕⁿɛ̀, then the next new eventis expressed.kɛ̂:ⁿ ~ kɛ́rⁿɛ̀ is likely derived from a subordinated form of *kárⁿá ‘do’ or‘be done’, a verb that is not present in this TK dialect but is reported by Prost.The verb is common in e.g. Jamsay in similar different-subject constructions.15.2.3 ‘Since …’ clauses (gì:ⁿ)The clause-final particle gì:ⁿ creates ‘since …’ clauses, specifying an intervalthat began with the specified event and is understood to continue to the present.This clause type requires a clause-medial subject pronoun, even if the subject isalso expressed by a clause-initial nonpronominal NP; this feature is shared withimperfective complements of perception verbs (§17.2.2.1). The verb of the‘since’ clause is generally identical segmentally to the Simple Perfective, and itmay take the plural-subject form thereof (xx1.e), but it has an overlaid {H} tonecontour erasing the usual tones of this perfective form.301

The cases where the form of the verb differs from that of the normal SimplePerfective are in (xx1). The same reductions occur before dè ‘if’.(xx1)Form of singular-subject Perfective before gì:ⁿ ‘since’bare stem Perfective glossregular before dèa. with -ỳyě yé-ỳ yé gì:ⁿ ‘go’jé jé-ỳ jé gì:ⁿ ‘take away’nú nú-ỳ nú gì:ⁿ ‘go in’b. with -èó ó-è ó gì:ⁿ ‘give’Examples of gì:ⁿ ‘since’ are in (xx2). That the verb has shifted to {H} tonecontour is shown by comparison with regular Perfectives like yɛ̀r-ɛ́ ‘came’ andnũǹú-g-ì ‘ruined’.(xx2) a. nî iń yɛŕ-ɛ́ gì:ⁿ, máŋgóró ɔ̀:-líhere 1SgS come-Perf.H since, mango see-PerfNeg‘Since I came here, I haven’t seen a mango.’b. bàmàkɔ́ ú yé gì:ⁿ,B 2SgS go.Perf.H since,naḿà nî àrⁿú lɔẁɔ̀-lírain to.now here rain.fall-PerfNeg‘(Ever) since you-Sg went to Bamako, it hasn’t rained here.c. sè:dú péjú wó daŕⁿ-ɛ́ gì:ⁿ,S sheep 3SgS kill-Perf.H since,[ɛḿɛ́ biń] jò-è[1PlS belly.H] be.full-Perf.L‘Since Seydou slaughtered the sheep, our bellies have been full(=we have eaten well).’d. tè-gɛŕⁿí: ú nũńú-g-í gì:ⁿ,tea.L-gear 2SgS be.ruined-Caus-Perf.H since,ɛḿɛ́ té bɛ̀-lâ:1PlS tea get-PerfNeg.PlS‘Since you-Sg ruined the tea-kettle, we haven’t had any tea.’e. [iǹtaýⁿ mà] bé y-ɛ́: gì:ⁿ,302

[friend 1SgP] 3PlS go-Perf.PlS.H since,iń [kɛǹɛ̀-kɔň bè] wɔ̀1SgS [heart.L-weeping with] be.HumSg‘Since my friends went (=left), I have been sad.’f. tuẁó kó baǵ-ɛ́ gì:ⁿ,stone NonhS fall-Perf.H since,iń yɛ́ yà:-lí1SgS there.Def go-PerfNeg‘Since the rock fell (off), I haven’t gone there.’It was possible to elicit a negative example (xx3). The stem and PerfectiveNegative suffix are both included in the overlaid {H} tone.(xx3) nɔẁⁿɔ́ wó bɛ́-lí gì:ⁿ,meat 3SgS get-PerfNeg.H since,[kɛǹɛ̀-paŕú bè] wɔ̀[heart.L-? with] be.HumSg‘Since he didn’t get any meat, he has been angry.’This construction can also be used to translate ‘since X’ where X is a nounphrase or adverbial phrase. This requires an overt verb, ‘go out’ (xx4.a) or‘pass’ (xx4.b). (xx4.a) is syntactically interesting in that the adverb ‘yesterday’does not correspond to a Nonhuman subject pronoun kó similar to thatcoindexed with ‘Feast of the Ram’ in (xx4.b).(xx2) a. yá: gó-é gì:ⁿ, iń nã̌: nì:-líyesterday go.out-Perf.H since, 1SgS meal eat.meal-PerfNeg‘I haven’t eaten (a meal) since yesterday.b. laýɛ́ kó gaŕ-ɛ́ gì:ⁿ,Feast.of.Ram NonhS pass-Perf.H since,àrⁿú lɔẁɔ̀-lìrain rain.fall-PerfNeg.L‘Since the Feast of the Ram (passed), the rain hasn’t fallen.’15.3 Noun-headed temporal clause (‘the time when …’)A noun denoting a time or time interval, of which the most general are tèŋé andless often doǵuŕú, can function as head of a relative clause. They are of course{L}-toned like any relative-clause head NP. Such relative clauses can be madeinto explicit temporal adverbial clauses (‘at the time when …’) by adding a303

postposition such as bè ‘with’. (xx1.a) illustrates tèŋé ‘time’. For doǵúrú see ex.(xxx) in §xxx.Other temporal nouns with meanings like ‘day’ and ‘year’ are also readilyused as relative-clause heads. In an adverbial clause, the noun ‘day’ is repeated,still in {L}-toned form, after the clause proper, as a kind of external relativeclausehead in addition to the clause-internal head (or, alternatively, as a kind ofpostposition). This construction with double ‘day’ noun requires a {H}-tonedform of a Perfective verb (xx1.b). ‘Year’ does not show the doubling, keeps theregular {HL} contour on a Perfective verb, and does not require a postposition(xx1.c).(xx1) a. [tèŋè nùrⁿú ú á:-jú] bè,[time.L sickness 2SgO catch-Impf] with,iń bàmàkɔ́ wɔ̀1SgS B be.NonhSg‘At the time when you were getting sick, I was in Bamako.’b. [nìŋìrⁿì ú yɛŕ-ɛ́] nìŋìrⁿì,[day.L 2SgS come-Perf.H] day.Lnî àrⁿú lɔẃ-ɛ̀here rain rain.fall-Perf‘The day you-Sg came, it rained.’c. kǎ: àrⁿà-kùjù kó yɛŕ-ɛ̀,grasshopper year.L NonhS come-Perf.HL,ɛḿɛ́ [pàrà-gòrò]-biŕɛ́ bì-lâ:1PlS [autumn.L]-work do-PerfNeg.PlS‘The year the locusts came, we didn’t do the harvest.’15.3.1 Reverse anteriority clause ‘before …’ (jà)Efforts to elicit ‘before …’ clauses were unsuccessful when the subjects of themain and adverbial clauses were the same. In this case, my assistant translatedthem with conditional antecedent clauses, ending in dè ‘if/when’. For example,‘we’ll do some farm work before going to the market’ was rendered as ‘if/whenwe have done farm work, (then) we’ll go to the market’.It was not difficult to elicit a distinctive ‘before …’ clause when thesubjects of the two clauses were disjoint. The morpheme jà ‘before’ occurs atthe end of the clause, which has doǵuŕú ‘time’ as {L}-toned relative head,occasionally omitted as in (xx1.c). The verb is Perfective, and {H} rather than{HL} toned.304

(xx1) a. [[ú dédè:] dògùrù wó yé-jà],[[2SgP father.HL] time.L 3SgS come.H-before]iń yě-jú1SgS come-Impf‘I’ll come (=I’ll be back) before your father comes (here).’b. àrⁿú dògùrù kó suǵó-jà,rain time.L NonhS go.down.H-before,ɛḿɛ́ [toǵú bɔŕɔ̀] nú-má-ỳ1PlS [shed under] go.in-Hort.PlS‘Let’s go under the shed before the rain comes down.’c. àrⁿú kó yé-jà,rain NonhS come.H-before,ɛḿɛ́ [toǵú bɔŕɔ̀] nú-ɛ̀:1PlS [shed under] go.in-Perf.PlS‘We went under the shed before the rain came.’d. dògùrù bé dɔẃɔ́-jà, bé á:time.L 3PlS go.up.H-before, 3PlO catch.Imprt‘Catch them before they go up.’‘Before X’, where X denotes a time, can also be translated using thisconstruction, using the verb dɔ̌: ‘arrive’ (xx1.a). If X denotes a human or otherenduring entity, the logic is different (denoting priority relations) and thepostposition giŕè ‘in front of’ is pressed into service (xx1.b).(xx1) a. iń [laýɛ́ dɔ́:-jà] bàmàkɔ́ yǎ:-jú1SgS [Feast.of.Ram arrive.H-before] B go-Impf‘I will go to Bamako before the Feast of the Ram.’b. [àrⁿà gàrá bè] nã̌:[man.L big Pl] meal[[uŕⁿí: bè] giŕè] nĩ́:-nĩ́[[children Pl] in.front] eat-Impf‘The adult men eat before (“in front of”) the children.’Forms of -jà with representative verbs are in (xx3), with the bare stem andImperfective for comparison. The {H}-tone overlay before -jà is evident in(xx3.b) with lexical {LH}-tone, but the two irregular {HL}-toned stems (‘takeaway’, ‘bring’) in (xx3.d) are unaffected. The j of -jà does not become ñ after anasal syllable as it does in Imperfective -jú ~ -nṹ, see ‘go in’ (xx3.a). rv-Deletion applies before both suffixes (xx3.c).305

(xx1) a. [nàŋá nã̀ bàgá-sâⁿ] dèŋ yǎ:[cow place.L fall-Perf.Ppl] place.L go.Imprt‘Go-2Sg to the place where the cow fell!’b. [nã̀ nã̌: ɛḿɛ́ nĩ́:-nĩ́] wàgá=> kɔ̀[place.L meal 1PlS eat-Impf] far.away be.Nonh‘The place where we are going to eat is far away.’c. [[nã̀ ɛḿɛ́ ná-ɛ́] dèŋ][[place.L 1PlS spend.night-Perf] place.L][ɔ̀jɔ̀ pɔń=>] kɔ̀:-rɔ́[thing.L nothing] be.Nonh-Neg‘There is nothing (there) where we spent the night.’15.4.2 Manner adverbial clause (‘how …’)The usual head noun of a manner relative is bà:ⁿ, a {L}-toned and slightlyreduced variant of bàŋú ‘way, manner’. The relative clause may be followed by{L}-toned gì:ⁿ, cf. particle gí:ⁿ ‘like’ (§8.4.1).(xx1) a. [[biŕɛ́ bà:ⁿ iń bǐ-jí] gì:ⁿ][[work(noun) manner.L 1SgS do-Impf] manner.L][wó kà:ⁿ] kú:ⁿ bì-jì[3Sg also] likewise do-Impf.L‘The way I work is how he/she too works.b. [nã̌: bà:ⁿ ú nĩ́:-nĩ́][meal manner.L 2SgS eat.meal-Impf]má≡ǹ sɛǹ-lá1Sg≡Dat be.good.L-StatNeg‘The way you-Sg eat doesn’t please me.’15.4.3 Headless adverbial clause as spatiotemporal or manner clauseMy assistant did not accept headless relatives as adverbial clauses. However,the implied internal head, such as ‘time’ in (xx1), could be omitted as long asthe external {L}-toned noun was present after the relative verb.(xx1) [[[àrⁿú lɔẃɔ́-jú] tèŋè] bè][[[rain rain.fall-Impf.H] time.L] with][wàrù-wárá bè]≡ǹ sɛń kɔ̀307

[farmer Pl]≡Dat good be.Nonh‘In the times when it rains, the farmers are pleased.’Alternatively, if the postposition bè ‘with’ follows the relative clause, sothat the latter’s adverbial nature is clear, a headless relative can function as avaguely temporal clause (xx2).(xx2) [muśá bé á:-jú] bè,[M 3PlS arrest-Impf] with,iń bàmàkɔ́ wɔ̀1SgS B be.HumSgS‘When they arrested Mousa, I was in Bamako.’15.4.4 ‘From X, until (or: all the way to) Y’ (nã̀ŋá, dɔ̀:)The verbs nã̀ŋá ‘take, pick up’ (bare stem form as in a chain) and dɔ̀: ‘arrive’({L}-toned form of bare stem) combine to form two-clause constructionsdenoting the beginning and endpoints of a time span. In (xx1), the ‘take’ verb ispreceded by a {H}-toned Perfective verb with preceding subject pronominal, asin perfective non-subject relatives before a {L}-toned word. The second clauseconsists of a pronoun functioning as quasi-possessor followed by a {H}-toned(i.e. possessed) verbal noun ‘dying’ (cf. unpossessed nǔ: ‘death, dying’) and the‘arrive’ verb.(xx1) [bé wà] [bé naŕⁿ-ɛ́ nã̀ŋá][3Pl QuotS] [3PlS give.birth-Perf.H take][[bé nú:-∅] dɔ̀:] [mɔǹṹ wè][[3Pl die-VblN.H] arrive] [bad be.HumPlS]‘From the time they are born (lit.: “they [mothers] give birth to them”),to the time they die, they are evil.’Further examples of the construction are in (xx2). When the subject ofsecond clause is 1Sg, we get subject-like iń rather than the usual possessor form(postposted mà). In (xx2.b), the second clause begins with an object pronoun(kó), with the subject (‘they’) omitted.(xx2) a. [nî iń yɛŕ-ɛ́ nã̀ŋá],[here 1SgS come-Perf.H take],[[iń yé-∅] dɔ̀:] [dí: iǹ-ɛ̀:-lí][[1Sg go-Vbl.H] arrive.L] [water bathe-MP-PerfNeg]‘From the time that I came here until I went, I did not bathe.’308

. [àrⁿú gìrⁿí kó nũńú-g-í nã̀ŋá],[rain house NonhS be.ruined-Caus-Perf.H take],[kó dańú-g-ú] dɔ̀:][[Nonh be.good-Caus-VblN.H] arrive.L][ɛḿɛ́ giǹɛ́ nɔẁⁿ-ɛ̀:-lâ:1PlS sleep(noun) sleep‘From the time the rain damaged the house, until when (they) fixedit, we didn’t sleep (well).’Compare the Jamsay construction of similar meaning with yàŋá ‘take’.15.5 Past time constructionsThe absence of a Past morpheme associated with verbs (like inflectable verbalclitic ≡bɛ- in several Dogon languages, or like Jamsay postverbal particle jì:ⁿ)means that the expression of past-time categories is challenging in TK.15.5.1 Perfect with pór-ì ‘say’ after ‘go’Perfective verb poŕ-ì ‘said’ (plural-subject poŕ-ɛ̀:) can be added to yě ‘go’ as adirect chain to give a perfect reading: ‘has/had (already) gone away’.(xx1) a. wó yé-jà, iń yě poŕ-ì3SgS come.H-before, 1SgS go say-Perf‘By the time he/she came, I had gone (away).’b. bé yé-jà, ɛḿɛ́ yě poŕ-ɛ̀:3PlS come.H-before, 1PlS go say-Perf‘By the time they came, we had gone (away).’My assistant did not accept this construction with verbs other than ‘go’.15.5.2 Perfect with gàrá yè (y-ɛ̀) ‘pass’The verb gàrá ‘pass by, go past’ is used with a following yè (plural-subject y-ɛ̀)to form a perfect with any preceding VP. The yè (y-ɛ̀) appears to be a reducedform of the Perfective of ‘go’. The full Perfective form is yé-ỳ (plural yɛ́-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ),but yé-ỳ is also reduced to yé before dè ‘if’. In gàrá yè, the yè sounds rather like309

a clitic, but note that rv-Deletion does not apply as it does in gàrá before mostsuffixes.(xxx) a. dògùrù nã́ bé≡ǹ iń toŕó-jà,time.L place 3Pl≡Dat 1SgS show.H-before,bé wàrá gàrá y-ɛ̀3PlS do.farm.work pass go-Perf.PlS‘Before I could show them the place (field), they had (already)cultivated (it).’b. dɔ̀gɔ̀tɔ̀rɔ̀-gìrⁿí iń dɔ́:-jà,doctor.L-house 1SgS arrive-before,wó nú: gàrá yè3SgS die pass go.Perf‘Before I could get to the hospital, he/she had (already) died.’310

16 Conditional constructions16.1 Conditional antecedent with dè ‘if’16.1.1 Simple dèClause-final dè functions as the ‘if’ particle in the usual type of conditionalantecedent clause, denoting a possible eventuality that would entail a secondeventuality. Usually both eventualities are in the future, and the unmarkedlogical relation is one of cause-and-effect. In this case, the antecedent clause isperfective in form, the consequent imperfective (or a deontic modal categorysuch as imperative). dè is L-toned, though subject to an optional pitch rise dueto nonterminal intonation effects.The antecedent clause precedes the consequent clause. The consequent mayomit subject and object NPs repeated from the antecedent and may therefore bereduced to a verb.(xx1) a. iń ɛẃɛ̀ mɛ̌: ɔ́-ɛ́ dè, ɛẃɛ́-jú1SgS market.Loc.HL salt see-Perf.SgS if, buy-Impf.SgS‘If I see (=find) some salt in the market, I’ll buy (some).’b. ú péjú [bàrá bîn] bɛ̀r-ɛ́ dè,2SgS sheep [bush in] get-Perf.SgS if,nî jɛ́:rɛ́here bring.Imprt‘If you-Sg get (=find) a sheep out in the bush, bring it here!’c. já-wò=> biŕɛ́ bǐ-jí dè, dɛ̌:ⁿ-nṹalways work(noun) do-Impf if, get.tired-Impf‘If (you-Sg) work every day, (you’ll) get tired (=wear yourselfout).”Though often translated with ‘if’, the TK particle dè can also be used whenthe antecedent eventuality is considered certain to happen, or when it denotes arecurring eventuality. In such contexts, ‘when’ or ‘after’ is a more apt freetranslation.(xx2) ɛḿɛ́ waŕú daǵ-à=> wàrá-sɛń dè]1PlS farming a.little do.farm.work-Perf.PlS if]311

kú:ⁿ ɛẃɛ̀ yà:-jùthen market.Loc.HL go-Impf.L‘When/After we have done a little farm work, then we’ll go to themarket.’16.1.2 Reduced form of Simple Perfective of Cv verb before dèThe verb in the antecedent clause of a typical future-oriented conditional (‘if hecomes, I’ll give him the millet’) is normally perfective, either Simple Perfective(positive) or Perfective Negative.There are no morphological irregularities involving the Perfective Negative,or the plural-subject form of the Simple Perfective, in this construction.However, the (positive) singular-subject form of the Simple Perfective hasslightly reduced forms for monomoraic Cv verbs before dè.(xx1)Form of singular-subject Perfective before dè ‘if’bare stem Perfective glossregular before dèa. with -ỳyě yé-ỳ yé-∅ dè ‘go’jé jé-ỳ jé-∅ dè ‘take away’nú nú-ỳ nú-∅ dè ‘go in’b. with -èó ó-è ó-∅ dè ‘give’Cv: stems, even though some of them have regular Perfective forms ofsimilar Cv-y and Co-e shapes, are not affected. Thus ɔ́-ɛ́ dè (‘see’), nú-ỳ dè(‘die’).Bisyllabic stems with Perfective in -ì (homophonous to the bare stem) oftenlose the -i before dè, but this is not obligatory and only occurs after anunclustered sonorant. When the -ì is lost in this way, the stranded L-tone can beheard (in careful pronunciation) on the now word-final sonorant. I thereforeattribute this to the phonological rule Apocope (§3.xxx). Example: Perfectivedǎ:-n-ì ‘put down, set’, combined with dè as dǎ:-n-ì dè, dǎ:-ǹ dè, or dǎ:-n-∅ dè.The same reductions of the Perfective suffix -ỳ or -ì occur before gì:ⁿ‘since’.312

16.1.3 Extensions of dè (táŋá: dè, tí-∅ dè, gí-∅ dè)An extended variant … táŋá:≡ỳ dè ‘if it happens that …’ is also found (compareJamsay táŋà: dè).(xx1) [ú biŕɛ́ bì-jù táŋá:≡ỳ dè],[2SgS work(noun) do-Impf.L happen≡it.is if]iń ú bà-jù1SgS 2SgO help-Impf.L‘If (it happens that) you-Sg do some work, I’ll help you.’ (bàrá)An extension tí-∅ dè emphasizes the temporal sequencing of theantecedent and consequent eventualities. Since the chronology is more relevantthan any cause-and-effect relationship, I will gloss tí as ‘do first’ in interlinearsand analyse tí-∅ dè as containing its Simple Perfective form, with the usualloss of final -ỳ before dè. Because of the chronological emphasis, tí-∅ dè maybe considered a special case of the pseudo-conditional construction with dèfollowing a Perfective verb (§15.2.2.3). Consistent with this, my examples of tí-∅ dè involve future time contexts.tí is found elsewhere in TK grammar only in tɛ́-ɛ̀:, a variant of the samesubjectsubordination construction (§15.3.1). It is probably cognate to a highfrequencyPerfective suffix (and chaining particle) tí in Jamsay and some otherDogon languages.(xx1) a. wó [saň giŕⁿì] nã̌: nĩ́: tí-∅ dè]3SgS [ReflP house.HL] meal eat do.first-Perf if]yě-júcome-Impf‘He will eat at his home before coming (here).’or: ‘He will eat at his home, then come (here).’b. [biŕɛ́ bìrɛ́ tí-∅ dè] nã̌: nĩ́:[work(noun) do do.first-Perf if] meal eat.Imprt‘Do-2Sg the work before you-Sg eat.’[lit. “After doing the work, eat a meal!”]TK verb tí ‘send’, which occurs mainly in the verb-chain bǎ:rì tí ‘send’,along with its cognates in other Dogon languages, may be historically related tothe grammatical tí in tí-∅ dè and tɛ́-ɛ̀:, or they may be accidental homonyms.Synchronically in TK, the two can co-occur: [bǎ:rì tí tí-∅ dè] yɛ́rɛ́ ‘send (it)and then come!’.313

There is a combination gí-∅ dè used in some purposive clauses, as analternative to gɛ́-ɛ̀:. These forms are based on gí ‘say’. See §17.6.1 for examplesand discussion.16.1.4 ‘Unless’ antecedentAn ordinary negative antecedent can express ‘unless’ as well as other nuances.(xx1) ú waŕu wǎ:-rò dè,2SgS farming do.farm.work-ImpfNeg.SgS if,àbádá nã̌: nĩ̂:-rònever meal eat-ImpfNeg.SgS‘If you-Sg don’t do farm work, you’ll never eat.’= ‘Unless you-Sg do farm work, you’ll never eat.’16.2 Alternative ‘if’ particles16.2.1 ‘Even if …’ (hâl … kaǹ)The combination of clause-initial hâl … ‘even’ and clause-final kàⁿ (instead ofdè) expresses the sense ‘even if’. Usually the antecedent eventuality is unlikelyto happen, and it would not affect the consequent.(xx1) a. hâl wó nî yɛ̀r-ɛ́ kaǹ,even 3SgS here come-Perf.SgS if,nã̌: nĩ̂:-ròmeal eat.meal-ImpfNeg.SgS‘Even if he/she comes here, he/she won’t eat (here).’b. hâl àrⁿú lɔẃ-ɛ̀ kaǹ,even rain(noun) rain.fall-Perf.SgS if,iń bàrá ya:-rò1SgS bush go-ImpfNeg.SgS‘Even if it rains, I won’t go to the bush (= the fields).’For kaǹ in counterfactual conditionals, see §16.xxx, below.314

16.2.2 ‘As soon as …’ (dè fú=>)Addition of fú=> ‘all’ (§6.6.1, above) after the clause-final ‘if’ particle dè canadd a nuance of immediacy to the sequencing of the antecedent and theconsequent eventualities.(xx1) a. aḿírⁿí ùŋuŕ-ì dè fú=>,chief get.up-Perf.SgS if all,ɛḿɛ́ nã̌: nĩ́:-nĩ́1PlS meal eat.meal-Impf‘As soon as the chief gets up, we’ll eat.’b. iń bú:dú bɛ̀r-ɛ́ dè fú=>,1SgS money get-Perf.SgS if all,ú≡ǹtɔ́jɔ́-jú2Sg≡Acc pay-Impf.SgS‘As soon as I get the money, I’ll pay you-Sg.’16.3 Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents (‘whether X or Y …’)In a ‘whether or not’ conditional, the two alternative antecedents are juxtaposedwithout the final dè ‘if’. The construction is really a conjunction of the twoantecedents, and has the dying-quail intonation (prolongation and pitch drop)typical of NP conjunction (§xxx). If (as often) the two alternative antecedentsare positive and negative counterparts, the dying-qual intonation is expressedonly on the positive clause, which precedes the negative with no pause (xx1.a).If the two antecedents have distinct predicates, both have dying-quail intonation(xx1.b).(xx1) a. àrⁿú lɔẃ-ɛ̀∴ lɔẁɔ̀-lí,rain rain.fall-Perf.SgS.and rain.fall-PerfNeg.SgSɛḿɛ́ bàrá yǎ:-jí1PlS bush go-Impf.PlS‘Whether it rains or not, we’re going to the bush (=fields).’b. dí: keĺú kɔ̂∴, nú: kɔ̂∴,water cold be.Nonh.and, hot be.Nonh.and,iń nɔ̌:-nṹ1SgS drink-Impf.SgS‘Whether the water is cold or hot, I will drink (it).’315

16.4 Counterfactual conditional (kàⁿ)In a counterfactual, it is implied that the antecedent eventuality did not in factoccur in the past. The antecedent ends in kaǹ rather than dè. kaǹ also occurs in‘even if’ antecedents (§16.xxx). The consequent is imperfective in form, as withother types of conditional.(xx1) a. kǎ: yè-lí kaǹ,grasshopper come-PerfNeg.SgS if,pàrà-gó:ró dàg-ɛ́:-júharvestbe.good-MP-Impf.SgS‘If the locusts hadn’t come, the harvest would have turned outwell.’b. wó nî yɛ̀r-ɛ́ kaǹ, iń wó dǎ-nṹ3SgS here come-Perf.SgS if, 1SgS 3SgO kill-Impf.SgS‘If he/she had come here, I’d have killed him/her.’316

17 Complement and purposive clauseswritenote: the suggested subsection organization is subject to modificationdepending on what type of complement clause occurs in the semantic contextindicated; in particular, the division of labor between verbal-noun complementsand other constructions (such as simple direct chains) is variable fromlanguage to language.17.1 Quotative complementwriteQuotations are marked by up to three distinct features:(xx1)a. inflectable ‘say’ verb (xxx), preceding or following the quotation,§17.1.2;b. invariable quotative particle xxx (e.g. /wa/ or /lo/) following thequotation (or multiple segments of the quotation), §17.1.3;c. logophoric pronouns substituting for (original) first personpronouns, §18.xxx.17.1.1 Direct versus indirect in quotative complementswritereported speech involves a mix of direct and indirect discoursedirect features:initial vocatives (‘hey [you]!’)aspect category on verb usually same as originalno ‘that’ complementizerindirect features:pronominal person category recomputedso ‘hey you!’ appears in most contexts as ‘hey 3Sg!’logophoric replaces original 1Sg or 1Pl (in direct quote)317

17.1.2 ‘Say that …’ with inflectable ‘say’ verb (pórì, gí:)The inflectable ‘say’ verbs are pórì and gí:, see §11.3 for discussion of theirforms (including irregularities).poŕì is the more common of the two in my data. It can take NP as well asclausal complements.(xx1) a. wó ìŋé pòr-ì3SgS what? say-Perf.L‘What did he/she say?’b. [ɔ̀jɔ̀ pɔń=>] pò-lí[thing.L nothing] say-PerfNeg‘He/She didn’t say anything.’c. [ú yògó yě-jú dè] má≡ǹ pɔ́-nɔ́[2SgS tomorrow come-Impf if] 1Sg≡Dat say-Imprt‘If you’re coming tomorrow, tell me!’d. iń [wó giŕⁿì] yɛ̀rɛ́ bɛ:-rò]1SgS [3SgS house.Loc.HL] come get-ImpfNeg]wó≡ǹ poŕ-ì3Sg≡Dat say-Perf‘I told him that I can’t come to his house.’The ‘say’ verb and its dative PP normally follow the quoted matter, andusually do not co-occur with an adjacent Quotative wà, which would be ratherredundant. However, a subject NP may occur at the beginning of theconstruction, preceding the quotation (xx1.d).The quoted matter may be short (e.g. a name) or one or more full sentences.Spationtemporal adverbials (‘yesterday’, ‘here’) are reset to correspond to thecurrent deictic center. However, aspectual categories are not reset. In ‘He said(ten days ago) that he would slaughter a goat the next day’, ‘would slaughter’ istranslated out as an Imperfective verb, just as in the original utterance (‘I willslaughter a goat tomorrow’).The most important change from the original utterance to the quoted form isthe use of Logophoric pronouns replacing an original 1Sg or 1Pl pronoun, whenthe attributed speaker is not the current speaker. See §18.2 for examples anddiscussion.For jussive complements (quoted imperatives and hortatives), see §17.1.4,below.318

17.1.3 Quotative particle wàThe uninflectable particle wà follows the quotation. It functions much likequotation marks in written English. It may, however, co-occur with a subjectdenoting the attributed author of the quotation, like 3Sg wó in (xx1.a). In anyevent, there is always an attributed speaker, even if covert, and this is sufticientto trigger the use of Logophoric pronouns (which are coindexed to the speaker).(xx1) a. wó [[ɛǹɛ́ ańà] àrⁿú lɔẃ-ɛ̀] wà3SgS [[LogoP village.Loc.HL] rain rain.fall-Perf] say‘He x said that it rained in his x village.’b. wó ɛǹɛ́ yǎ:-jú wà3SgS LogoS go-Impf say'He x says he x will go.'c. wó [sè:dú bàg-ɛ́] wà3SgS [S fall-Perf] say‘He/She said that Seydou fell.’17.1.4 Quotative Subject wàA quoted sentence consisting of an overt subject (NP or pronoun) plus a VP canbe divided into two, with one wà after the subject and a second wà (or aninflectable ‘say’ verb) after the VP. This division is regular with humansubjects, particularly pronouns. It does not seem to apply to nonhuman subjects.I refer to the first wà as the Quotative Subject morpheme, glossed QuotS ininterlinears.The 1Sg form is usually contracted from má wà to má à. The 3Sg may becontracted from wó wà to wɔ́ ɔ̀. I know of no other irregularities in form.(xx2) bé [sè:dú wà] [yǎ: yǎ:-táŋà mà=>] wà3PlS [S QuotS] [where go-Prog Q] say‘They asked Seydou x where he x was going.’The quoted subject may be a pronoun, reset to conform to the deictic centerof the current speech event. In other words, it need not repeat the pronominal orother form used in the original utterance.(xx3) a. bé [má à] [yǎ: yǎ:-táŋà mà=>] wà3PlS [1Sg QuotS] [where go-Prog Q] say319

‘They asked me where I was going.’b. bé [ú wà] [yǎ: yǎ:-táŋà mà=>] wà3PlS [2Sg QuotS] [where go-Prog Q] say‘They are asking where you-Sg are going.’[said e.g. by an interpreter, when there is no common language]c. wó [sè:dú wà] [[yɛ́ tɛ̀] bàg-ɛ́] má≡ǹ pòr-ì3SgS [S QuotS] [[there.Def] fall-Perf] 1Sg≡Dat say-Perf‘She said that Seydou has fallen there.’writeextended quotations: xxx is typically repeated after each clauseexamples‘He/she said that the people will come, (but that) they won’t eat here.’omitted when it would be adjacent to the ‘say’ verb?omitted in negative contexts (‘X didn’t say that ...’)?examples:‘Amadou did not say that the people have sown (the millet).’‘Did he say that the people have sown (the millet)?’omitted with factive complement (ending in Definite morpheme)?example:‘If he says (= claims) that the people have sown (the millet), it’s false.’17.1.5 Jussive complement (reported imperative or hortative)This section describes the form of embedded (i.e. quoted) imperatives,including prohibitives, and hortatives.17.1.5.1 Quoted imperativeA reported (embedded) imperative takes the regular Imperative form, insingular form regardless of subject number. The subject of the imperativeappears as an obligatory clause-initial pronoun followed by Quotative Subject("QuotS") particle wà (often reduced to à after 1Sg má or 3Sg wó, and320

contracting with them as [mâ:] and [wâ:] respectively). This clause-initialpronoun functions as a quoted vocative, with the original '(hey) you!' convertedin accordance with the pronominal structure of the current speech event (henceoften third person). Quotative wa (which adopts the final tone of the precedingword) may also occur at the end of the quoted clause.The full form of the construction is exemplified by (xx1), which has twoclearly distinct clauses.(xx1) [seýdú nì] pɔ́-nɔ́, [[wó à] yɛŕɛ́] wá[S Dat] say-Imprt, [[3SgS QuotS] come.Imprt] Quot'Tell-2Sg Seydou to come!'[lit: "Say to Seydou, '(hey) he, come!'"]It is also possible to omit the overt 'say' verb (pórì), since the quotativeparticles define the imperative clause as quoted (xx2.a). Or the overt 'say' verbmay follow the quoted segment (xx2.b).(xx2) a. seýdú [[má à] yɛŕɛ́] wáS [[1Sg QuotS] come.Imprt] Quot'Seydou told me to come!'[lit: "Seydou (said) '(hey) me, come!'"]b. seýdú [[má à] yɛŕɛ́] poŕìS [[1Sg QuotS] come.Imprt] say.Perf.Sg'Seydou told me to come!'[lit: "Seydou said, '(hey) me, come!'"]For wishes and imprecations ('May God assist you!') and the like, with asimilar syntax except for the Quotative Subject maring, see §10.6.4, above.The same structures are used for reported prohibitives, which merelyreplace the Imperative in the previous examples with a morphologicalProhibitive (xx3).(xx3) [seýdú nì] pɔ́-nɔ́, [[wó à] yé-lé] wá[S Dat] say-Imprt, [[3SgS QuotS] come.Prohib] Quot'Tell-2Sg Seydou not to come!'[lit: "Say to Seydou, '(hey) he, don't come!'"]321

17.1.5.2 Embedded hortativeAs explained in §10.xxx, above, a hortative of the type translatable as 'let's VP!'is structured as an imperative, with either a singular or plural addressee as thecase may be. This structure is reflected in the form of an embedded hortative,which treats the original addressee(s) as the subject(s) of the hortative verb.Therefore the hortative in (xx1) has a 1Sg pronoun as subject, representing theoriginal addressee.(xx1) seýdú [má à] nã́-má wáS [1SgS QuotS] go-Hort Quot'Seydou said to me, let's go!' (i.e. he suggested that he and I go)[lit.: "Seydou (said), '(hey) me, let's go!'"]As with embedded imperatives, here the hortative verb is invariant in form.A plural subject can be expressed by the usual clause-initial pronoun, but thehortative verb does not take plural-addressee form (xx2).(xx2) seýdú [ɛḿɛ́ wà] nã́-má wáS [1SgS QuotS] go-Hort Quot'Seydou said to us, let's (all) go!' (i.e. he suggested that he and we go)[lit.: "Seydou (said), '(hey) us, let's go!'"]An embedded hortative negative is (xx3).(xx1) seýdú [má à] yá:-m-lé wáS [1SgS QuotS] go-Hort-Prohib Quot'Seydou said to me, let's not go!' (i.e. he suggested that he and I not go)[lit.: "Seydou (said), '(hey) me, let's not go!'"]17.2 Factive (indicative) complementsFactive complements have the form of main clauses, usually indicative butunder some conditions polar interrogative. The factive clause may precede theentire main clause, including its subject, or it may be inserted between thesubject and the verb of the main clause.With verbs like ‘see’ and ‘hear’, a distinction must be made between factivecomplements that describe a situation (‘I saw that he was tired’), andimperfective complements that describe an ongoing perceivable event (‘I sawhim fall[ing] out of a tree’).322

17.2.1 ‘Know that …’ factive complementFor the predicate í:ⁿ wɔ̀ ‘know’, including a copula, see §11.2.4.1, above.A clausal complement has the form of a main clause. If ‘know’ is positive,the complement is a normal indicative clause, positive or negative as the casemay be. If ‘know’ is negated, questioned, or otherwise non-assertive, thecomplement takes the form of a polar interrogative (§13.2.1). In English, ‘DoesSeydou know that his house has fallen?’ has a presupposition absent from ‘DoesSeydou know whether his house has fallen?’, but in TK (xx1.b) is used whetheror not the current speaker knows whether the house has fallen.(xx1) a. [iń ye:-rò] [wó í:ⁿ wɔ̀][1SgS come-ImpfNeg.SgS] [3SgS know be.HumSg]‘He/She knows that I am not coming.’b. sè:dú [[saň giŕⁿí] bàg-ɛ́ mà] í:ⁿ wɔ̀S [[ReflP house.H] fall-Perf.SgS Q] know be.HumSg‘Does Seydou know that his house has fallen?’‘Does Seydou know whether his house has fallen?’17.2.2 ‘See (find, hear) that …’ factive complement‘See’ can take a factive complement, in the form of a main clause, when theemphasis is on the agent’s inference of a situation based on visual and perhapsother evidence, rather than on direct observation (xx1.a-b). This construction isalso usual with ‘hear (a report)’ (xx1.c) and ‘find (a situation)’ (xx1.d).(xx1) a. [ú kìlɛ̀-lí] iń ɔ́-táŋà[2SgS be.done-PerfNeg.SgS] 1SgS see-Prog‘I see that you-Sg are not done (=are not ready).’b. iń [[saň suǵɛ́:ⁿ] dɛ̌-ɛǹ] ɔ̀-ɛ̀1SgS [[ReflP younger.sib.H] be.tired-Perf.SgS] see-Perf.SgS‘I saw that my younger sibling was tired.’c. [ú yɛ̀r-ɛ́] [iń ɛǵ-ɛ̀][2SgS come-Perf] [1SgS hear-Perf]‘I heard that you-Sg had come.’d. iń yɛ̀-ɛ̂: [[saň ińtaỳⁿ] nuǹú-nṹ] tɛḿ-ɛ̀1SgS go-SS [[ReflP friend.HL] be.sick-Impf] find-Perf323

‘I went (there) and found that my friend was sick.’17.2.2.1 Imperfective complement of ‘see’ and ‘hear’In this context, the agent of ‘see’ or ‘hear’ directly perceives an event, ratherthan inferring a situation. The verb of the complement ends in a L-toned versionof otherwise H-toned Imperfective suffix -jú or (plural) -jí. The L-toned versionis also used in relative clauses (§14.xxx).A striking syntactic feature of this imperfective complement is that animperfective complement of a perception verb requires a pronominal subject inimmediate preverbal position, even when the coindexed subject NP is overtlypronounced at the beginning of the imperfective clause. Note 3Sg wó in(xx1.a,c) and 3Pl bé in (xx1.b). This requirement does not apply to main clausesor to factive complements, and it does not apply in the same manner in relatives.It does, however, apply to ‘since’ clauses with gì:ⁿ (§15.4.1).(xx1) a. iń [í:ⁿ [[tiḿɛ́ aŕà] gò:] wó bàgá-jù] ɔ̀-ɛ̀1SgS [[child [tree on.top] go.out 3SgS fall-Impf] see-Perf‘I saw (a/the) child fall(-ing) out of a tree.’b. [[ñɛ̌ bè] já bé jaỳá-jì][[woman Pl] squabble(noun) 3PlS squabble-Impf.PlS.]iń ɛǵ-ɛ̀1SgS hear-Perf‘I heard the women squabble/squabbling.’c. [í:ⁿ ú wó laǵá-jù] iń ɔ̀-ɛ̀[child 2SgO 3SgS hit-Impf] 1SgS see-Perf.L‘I saw the child hit(ting) you-Sg.’17.2.3 Clause with tájìrì ‘it is certain (that)’tájìrì ‘certainly, definitely’ functions as an adverb that occurs within a clause,rather than taking a clause as complement. In (xx1), tájìrì and yògó ‘tomorrow’are variably ordered. My assistant prefers to keep the collocation ‘rain fall’together.(xx1) yògó tájìrì àrⁿú lɔẃɔ́-jútomorrow certainly rain rain.fall-Impf‘It will certainly/definitely rain tomorrow.’[also: tájìrì yògó àrⁿú lɔẃɔ́-jú]324

In (xx2), all of the adverbs follow the subject.(xx2) ɛḿɛ́ yògó tájìrì bàmakɔ́ dɔ:-jú1PlS tomorrow certainly B arrive-Impf‘We will certainly arrive in Bamako tomorrow.’17.3 Verbal Noun (and other nominal) complementswriteComplements whose verb is in morphological verbal-noun form.Complement often really a VP (subjectless), but some main-clause control verbs(‘prevent’) also require a subjectDefinite morpheme at end?17.3.1 Structure of verbal noun clauseA verbal noun in its regular abstractive function can be bracketed withclausemate complements. A simple direct-object noun, or other noun regularlyassociated with the verbal action (e.g. ‘night’ in ‘night fall’), is readilyincorporated as a {L}-toned compound initial, as in (xx1). See §5.1.4 for moreexamples and discussion.(xx1) iń gìrⁿì-[ùj-ú] kiĺ-ì1SgS house.L-[build-VblN] finish-Perf‘I have finished the house-building.’(= ‘I have finished building the house.’)It is not possible to incorporate multi-word object NPs as compound initialsin this manner. When the noun is modified by an adjective, the noun-adjectivecombination has its regular tones, as in a main clause. Therefore the adjectivehas its lexical tones, and controls tone-dropping on the noun (xx2.a). Likewise,adding a quantifier such as a numeral, or adding a possessor, preventscompound formation, and the object NP has its usual main-clause tonal form(xx2.b-c). Pronouns and adverbials likewise resist incorporation (xx2.d-e).Because of its form, the 1Sg pronoun má in (xx2.d) can only be interpreted asdirect object, not as possessor.(xx2) a. iń [[pèjù márⁿá] pɔ̌-∅] kiĺ-ì325

1SgS [[sheep.L big] skin-VblN] finish-Perf‘I have finished skinning (and butchering) the big sheep.’b. iń [[gìrⁿí lɔý] ùj-ú] kiĺ-ì1SgS [[house two] build-VblN] finish-Perf‘I have finished building two houses.’c. iń [[saň péjú bè] dɔ̀rⁿ-ú] kiĺ-ì1SgS [[ReflP sheep.H Pl] sekk-VblN] finish-Perf‘I have finished selling my sheep-Pl.’d. wó [má gɛ̀r-ú] kiĺ-ì3SgS [1SgO look.at-VblN] finish-Perf‘He/She has finished looking at me.’e. wó [nî sɛ̀m-ú] kiĺ-ì3SgS [here sweep-VblN] finish-Perf‘He/She has finished sweeping here.’When a morphologically simple demonstrative (nɔ́:, yɔ́:) is added, twotonally distinct constructions are possible. In one, the NP has its main-clauseform, with tone-dropped noun and H-toned demonstrative (xx3.a). In the other,the noun shows its lexical tones, while the demonstrative drops tones. Thiscould be taken as indicating that the demonstrative, but not the associated noun,has been incorporated as compound initial into the verbal noun (xx3.b).(xx3) a. iń [[gò: nɔ́:] tàr-ú] dàg-ɛ́1SgS [[wall.L Prox] replaster-VblN] leave-Perf‘I have ceased (=abandoned) replastering this wall.’b. iń [nɔẁⁿɔ́ yɔ̀:-[kɛ̀j-ú]] kiĺ-ì1SgS [meat NearDist.L-[cut-VblN] finish-Perf‘I have finished cutting that meat.’As explained in chapters 6 and 14 passim, the complex of noun, adjective,and numeral forms a syntactic unit that I call extended core NP. This unitremains intact when the NP functions as head of a relative clause, whiledemonstratives (along with Plural bè and ‘all’ quantifiers) are positioned to theright of the clause-final relative verb. In a verbal-noun clause, this repositioningis not possible, since (for example) a numeral following the verbal noun wouldbe interpreted as quantifying over events rather than over objects.If a true subject (agent) is included with the verbal noun, it takes the formof a possessor. In (xx4), the entire compound verbal noun (‘mango-cutting’) istreated tonally as the possessed noun, with overlaid {HL} tone contour. It is326

more difficult to elicit examples with a subject and an uncompounded verbalnoun, since most such meanings are more readily expressed with a cognatenominal. This comment applies even when the verbal noun, or a homophonousform, is used as the cognate nominal, as with nǔ: ‘death, dying’ in (xx4.b).(xx4) a. [sè:dú [máŋgòrò-[kɛ̀j-ù]]] sɛǹ-lá[S [mango-[cut.VblN].HL]] good.L-StatNeg‘Seydou’s mango-cutting is not good.’b. [aḿírⁿí nú:] [sɔ̀: nańá]≡ý[chief death.H] [matter serious]≡it.is‘the death of a chief is a grave matter’17.3.2 ‘Prevent’ (gǎ:ǹ)The transitive verb gǎ:ǹ (Imperative gá:ná) has a range of senses (ortranslations) including ‘pester’, ‘delay’, and ‘obstruct’. My assistant wasuncomfortable using it as a control verb, as in ‘X prevent Y [from VP-ing]’.One alternative construction he offered instead was a negated causative (xx1),using the causative in the permissive sense ‘let Y VP’.(xx1) àrⁿú má≡ǹ bàrá yà:-m-lírain 1Sg≡Dat the.bush go-Caus-PerfNeg‘The rain didn’t let me go to the field(s).’He had no trouble with gǎ:ǹ accompanied by a simple nominal complementdenoting an action or process (xx2).(xx2) siń̃ɛ́ [giǹɛ́ [iń kè]] gǎ:n-ìnoise [sleep(noun) [1SgP Poss]] obstruct‘The noise obstructed my sleep (=kept me from sleeping).’17.3.3 ‘Dare’ (dǎ:rì) with imperfective complementThe verb dǎ:rì ‘dare (to VP), have the nerve or the effrontery (to VP)’ takes acomplement with Imperfective verb (positive or negative). The subjects of thetwo clauses are coindexed.(xx1) a. doǹó [[ɛ́mɛ́ dá:gòl bîn] nú-nṹ dǎ:râ:-ròcat [[1PlS courtyard] in] go.in-Impf dare-ImpfNeg327

‘The cat doesn’t dare to come into our courtyard.’b. ú aḿírⁿí dɔ̌:-jú dǎ:rá-jú2SgS chief insult-Impf dare-Impf‘You-Sg dare to insult the chief?’c. ú ye:-rò dǎ:rá-jú2SgS come-ImpfNeg date-Impf‘You-Sg dare to not come?’17.3.4 ‘Consent’ (yɔẁɔ́, ma:n) with verbal-noun or imperfective complementThe sense ‘consent, agree (to VP)’ is expresed by either yɔẁɔ́ (also ‘receive,accept’) or ma:n. The complement is expressed using either a verbal noun or animperfective verb, regardless of whether the two clauses have coindexedsubjects. The subjects are coindexed in (xx1.a) with a verbal noun, and in(xx1.b) with an imperfective complement.(xx1) a. aḿírⁿí nî yɛ̀r-ú yɔẁ-ɛ́chief here come-VblN consent-Perf‘The chief has agreed to come here.’b. [aǹá ɔǵɔ́-ì:ⁿ] [[aǹá ná] lańpɔǹ][village rich.man.HL] [[village person.H] tax.HL]tɔ́jɔ́-júyɔẁ-ɛ́pay-Impf consent-Perf‘The rich man of the village has agreed to pay the (annual) tax for(all) the people of the village.’The subjects are disjoint in (xx2). (xx2.a) has a verbal noun complement,while (xx2.b) an imperfective complement.(xx2) a. [dèdé: mà] [bàmàkɔ̀-[yǎ-∅] [iń kè]] yɔẁ-ɛ́[father 1SgP] [B.L-[go-VblN] [1SgP Poss] consent-Perf‘My father has consented to my going to Bamako.’b. wó [ɛḿɛ́ kɛǹ̃ɛ́ nɔ̀:-nũ̀] yɔẁɔ̀-lí3SgS [1PlS beer drink-Impf.L] consent-PerfNeg‘He/She did not consent that we drink beer.’328

17.3.5 ‘Cease’ (dàgá) with verbal-noun complementThis is a special case of the important transitive verb dàgá ‘leave, abandon’.Wherever possible, a cognate nominal or other noun is used as the complement(xx1.a). However, adding additional clause-internal constituents such as a directobject forces the use of a verbal noun clause (xx1.b).(xx1) a. bé waŕú dàgá-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS farming leave-Perf.PlS‘They have stopped farming.’b. [aǹsà:rà àrⁿá] [uŕⁿí: bè] tɔ̀:ñ-ú dàg-ɛ́[white.person.L man] [children Pl] tease-VblN leave-Perf‘The white man has stopped teasing the children.’17.3.6 ‘Want’ (iỳɛ́) with verbal-noun or imperfective complementFor the forms of the ‘want’ predicate, see §11.2.4.2, above.For same-subject cases, the complement is most often a verbal noun(§4.2.4, above).(xx1) a. wó [[saň ańà] yě-∅] iỳɔ̂:3SgS [[ReflP village.Loc.HL] go-VblN] want‘She wants to go to her village.’b. iń [saň woŕú] wàr-ú iỳɔ̂:1SgS [ReflP field.H] cultivate-VblN] want‘I want to cultivate (=do farm work) in my field.’c. ɛḿɛ́ [kuǹ-mɔ̀rú aŕà] dɔ̌w-∅ iỳ-è:1PlS [roof on] go.up-VblN want-PlS‘We would like to go up on the roof.’An imperfective clause is also possible as a complement (xx2), since thecomplement denotes a hoped-for future eventuality.(xx2) ú nú-nṹ iỳɔ̂: mà2Sg go.in-Impf want Q‘Do you-Sg want to come in?’With certain complements, such as ‘eat’, my asssistant prefers dɛǹɛ́ ‘lookfor, seek’ as the main-clause verb (xx3).329

(xx3) ɛḿɛ́ iýé laśiŕí nĩ̌-∅ dɛǹɛ́-nṹ1PlS today couscous eat-VblN seek-Impf‘Today (=this evening) we’d like to eat couscous.’iń nî sìgí iỳɔ̂:‘I want to stay here.’iń té nańà gɛ̌-jú iỳɛ̀-lá‘I don’t ever want to look at it.’different-subject form with downstairs subject as possessor of verbal nouniń yògó [ú yɛŕ-ú] dɛǹɛ̀-jù‘I want you-Sg to come tomorrow.’[had trouble with transitives:‘my father wants me to slaughter the sheep’17.3.7 ‘Forget’ (náŋá) with imperfective complementThis normally transitive verb (wó má náŋ-ɛ̀ ‘he/she forgot me’) can take animperfective clause as complement. The complement denotes an action that themain-clause subject forgot to carry out.(xx1) a. wó [péjú jê:-jù] nàŋ-ɛ̀3SgS [sheep bring-Impf] forget-Perf.L‘He/She forgot to bring the sheep-Sg.’b. [sùgɔ́ aẃárá-jú] náŋá-lé[mat lay.out-Impf] forget-Prohib‘Don’t-2Sg forget to lay out the mats!’This is of course distinct from a propositional complement, as in (xx2).Here the complement takes the form of a polar (yes-no) question. A more literaltranslation would be ‘I forgot whether …’.(xx2) [[iǹtaýⁿ mà] yé-ỳ mà] [iń náŋ-ɛ̀][[friend 1SgP] go-Perf Q] [1SgS forget-Perf]‘I forgot that my friend had gone.’330

17.3.8 Obligational ‘must VP’ (koý)The obligational construction is based on a Hortative verb (for 1Sg or 1Plsubject), or on an Imperative verb (for second or third person subject). It isfollowed by clause-final koý.Hortative examples are in (xx1). As in normal exhortations (‘let’s go!’), theHortative Plural -má-ỳ requires that a total of three or more persons (includingthe speaker) be involved.(xx1) a. má sɛẁárà nã̀-mà koý1Sg S go-Hort must‘I must go to Sevare (city).’b. má [saň dédè:] bàrá waŕú wà-mà koý1Sg [ReflP father.HL] help farm.work do.farm.work-Hort must‘I must help my father do farm work.’c. ɛḿɛ́ nî wɛ́:-má-ỳ koý1Pl here be.Hum-Hort-PlS must‘We (three or more) must be (=stay) here.’Examples with the Imperative verb are in (xx2). As in normal imperatives,a virtual 2Sg imperative subject is disregarded for anaphoric purposes, so ‘yourfather’ in (xx2.a) does not have the reflexive-possessor form seen in (xx1.b),above. On the other hand, third person subjects must be represented by a 3Sg or3Pl pronoun, even if also specified in the form of a NP (xx2.b-c).(xx2) a. [ú dédè:] bàrá waŕú waŕá koý[2SgP father.HL] help farm.work do.farm.work.Imprt must‘You-Sg must help your father do farm work.’b. sè:dú wó sɛẁárà yǎ: koýS 3SgS S go.Imprt must‘Seydou must go to Sevare.’c. [uŕⁿí: bè] bé bàrá yǎ:-ỳ koý[children Pl] 3PlS bush go.Imprt-PlS must‘The children must go to the bush (=to the fields).’331

17.3.9 Normative ‘it is right that …’ (jâ:ⁿ kɔ̀) with imperfective complementiń yě-jú jâ:ⁿ kɔ̀‘It’s right (proper) that I come.’17.3.10 ‘Fear, be afraid to’ (liẃ-ì: ~ liý-ì:) with imperfective complementFor the forms of liẃ-ì: ~ liý-ì: ‘fear, be afraid’ and its causative, see §11.2.5.4.The verb can take imperfective complements (xx1) as well as NP objects. Thisconstruction is used when the subjects of the two clauses are coindexed (‘beafraid to VP’).(xx1) a. ɛḿɛ́ dà:gá dá:rà gǒ:-jú liỳɛ̀-jì1PlS night outside go.out-Impf fear-Impf.PlS.L‘We are afraid to go outside at night.’b. iń kɔǵɔŕɔ́ tɛẃⁿɛ́-nṹ liỳɛ̀-jù1SgS fish fear-Impf fear-Impf‘I am afraid to eat fish.’When the two clauses have disjoint subjects, the complement takes the formof a polar interrogative with imperfective aspect (§xxx), as in (xx2).(xx2) a. lú:ró má kɛ̀rɛ̀-jù mà=> liýɛ́-táŋàsnake 1SgO bite-Impf.L Q fear-Prog‘I’m afraid that a snake will bite me.’b. sè:dú [nǎ bè] saň dɔ̌:-jú mà=> liýɛ́-táŋàS [person Pl] ReflO insult-Impf Q fear-Prog‘Seydou x is afraid that the people will insult him x .’For the reflexive pronoun in (xx2.b), see §18.1.4.17.3.11 ‘Begin’ (tɔŕɔ́) with verbal-noun or purposive complementThe transitive verb tɔŕɔ́ ‘begin’, like its English counterpart, can take a range ofnouns as nonclausal complements, provided they can be construed as denotingan activity. In (xx1), the complement is a noun (‘cough’) that implies the(absent) cognate verb.332

(xx1) wó kògújó tɔŕ-ɛ̀ dè,3SgS cough(noun) begin-Perf if,wó≡ǹ lǒ ɔ́-nɔ́3Sg≡Dat medication give-Imprt‘If he starts to cough, give him the medicine.’When the complement of tɔŕɔ́ is clausal (i.e. when it contains a verb), thereare several options for the complement. The first is to convert its verb into averbal noun (xx2).(xx2) a. bé lɛ̌-∅ tɔŕɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS plant-VblN begin-Perf.PlS‘They have begun planting.’b. bé [[tuẁó aŕà] dɔ̌w-∅] tɔŕɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS [[stone on.top.of] go.up-VblN] begin-Perf.PlS‘They have begun to climb the mountain.c. bé gìrⁿì-[ùj-ú] tɔŕɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS house.L-[build-VblN] begin-Perf.PlS‘They have begun to build (a/the) house.’d. bé [[gìrⁿí mà] ùj-ú] tɔŕɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS [[house 1SgP] build-VblN] begin-Perf.PlS‘They have begun to build my house.’e. bé má làg-ú tɔŕɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS 1SgO hit-VblN begin-Perf.PlS‘They have begun to hit me.’Secondly, a purposive clause with suffix -lí after a {L}-toned form of theverb (§17.6.3) is common as the complement of ‘begin’ (xx3).(xx3) a. bé péjú daǹ-lí tɔŕɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS [sheep kill-Purp] begin-Perf.PlS‘They have begun killing (=slaughtering) the sheep-Pl.’ (dàrⁿá)b. bé [buŕú dɔǹ-lí] tɔŕɔ́-sɛ̂ⁿ3PlS [bread sell-Purp] begin-Perf.PlS‘They have begun selling bread.’c. nɔẁⁿɔ́ ɔ̀mɔ̀-lí tɔŕ-ɛ̀meat be.rotten-Purp begin-Perf‘The meat has begun to spoil.’333

d. [wó kɛńɛ́] pàrà-lí tɔŕ-ɛ̀[3SgP heart.H] be.angry-Purp begin-Perf‘He/She has begun to get angy’Finally, a second type of purposive complement, expressed by compoundliketonal overlays, is also attested with ‘begin’. In this construction, an objectnominal has {L}-toned form as a compound initial, and the verb has {HL} tonecontour; see §17.6.2, below.(xx4) a. í:ⁿ [tìŋɛ̀ tíŋɛ̀] tɔŕ-ɛ̀child [talk(noun).L speak.HL] begin-Perf‘The child has begun to speak.’b. í:ⁿ [yè yâ:] tɔŕ-ɛ̀child [going.L go.HL] begin-Perf‘The child has begun to walk.’17.3.12 ‘Finish’ (kiĺì) with verbal-noun complementkiĺì ‘finish (VP-ing)’ takes a verbal-noun complement. The complement mayinclude a direct object as {L}-toned compound initial.(xx1) a. nã̀:-[nĩ̌-∅] kiĺ-ì màmeal.L-[eat.meal-VblN] finish-Perf Q‘Have (you) finished eating?’b. bé tògù-[tòg-ú] kiĺ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ3PlS shed.L-[build.shed-VblN] finish-Perf‘They have finished building the shed.’c. ɛḿɛ́ naḿà lɛ̌-∅ kìlɛ̀-lâ:1Pl now sow-VblN finish-PerfNeg.PlS‘We have not yet finished planting (millet).’17.4 Locative verbal noun or other nominal complementwriteIn this construction, the complement consists of a Locative PP, whosecomplement in turn is a verbal-noun clause.334

17.4.1 ‘Help’ (bàrá) as {L}-toned nonfinal verb in chainWith a NP object, ‘help’ is the regular transitive verb bàrá, as in má bàr-ɛ́‘he/she helped me’. When the (logical) complement is clausal, the constructionused is a kind of chain, with {L}-toned bare stem bàrà preceding the other verb,which has the contextually appropriate inflection. A direct object associatedwith the final verb may precede (xx1.a) or follow (xx1.b) ‘help’ and its owndirect object.(xx1) a. gìrⁿí [má bàrà] újɔ́house [1SgO help.L] build.Imprt‘Help-2Sg me build the house!’b. iń [[saň dédè:] bàrà] kèrú tɛ̀:rɛ̀-jù1SgS [[ReflP father.HL] help.L] stem burn-Impf.L‘I will help my father burn the stems.’Since bàrá also means ‘increase (e.g. price)’ and ‘add (sth)’, ‘help’ may bea misleadingly precise gloss in (xx1). A literal gloss for (xx1.a) like “adding(yourself) to me, build the house!” might help bring out the TK syntacticstructure.17.5 Chained-verb complement clausewritespecial cases of direct verb chains, but with a specialized final verb.cross-refs to any instances of this construction in earlier sections in thischapter.17.5.1 ‘Be able to, can’ (bɛ̀rɛ́)The verb bɛ̀rɛ́ means ‘get, obtain’ as a simple transitive verb with NP object.When preceded by a chained VP ending in a verb in the bare-stem form, thesense is ‘can VP, be able to VP’. The subjects of the two clauses are understoodto be coindexed.(xx1) a. [sɔǹsɔǹɔ́ kɛńɛ̀] waŕú bìrɛ̂:-rò[sand among] farming do-ImpfNeg335

‘(You) can’t farm (=grow crops) in the sand.’b. ú [tuẁò márⁿá] nã̀ŋá bɛ̌-jú2SgS [stone.L big] lift get-Impf‘Can you-Sg lift this big rock?’c. ú nuǹú-nṹ dè, aǹá yé bɛ:-rò2SgS be.sick-Impf if, village go get-ImpfNeg‘If you-Sg are sick, you can’t travel.’in relative clausenìŋìrⁿì yɛ̀rɛ́ ú bɛ̀-jù mà nìŋìrⁿì‘the day when you can come’17.5.2 bɛ̀rɛ́ in respectful requestsbɛ̀rɛ́ ‘get, obtain’ occurs in ‘be able to VP’ expressions, see just above. Thisverb also appears in utterances like those in (xx1), where it adds a respectfulnote, as when a visitor asks to take leave of his/her host, either directly orthrough an intermediary. The positive version (xx1.a) is easier to understandmore or less literally in this pragmatic context, since ‘be able to’ implies theneed for permission (xx1.a). However, the use of bɛ̀rɛ́ extends to negativecontexts (xx1.b), where a semi-literal reading makes less sense.(xx1) a. iń yě bɛ̀rɛ́ iỳɔ̂:1SgS go get want'I want to (be able to) go.'b. iń yě bɛ̀rɛ́ iỳɛ̀-lá1SgS go get want-StatNeg'I don't want to go.'17.6 Purposive, causal, and locative clausesIn addition to explicitly purposive clauses (see below), simple clause-chainingcan sometimes be translated in this fashion. This is especially the case when the336

chain includes a nonfinal verb of motion or of taking a stance position, which isoften a preliminary to an intended further action (xx1).(xx1) ɛḿɛ́ dɛ̀ŋ-î: [saň bè] dɛ̀:rⁿɛ́-má1PlS sit-MP [Refl Pl] rest-Hort‘Let’s sit down and rest (ourselves).’‘Let’s sit down in order to rest (ourselves).’17.6.1 Purposive clauses with postposition gɛ́-ɛ̀: or gí-∅ dèThe Purposive postposition gɛ́-ɛ̀: (§8.3) can be used with a positive or negativeclausal complement. The variant gí-∅ dè is optionally used instead of gɛ́-ɛ̀:when the main clause is Imperfective with future time reference. Compare gì inàmá gì ‘for (=in the name of) God’, §8.3. All of these forms are derived from gí‘say’, though the synchronic relationship may be thin. gɛ́-ɛ̀: is a Same-SubjectAnterior form (§xxx), while gí-∅ dè is a pseudoconditional based on thePerfective form (§15.2.2.3). The forms are parallel to those of the ‘do first’ verbtí (tɛ́-ɛ̀:, tí-∅ dè), see §16.1.3, §15.3.1.The purposive clause is inserted into the middle of the main clause,following the subject, preceding the verb, and variably positioned with respectto other clause-medial constituents. The purposive clause may be positive ornegative, and may or may not share a subject NP with the main clause.In In (xx1.a-b), the purposive clause is positive and has the same subject asthe main clause. Purposive gɛ́-ɛ̀: follows an Imperfective verb, which may agreewith the clausemate subject in number as in a main clause.(xx1) a. ɛḿɛ́ [bàmàkɔ́ yǎ:-jí gɛ́-ɛ̀:] bú:dú dɛǹɛ́-téŋè1PlS [Bamako go-Impf.PlS for] money seek-Prog.PlS‘We’re trying to get money to go to Bamako.’b. iń [[saň ì:ⁿ] bàmàkɔ́ tí-jú gɛ́-ɛ̀:]1SgS [[ReflP child.L] B send-Impf.SgS for]bú:dú dɛǹɛ́-táŋàmoney seek-Prog‘I’m trying to get money to send my child to Bamako.’c. iń [billet ɛẃɛ́-jú gí-∅ dè]1SgS [ticket buy-Impf say-Perf if]biŕɛ́bǐ-júwork(noun) do-Impf.SgS‘I will work in order to buy the ticket.’337

In (xx2.a-b), the purposive clause is positive but the subjects of the twoclauses are disjoint. Here the verb of the purposive clause appears in bare-stemrather than suffixed Imperfective form.(xx2) a. dɔ̀ŋɔ̀-sɔ́:rɔ́ [dí: suǵó gɛ́-ɛ̀:] kuǹ-ɛ̀:roof.gutter [water go.down for] put-Perf.PlS.L‘We put gutters (on the roof) so the (rain) water will come down.’b. iń làmpań [gìrⁿí bîn]1SgS lamp [house in][í:ⁿ [iń kè] jáŋ jàŋá gɛ́-ɛ̀:][child [1SgS Poss] reading read for]kuǹ-ìput-Perf.SgS‘I put a lamp in the house so that my child can read (at night).’In (xx3.a-b), the subjects are the same but the purposive clause is negative.In (xx3.a-b), the verb of the purposive clause is Imperfective Negative, parallelto the Imperfective positive in (xx1), above). In (xx3.c), the verb of thepurposive clause is Prohibitive, and the nuance can be captured by usingEnglish ‘lest’ in the free translation.(xx3) a. iń [[uŕⁿí: bè] gǎ:nâ:-rò gɛ́-ɛ̀:]1SgS [[children Pl] disturb-ImpfNeg.SgS forwàgá=> wɛ̂far be.Hum‘I go some distance away, so as not to disturb the children.’b. iń [[uŕⁿí: bè] gǎ:nâ:-rò gí dè]1SgS [[children Pl] disturb-ImpfNeg.SgS for if]wàgá=> wɛ́:-júfar be.Hum-Impf‘I will go some distance away, so as not to disturb the children.’c. iń [yé yǎ:-n bàgá-lé gɛ́-ɛ̀:]1SgS [going go-while.SS fall-Prohib for]bá:gá tiẃé-táŋàstick lean.on-Prog.SgS‘I am supporting myself with a cane, so as not to fall (=lest I fall)while walking.’In (xx4.a-b), the subjects are disjoint and the purposive clause is negative.In these examples the purposive verb is Prohibitive in form.338

(xx4) a. toǵú [àrⁿú nú-lé gɛ́-ɛ̀:] dɛẁ-ɛ̀shed [rain go.in-Prohib for] cover-Perf.SgS.L‘(We) covered the shed (with a tarp) so the rain won’t leak in.’b. ɛḿɛ́ gìrⁿì-kań [mòtǎm gǒ:-lé gí dè]1PlS house.L-mouth [scorpion go.out-Prohib for if]sɔǵɔ́-júlock-Impf.SgS‘We will lock the door so the scorpion can’t get out.’17.6.2 Tonal purposive clauses of type (ǹ v̂) before motion verbIn this construction, used with motion verbs in the main clause and with samesubjectpurposive complement, the verb of the complement has an overlaid{HL} tone contour, and a preceding object has the tone-dropped contour typicalof nominal initials in (ǹ n̄) compounds.(xx1) a. bé [aḿírⁿì bè] tìŋɛ̀ tíŋɛ̀ yɛ̀r-ɛ̀3PlS [chief with] talk(noun).L speak.HL come-Perf-SgS‘They came (in order) to speak with the chief.’b. ɛḿɛ́ [yí tɔ̀] nã̀: nĩ̂: nã́-mà-ỳ1PlS [there.NearDist toward] meal.L eat.meal.HL go-Hort-PlS‘Let’s-Pl go over there to eat (a meal).’c. [ñɛ̌ bè] dì: bájà y-ɛ̀-ɛ̀:[woman Pl] water.L pull.HL go-Perf.PlS.L‘The women have gone to draw water (at the well).’This tonal purposive construction is also attested as a complement for‘begin’, along with other purposive and verbal-noun complement constructions;see §17.3.10, above.The tonal purposive construction has an exact counterpart in Jamsay.17.6.3 Purposive clauses with -líAn alternative purposive clause has a {L}-toned verb stem followed by H-toned-lí. This form is homophonous with the singular-subject Perfective Negative,but there is no semantic connection, and Purposive -lí has no special pluralsubjectform. Other constituents in the purposive clause have their usual tones.In the attested examples, the subjects of the clauses are shared.339

(xx1) a. bé [péjú ɛẁɛ̀-lí] yɛ̀r-ɛ̀3PlS [sheep buy.L-Purp] come-Perf‘They came in order to buy a sheep.’b. bé bàrá [[saň bè] jɔńtùrù] dɛǹɛ̀-lí] y-ɛ̀-ɛ̀:3PlS bush [[ReflP Pl] donkey.HL] look.for-Purp] go-Perf.PlS.L‘They went out into the bush to look for their donkey.’A Purposive clause with -lí can also be used as the complement of ‘begin’;see §17.3.10, above.17.6.4 Causal (‘because’) clause (sábú dè=>)sábú-dè=> is a clause-initial (or preclausal) ‘because’ form. Similar formsoccur in other languages of the region, and sábú- derived from Arabic. Theform is pronounced with {H}-toned sábú- in isolation; in sentential context it isoften heard with lowered pitch.(xx1) ɛḿɛ́ kà:ná aǹá yé bɛ̀:-rè,1PlS now village go get-ImpfNeg.PlS,sábú-dè: òjù-kań mɔǹṹbecause road bad‘We cannot go to the village now, because the road is no good.’When the complement is a NP rather than a clause, Purposive-Causalpostposition gɛ́-ɛ̀: can be used in the (retrospective) sense ‘because of’ as wellas in the (prospective) sense ‘for, for the purpose of’. See §8.3, above, forexamples.340

18 AnaphoraAnaphoric elements, i.e. those that coindex their reference to that of anantecedent, are the Reflexive saň, the Logophoric ɛǹɛ́, and the Reciprocal saǹtuń.18.1 Reflexive18.1.1 Reflexive object (saň)Reflexive morpheme saň is used when the object is coindexed with the subject.This applies to first and second as well as to third person subjects, and to caseswhere a subject pronoun is optionally omitted (xx1.c). Reflexive saň is unrelatedin form to Logophoric pronouns, and has no transparent relationship to anynoun.(xx1) a. iń saň laǵ-ɛ̀1SgS ReflO hit-Perf‘I hit-Past myself.’b. [uŕⁿí: bè] [saň bè] kɛ́jɛ́-sɛǹ[children Pl] [ReflO Pl] cut-Perf.PlS‘The children cut themselves.’c. (ú) [ìŋé gɛ́-ɛ̀:] [duẁɔ̀lɛň bîn] sǎⁿ gɛ̀r-ì:(2SgS) [what? for] [mirror in] ReflO look.at-MP.Perf‘Why did you-Sg look at yourself in the mirror?’A covert second person imperative subject does not qualify as antecedent.Therefore (xx2) has 2Sg object, rather than Reflexive object as in (xx1.c).Because 2Sg ú occurs in non-clause-initial position in (xx2), it cannot bemisinterpreted as a (clause-initial) subject pronoun.(xx2) [duẁɔ̀lɛň bîn] ú gɛ̀rɛ́[mirror in] 2SgO look.at.Imprt‘Look-2Sg at yourself in the mirror!’341

18.1.2 Reflexive PP complementA dative example is (xx1.a). An example with a spatial postposition is (xx1.b).(xx1) a. iń bú:dú saň≡ǹ bǎ:r-ì1SgS money Refl≡Dat send-Perf‘I sent some money to myself.’b. iń bú:dú [saň bɔŕɔ̀] bɛ̀r-ɛ̀1SgS money [Refl under] get-Perf.L‘I found the money under myself.’18.1.3 Reflexive possessor (Sg saň, Pl saň bè)The Reflexive replaces a regular pronominal possessor when it is coindexed tothe clausemate subject. The possessed noun takes its usual possessed-noun tonecontour, usually {HL} or {H} depending on its syllabic shape andmorphological structure.(xx1) a. iń [saň dédè:] ɔ̀-ɛ̀1SgS [ReflP father.HL] see-Perf‘I saw my father.’b. bé [[[saň bè] gi̋rⁿí] bîn] nuẃ-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ3PlS [[[ReflP Pl] house.H] in] go.in-Perf.PlS‘They x went into their x (own) house.’The possessor of the object NP in an imperative is not treated as reflexivefor this purpose. That is, the implied (virtual) second person subject does notfunction as antecedent for a reflexive. Therefore we get saň replacing 2Sg ú in(xx2.a), where the subject is overt, but not in imperative (xx2.b).(xx2) a. ú [saň kuń-kuẁò] yǎ: bè-è2SgS [ReflP hat.HL] where? put-Perf‘Where did you-Sg put your hat?’b. [ú kuń-kuẁò] má≡ǹ ɔǹɔ̀[2SgP hat.HL] 1Sg≡Dat give.Imprt‘Give-2Sg me your hat!’342

Reflexive saň is treated as a noun, and always precedes the possessed NP.This creates a conflict when a possessor coindexed to a clausemate subject isallowed by the syntax to follow the possessed noun, as happens when thepossessed noun is quantified by a numeral. Two constructions are possible inthis case. In (xx3.a), saň occurs as reflexive possessor preceding the possessedNP. In this construction, saň is optionally expanded as saň kè, and its plural saňbè is optionally expanded as saň bè kè, with kè ‘possession’ in apposition to thereal possessed NP.In (xx3.b), saň is absent, being replaced by an allomorph má following thepossessed NP including its numeral. In both (xx3.a) and (xx3.b), the possessednoun ‘children’ drops to {L} tone contour, and the numeral has overlaid {LH}contour, as required by the combination of a possessor and a numeral (§6.xxx).The same choice of two constructions is possible when the clausemate subject isa first or second person pronoun, for example 1Sg in (xx3.c-d).(xx3) a. sè:dú [saň [ùrⁿì: lɔ̌y]] ɔ̀-ɛ̀S [ReflP [children.L two.LH]] see-Perf.L‘Seydou x saw his x (own) two children.’b. sè:dú [[ùrⁿì: lɔ̌y] má] ɔ̀-ɛ̀S [children.L two.LH] ReflP] see-Perf.L[= (a)]c. iń [[saň kè] gìrⁿì kùré: fú=>] dɔ̀-nũ̀1SgS [[Refl Poss] house.L six.LH all] sell-Impf.L‘I will sell all six of my houses.’d. iń [gìrⁿì kùré: má fú=>] dɔ̀-nũ̀1SgS [house.L six.LH ReflP all] sell-Impf.L[= (c)]My assistant indicated that the variants with saň are more common thanthose with má.18.1.4 Reflexive with antecedent in higher clauseA reflexive pronoun saň can be used in a lower clause for a third personreferent, with the antecedent being the subject of the higher clause.In (xx1), saň is the subject of the lower clause, and is coindexed to thesubject of the higher clause.(xx1) sè:dú [saň bàgá-jú] í:ⁿ wɔ̀343

S [ReflS fall-Impf] know be.HumSgS‘Seydou x knows that he x will fall.’My assistant also sometimes, but inconsistently, allowed the Reflexivepronoun to be used with a nonsubject in the lower clause, still coindexed to thehigher (rather than clausemate) subject. The Reflexive is used in this fashion indirect-object function in (xx2.a-b).(xx2) a. sè:dú [[nǎ bè] saň dɔ̀:-jù] í:ⁿ wɔ̀S [[person Pl] Refl insult-Impf.L] know be.HumSg‘Seydou x knows that the people are insulting him x .’b. sè:dú [[nǎ bè] saň dɔ̌:-jú mà=>] liýɛ́-táŋàS [[person Pl] ReflO insult-Impf Q] fear-Prog‘Seydou x is afraid that the people will insult him x .’However, this use of the Reflexive seems to be unsystematic. In (xx3.a-b),we get the regular 3Sg pronoun although the context for the elicited examplesinvolved coindexation with the higher subject.(xx3) a. sè:dú [iń wó≡ǹ péjú ó-jú] í:ⁿ wɔ̀S [1SgS 3Sg≡Dat sheep give-Impf] know be.HumSgS‘Seydou knows that I will give him a sheep.’b. sè:dú [iń wó laǵá-jú mà=>] liýɛ́-táŋàS [1SgS 3SgO hit-Impf Q] fear-Prog‘Seydou x is afraid that I will hit him x .’Similarly, I have not observed this use of Reflexive saň with other than thirdperson reference, though in its more basic functions the Reflexive pronounoccurs with any pronominal person category. In (xx4), note 1Sg object máinstead of a Reciprocal pronoun.(xx4) a. [[nǎ bè] má dɔ̀:-jù] iń í:ⁿ wɔ̀[[person Pl] 1SgO insult-Impf.L] 1SgS know be.HumSgS‘I know that the people are insulting me.’b. [[nǎ bè] má dɔ̌:-jú mà=>] liýɛ́-táŋà[[person Pl] 1SgO insult-Impf Q] fear-Prog‘I am is afraid that the people will insult me.’344

18.1.5 Emphatic pronouns18.1.5.1 sań-ɔ́: ‘(by/for) oneself’The adverbial expression form sań-ɔ́: is irregularly contracted from saň tuńɔ́with tuńɔ́ ‘one’, here in the sense ‘alone, unaccompanied’ (§4.7.1.1). Examplesof sań-ɔ́: are in (xx1.a-b).(xx1) a. wó bàrá sań-ɔ́ yè-y3SgS bush Refl-one go-Perf‘She went to the bush (=to the fields) by herself (=alone).’b. iń bú:dú sań-ɔ́ diǹ-ɛ́:-nṹ1SgS money Refl-one hold-MP-Impf‘I will hold (=keep) the money (for) myself.’18.2 Logophoric pronouns18.2.1 Logophoric ɛǹɛ́ for second and third person antecedentElicited examples involving quotations show that Logophoric ɛǹɛ́ is be usedwhen the quotation is ascribed to a third person (xx1.a) or to the addressee(xx1.b), but not to the speaker (xx1.c). ɛǹɛ́ is most systematically used withthird person quoted speaker, and in cases like (xx1.a) it cannot be omitted. Bycontrast, in second person subject examples like (xx1.b) ɛǹɛ́ is often omitted.The examples in (xx1.a-b) involve ɛǹɛ́ in subject function within the quotedclause.(xx1) a. wó [ɛǹɛ́ (wà)] yě-jú] wà3SgS [LogoS (QuotS)] come-Impf] say‘He x said that he x would come.’b. ú [ìŋé gɛ́-ɛ̀:] (ɛǹɛ́) yě-jú pòr-ì2SgS [what? for] (LogoS) come-Impf] say-Perf.L‘Why did you-Sg say that you were coming?’c. iń nańà (iń) yě-jú pò-lì1SgS never (1SgS) come-Impf say-PerfNeg.L‘I never said that I was coming.’Examples with ɛǹɛ́ in object function are in (xx2). Again, the antecedent(the quoted speaker) may be second or third, but not first, person.345

(xx2) a. wó [[má à] ɛǹɛ́ laǵ-ɛ̀] wà3SgS [[1Sg QuotS] LogoO hit-Perf] say‘She x said that I (had) hit her x .’b. ú [ìŋé gɛ́-ɛ̀:] [[má à] ɛǹɛ́ laǵ-ɛ̀] g-ì2SgS [what? for] [[1Sg QuotS] LogoO hit-Perf] say-Perf‘Why did you-Sg say that I (had) hit you?’c. iń [[ú wà] má laǵ-ɛ̀] pò-lì1SgS [[2Sg QuotS] 1SgO hit-Perf] say-PerfNeg‘I didn’t say that you-Sg (had) hit me.’18.2.2 Logophoric Plural ɛǹɛ́ bè for original-utterance 1Pl pronounIf the original utterance (by a single speaker) included 1Pl pronominals, aquotation thereof converts them to Logophoric Plural ɛǹɛ́ bè. In (xx4), Seydouis included in the group that is coming.(xx4) sè:dú [ɛǹɛ́ bè] yě-jú wàS [LogoS Pl] come-Impf say‘Seydou x said that they xy were coming.’18.2.3 Logophoric ɛǹɛ́ syntactically a pronounAs subject, ɛǹɛ́ normally occurs in clause-initial position, like other NPs andpronouns (xx3.b). Also like them, it moves to clause-medial position (followingthe object and other nonpronominal complements, but still preceding verbs)under focalization (xx3.c). The test of pronominal status is whether, in anonsubject relative, ɛǹɛ́ in subject function occurs immediately before theinflected verb of the relative clause, like normal pronouns. In (xx3.d), we seethat this is the case. Therefore ɛǹɛ́ occurs in the same range of linear positionsas ordinary personal pronouns.(xx3) a. iń nàŋá dàrⁿ-ɛ́: daǵ-ɛ̀1SgS cow kill-and.SS leave-Perf.HL‘I killed the cow and left it (there).’b. sè:dú [ɛǹɛ́ nàŋá dàr-ɛ́: daǵ-ɛ̀] wàS [LogoS cow kill-and.SS leave-Perf.HL] say‘Seydou x said that he x had killed the cow and left it (there).’346

c. sè:dú [nàŋá ɛǹɛ́ dàrⁿ-ɛ́: daǵ-ɛ̀] wàS [cow LogoS kill-and.SS leave-Perf.HL] say‘Seydou x said that it was he x [focus] who killed the cow and left it(there).’d. sè:dú [[nàŋà dàrⁿ-ɛ́: ɛǹɛ́ daǵ-ɛ̀]S [cow.L kill-and.SS LogoS leave-Perf.HL][yǎ: kɔ̀] mà=>] wà[where? be.Nonh Q] say‘Seydou x said (=asked), where is the cow that he x killed and left?’Logophoric ɛǹɛ́ is also like ordinary pronouns in that, as possessor, it canoccur in both the nonappositional construction, as in ɛǹɛ́ giŕⁿí ‘his/her house’, orin the appositional construction with kè ‘thing, possession’, as in gìrⁿí [ɛǹɛ́ kè]‘his/her house’.18.2.4 Logophorics in nested quotationsThe occurrence of a quotation embedded in another quotation does notnecessarily prevent a Logophoric pronoun in the lower quotation from beingcoindexed with the attributed speaker of the higher quotation. This is easiest tosee when the attributed speaker of the lower quotation is 1Sg, which cannot bethe antecedent for a logophoric. In (xx1), ɛǹɛ́ is the object of ‘(I) kill (him)’, andcan only refer to Seydou. (xx1) looks like it has trimmed out a second [má à],but the speaker clearly understood the context, and the second ‘say’ verb showsthat there is an embedded lower quotation. The final Quotative particle wàrelates to the higher quotation.(xx1) sè:dú poŕ-ɛ̀: mà,S say-SS that,[má à] [ɛǹɛ́ dà-nũ̀] poŕ-ì wà[1Sg QuotS] [LogoO kill-Impf.L] say-Perf say‘Seydou x said that I said that I would kill him x .’However, when both higher and the lower quotations are attributed todistinct third persons, so that both are (in theory) eligible for antecedent statusfor logophorics in the lower quotation, my assistant prioritized, allowing thelogophoric to refer only to the attributed speaker of the lower quotation.Therefore ɛǹɛ́ is coindexed with Ada. The nonlogophoric 3Sg pronoun wó inobject function might refer to Seydou, but could also refer to a third participant.347

(xx1) sè:dú poŕ-ɛ̀: mà,S say-SS that,[ádà wà] [ɛǹɛ́ wó dà-nũ̀] poŕ-ì wà[A QuotS] [LogoS 3SgO kill-Impf.L] say-Perfsay‘Seydou x said that Adda y said that she y would kill him x .’‘Seydou x said that Adda y said that she y would kill him/her z .’18.2.5 Non-logophoric topic-indexing functionIn the absence of a coindexed quoted speaker, the Logophoric pronoun is notused for the subject of a relative clause that is coindexed to the subject of thehigher clause. A construction where clause-final má subordinator replaces theexpected clause-initial subject pronoun is used.18.3 Reciprocal18.3.1 Simple reciprocals (saǹ-tuń)The basic Reciprocal word is saǹ-tuń, consisting of a L-toned form of Reflexivesaň plus a synchronically obscure element -tuń that may belong etymologicallyto a cognate set with a basic sense ‘companion’ (e.g. Jamsay tɔẃɔ́). Some otherDogon languages also have a Reciprocal word containing this element.The antecedent is normally the clausemate subject. The Reciprocal mayfunction as direct object (xx1.a), complement of postposition such as Dative(xx1.b), or possessor of a nonsubject NP (xx1.c). The Reciprocal form can beused for any nonsingular number of interacting participants, i.e. from two up.(xx1) a. ɛḿɛ́ ɛẃɛ̀ saǹ-tuń ɔ̀:-sɛǹ1PlS market.Loc.HL Recip see-Perf.PlS‘We saw each other in the market.’b. ɛḿɛ́ saǹ-tuń≡ǹ bú:dú ò-jù1PlS Recip≡Dat money give-Impf.L‘We give each other money.’c. bé [saǹ-tuń laŕɛ́:ⁿ] nã̀ŋ-ɛ̀3PlS [RecipP sister.Pl] marry.woman-Perf.L‘They (men) married each other’s sisters.’348

18.3.2 ‘Together’ (wò=>, mɔ̀rⁿ-î:)To indicate that members of a nonsingular subject NP cooperate in an activity,wò=> ‘each’ (§6.6.2) may be added to the subject NP.(xx1) biŕɛ́ [ɛḿɛ́ wò=>] bì-jìwork(noun) [1PlS each] do-Impf.PlS‘We will work together.’In some other constructions, ‘together’ is expressed by a stem from theword-family including mɔ̀rⁿ-î: ‘assemble, come together’.(xx2) ɛḿɛ́ [ɛ́:rɛ́∴ nǐ:∴] mɔ̌:-n-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ1PlS [peanut.and cowpea.and] assemble-Caus-Perf.PlS‘We put-Past the peanuts and the cow-peas together.’18.4 Restrictions on reflexives18.4.1 No antecedent-reflexive relation between coordinandsIn a NP conjunction, the left conjunct may not function as antecedent of areflexive possessor (or other reflexive element) in the right conjunct. In (xx1),there is no overt indication that ‘his’ in ‘his father’ is coindexed with ‘Amadou’.(xx1) [àmàdú∴ [wó dédè:]] yɛ̀r-ɛ́-sɛǹ[A [3SgS father.HL]] come-Perf.PlS‘Amadou x and his x father came.’349

19 Grammatical pragmatics19.1 Topic19.1.1 Topic (wɔⁿ)The Topic particle is wɔń or wɔǹ following a NP, pronoun, PP, or adverb. Itindicates a change in topic or setting from the preceding discourse. The tone iscopied from the final preceding tone.(xx1) a. [bé wɔń] ya:-rè[3PlS Top] go-ImpfNeg.PlS‘As for them, they won’t go.’b. [ñɛ̌ bè wɔǹ] ya:-rè[woman Pl Top] go-ImpfNeg.PlS‘As for the women, they won’t go.’c. ɛḿɛ́ yá: biŕɛ́ gàr-á=> biŕ-ɛ̀,1PlS yesterday work(noun) a.lot do-Perf,HL,[iýé wɔń] [saň bè] dɛ̌:rⁿɛ́-mí-nṹ[today Top] [ReflO Pl] rest-Caus-Impf‘Yesterday we worked hard; as for today, we’ll rest.’The topicalized constituent might well be preclausal in many cases.However, there is evidence that this constituent is at least sometimes clauseinternal.In (xx2.a), the topicalized element is a pronominal dative, governed bythe verb ‘give’. In (xx2.b), the absence of Accusative marking in TK (except for1Sg, see below) means that the object NPs are not explicitly governed, but theabsence of any pause and of resumptive object pronouns points to clauseinternalposition.(xx2) a. ú≡ǹ gàr-á=> ó-è,2SgS≡Dat a..lot give-Perf,[má≡ǹ wɔǹ] ɔ̀jɔ̀-pɔ́:ⁿ ò-lí[1SgS≡Dat Top] nothing give-PerfNeg‘She gave you-Sg a lot, (but) as for me, she didn’t give (me)anything.’351

‘Now we’ll go home.’19.1.3 ‘Also’ (kàrⁿà ~ kà:ⁿ)This particle follows the NP or other constituent that it highlights. It is notnormally clause-final (after the verb), even when the translation suggests that ithas clausal scope. Instead, it is attached to a preverbal constituent, whether acognate nominal as in (xx1.e) or some other nominal as in (xx1.f). The particlemay follow 1Sg subject or object forms (xx1.a-b) as the sentence requires.(xx1) a. ú bàmàkɔ́ yè-∅ dè, [iń kàrⁿà] yà:-jù2SgS B go-Perf.L if, [1SgS also] go-Impf.L‘If you-Sg go to Bamako, I’ll go too.’b. wó ú laǵ-ɛ̀ dè, [má à kà:ⁿ] laǵá-jú3SgS 2SgO hit-Perf if, [1SgO QuotS also] hit-Impf‘If he hits you-Sg, he’ll hit me too.’c. ú≡ǹ bɔǹbɔń ó-∅ dè,2Sg≡Dat candy give-Perf if,[má≡ǹ kàrⁿà] ó-jú[1Sg≡Dat also] give-Impf‘If she gives you a piece of candy, she’ll give (one) to me too.’[note: a true conditional, not a pseudo-conditional]d. ɛḿɛ́ [yògó kà:ⁿ] biŕé bì-jù1PlS [tomorrow also] work(noun) do-Impf.L‘We’ll work tomorrow too.’e. ɛḿɛ́ [dańá kà:ⁿ] daǹà-nũ̀1PlS [hunt(noun) also] hunt-Impf.L‘We will go hunting also.’f. wó nã̌: sí:rɛ́-jú, [nã̌ kà:ⁿ] sɛḿɛ́-nṹ3SgS meal cook-Impf, [ground also] sweep-Impf‘She cooks meals, and she also sweeps (the ground).’The particle may follow an entire PP, but is not inserted between thepostposition and its complement, even where (xx2.b) this would be logicallyreasonable.(xx2) a. ɛḿɛ́ dɛň [gìrⁿí bîn] kuń-ɛ̀:-sɛǹ,1PlS waterjar [house in] put-Perf.PlS,353

[toǵú bɔŕɔ̀ kà:ⁿ] b-ɛ̌:-sɛǹ[shed under also] put.down-Perf.PlS‘We put waterjars in the house, and (we) placed (some) under theshed too.’b. nǎ [dògó mà] yɔ́ kɔ̀,person [behind 1Sg] Exist be,[ú doǵò kà:ⁿ] yɔ́ kɔ̀[2SgS behind also] Exist be‘There is someone behind me, and (someone) behind you-Sg too.’19.1.4 ‘Even’ (hâl, kàrⁿà ~ kà:ⁿ)There is no consistent distinction between ‘X also’ and ‘even X’. The samekàrⁿà ~ kà:ⁿ illustrated just above for ‘X also’ is also found in passagestranslatable as ‘even X’, hence the two translations for (xx1.b). The phrase inquestion is optionally preceded by hâl ‘all the way to, until’ to force the ‘evenX’ translation (xx1.a). The absence of a parallel phrase in preceding discoursecan also force an ‘even X’ translation, as with (xx1.c).(xx1) a. [hâl ańsá:rá kà:ⁿ] té nɔ̌:-nṹ[even white.person also] tea drink-Impf‘Even the white person will drink tea.’b. wó dí: nɔ̌:-nṹ, iŕí nɔ̌:-nṹ,3SgS water drink-Impf, milk drink-Impf,[kɛǹ̃ɛ́ kà:ⁿ] nɔ̌:-nṹ[beer also] drink-Impf‘He drinks water, he drinks milk, he even drinks beer.’‘He drinks water, he drinks milk, he drinks beer too.’c. [pǒ: kà:ⁿ] kuǹɔ̀-lí[greeting also] put-PerfNeg‘He didn’t even greet (=say hello).’For ‘even if’ conditionals, see §16.2.1.354

19.2 Interclausal discourse markers19.2.1 ‘But …’ (gà:)gà: is a ‘but’ particle, occurring at the border between two clauses that arediscordant in some fashion. In TK, gà: is normally pronounced at the end of thefirst clause, though it only makes sense when the final clause is uttered.(xx1) jɔẁɔ́ bɛ̌-jú gà:, bàŋ-î: bɛ:-ròrun get-Impf but, hide-MP get-ImpfNeg‘You-Sg can run, but you can’t hide.’19.2.2 ‘Otherwise …’ (dɔ̀ŋɔ̀rⁿɔ̀)(xx1) ɛḿɛ́ biŕɛ́ bǐ-má dɔ̀ŋɔ̀rⁿɔ̀, kuń ga:-rò1Pl work do-Hort otherwise, lest pass-ImpfNeg‘Let’s work, otherwise we won’t get by (=succeed).’(xx2) bé yè-lâ: dɔ̀ŋɔ̀rⁿɔ̀, yɛ̀rɛ́ sɛ̂ⁿ dè,ɛḿɛ́ bé làgà-jù‘They haven’t come, however if they do come, we’ll beat them up.’19.3 Pragmatic adverbs or equivalents19.3.1 ‘Again’ (piĺé-m-ɛ̀:), ‘not again’The usual free-standing ‘again’ adverbial is piĺé-m-ɛ̀:. This is a same-subjectsubordinating form (§xxx) of frozen causative piĺé-m̀ ‘do again, repeat’. Ofcourse the following verb has the same subject as ‘do again’ in thisconstruction.(xx1) í:ⁿ bàg-ɛ́:, ùŋɔŕ-ɛ̀:, piĺé-m-ɛ̀: bàg-ɛ̀child fall-SS, get.up-SS, repeat-SS fall-Perf.L‘The child fell, got up, and fell again.’In some contexts, other expressions may be used. For example, thecombination of a negated verb and pèré ‘henceforth, from now on’ can betranslated as ‘not again’ (xx2).355

(xx1) iń [wó tuŕú sǎy] [gìrⁿí bîn] leẃⁿ tɛḿ-ɛ̀1SgS [3Sg one only] [house in] just.one find-Perf‘I found him/her completely alone in the house.’19.5 Phrase-final emphatics19.5.1 Phrase-final já:tì ‘exactly’19.5.2 Clause-final koý (confirmation)19.5.3 Clause-final dé (warning)19.6 Backchannel and uptake checks19.7 GreetingsSimple time-of-day sensitive greeting sequences are summarized in (xx1). A isthe first speaker. All of the initial greetings by A are imperative in form, with -ỳfor plural addressee as in normal imperatives. The ‘good morning’ phrases areretrospective, based on the verb ná: ‘spend the night’ and sɛ́:w ‘well-being’, butná:-wⁿá and sɛ́: wɔ́ are irregular in form. There is no special greeting for midday,so the simple pǒ: ‘hello!’ is used then. The two afternoon/evening greetingsare slightly retrospective, denoting the concurrent or just elapsed time of day(nuǹùŋú kûⁿ ‘early afternoon’, dàgà-nùŋú ‘late afternoon’).(xx1)a. morning to 10 AMA: ná:-wⁿá ‘good morning!’ (single addressee)ná:-wⁿá-ỳ‘good morning!’ (plural addressee)B: sɛ́:w ná-ɛ̀ mà [lit. “did [you] spend the night well?”]A: sɛ́: wɔ́b. mid-dayA: pǒ: ‘hello!’ (single addressee)pǒ:-ỳ‘hello!’ (plural addressee)B: pǒ∴357

c. early afternoon around 1 to 4 PMA: [nuǹùŋú kûⁿ] pǒ: ‘good afternoon!’ (single addressee)[nuǹùŋú kûⁿ] pǒ:-ỳ ‘good afternoon!’ (plural addressee)B: pǒ∴d. late afternoon to evening, around 4 to 7 PMA: dàgà-nùŋú pǒ: ‘good afternoon/evening!’ (singleaddressee)dàgà-nùŋú pǒ:-ỳ ‘good afternoon/evening!’ (pluraladdressee)B: pǒ∴e. night (after nightfall)A: dà:gá pǒ: ‘good evening!’ (single addressee)dà:gá pǒ:-ỳ‘good evening!’ (plural addressee)B: pǒ∴e. night (at parting)A: jań ná:-má ‘(have a) good night!’ (singleaddressee)jań ná:-má-ỳ ‘(have a) good night!’ (pluraladdressee)B: àmà sɛń bè ɛ́mɛ́ ná:-má ‘may God’shave us spend the nightwith good(ness)!’Situational greetings involving a location or the addressee’s activity, notdepending on time of day, are in (xx2). The reply in each case is pǒ∴.(xx2) a. ú biŕɛ̀=> (doing any work) (single addressee)é biŕɛ̀=> (doing any work) (plural addressee)[compare noun biŕɛ́ ‘work’]b. bàrá pǒ: (returning from fields) (single addressee)bàrá pǒ:-ỳ (returning from fields) (plural addressee)[compare noun bàrá ‘the bush, the fields’]c. ètě: pǒ: (returning from well) (single addressee)ètě: pǒ:-ỳ (returning from well) (plural addressee)[compare noun òte̊: ‘well’]358

d. ɛẃɛ̀ pǒ: (at or returning from market) (single addressee)ɛẃɛ̀ pǒ:-ỳ (at or returning from market) (plural addressee)[compare noun ɛẃɛ́ ‘market’, tonal locative ɛẃɛ̀]Greetings and wishes to departing and returning travelers are in (xx3).(xx3.a) is literally ‘may God take you-Sg/Pl there with peace’, slightly distortedfrom àmá [jám bè] ‘God [with peace]’, plus the 2Sg or 2Pl pronoun and dɔ̌:-ǹ‘cause to arrive’ (Imperative dɔ́:-nɔ́). (xx3.b) is also slightly irregular ‘God (has)brought you (back)!’, whose normal form would be (for the singular) àmá újɛ̌:r-ì.(xx3) a. àmà jâⁿ ú dɔ́:-nɔ́ ‘bon voyage!’ (to single traveler)àmà jań bè é dɔ́:-nɔ́ ‘bon voyage!’ (to traveling group)b. àm-ú: jɛ̌:rɛ̀: ‘welcome back!’ (to single returnee)àm-é: jɛ̌:rɛ̀:‘welcome back!’ (to returning group)Presenting condolences to the family of a deceased person is very importantin Dogon culture. In (xx4), A is the visitor and B, who replies, is one of thebereaved. kárⁿá ‘do’ is a non-TK word (found in e.g. Jamsay), except in thisformulaic phrase.(xx4) A: àmá≡ǹ yá:pú kaŕⁿáGod≡Dat reconciliation do.ImprtB: yá:pú kaŕⁿáThe four-part sequence (xx5) is uttered on major religious holidays.(xx5) A: àmá iýé tó:r-ìGod today show-Perf‘God has showed today to us.’B: pǒ:A: àmá nàŋuŕⁿú tó:róGod next.year show.Imprt‘May God show next year to us!’B: àmí:nàamen359

20 Textwriteinformation about circumstances of recording (informants remain anonymous,use e.g. X, Y as speaker labels). Use tabs to align text with interlinear glosses.Organize the text into small units that seem to function like small paragraphs(perhaps including several clauses). Use hyphens and clitic boundary ≡ ininterlinears to correspond to the same markers in the text. Use brackets [...] inboth the Dogon text and the interlinear to indicate phrasal groupings. Foreign(e.g. French, Bambara) items should be italicized. In addition to interlinearglosses, add free translations for each segment, followed by comments in [...].These comments should identify constructions or other grammatical features,and give a reference to a section of the grammar describing them.(xxx) xxx[formulaic story opening phrase; audience should respond xxx⇒](xxx) xxx,[hare and hyena and] [day.labor.L-work in] go.Perf.L-3PlS,xxx[ReflPl two] [day.labor.L-work in] go and.SS,xxx[wage.L-work in] [3Pl Obj] receive.Perf-3PlSxxxapiary build-Impf-3PlS‘Hare and hyena went to (get) day-labor work. The two of them went to(get) paid work, and they (= people) took them in paid work. They weregoing to build apiaries (man-made beehives).’[X yo Y yo ‘X and Y’ §7.1; topic-indexing Reflexive Plural xxx: §18.2.2;xxx ‘and.SS’ in same-subject VP chains §xxx](xxx) xxx[story submerged] [finish(noun) submerged] Emph[story-closing formula].....360

ReferencesProst, André. 1969. Les parlers dogon. II: Togo-Kan. Publications duDépartement de Linguistique Générale et Linguistique Africaine.Dakar: Université de Dakar.361

sample verbsprogressive -taŋchain Imprt Perf PerfNegImpf ImpfNegCv verbs (short vowel before PerfNeg), Perf -y‘give’ó ɔ́-nɔ́ ó-è ò-líó-jú ô:-rò‘go in’nú nú nú-ỳ nù-línú-nṹnû:-ròCv verbs (long vowel before PerfNeg), Perf -ɛ/e‘dig’jǎ: já: já-ɛ́ jà:-líjǎ:-júja:-rò-‘drink’nɔ̌: nɔ́: nɔ́-ɛ́ nɔ̀:-línɔ̌:-nṹnɔ:-rò-‘see’ɔ̌ -- ɔ́-ɛ́ ɔ̀:líɔ́-júɔ̂:-rò‘weep’kɔ́:ⁿ kɔ́:ⁿ kɔń-ɛǹ kɔ̀:ⁿ-líkɔ́:-nṹkɔ̂:ⁿ-rò‘catch’á: á: á-ɛ̀ cá:-jú â:-rò‘go out’gǒ: gó: gó-é gò:-lígǒ:-júgo:-rò-‘spend night’ná: ná: ná-ɛ̀ nà:-líná:-nṹnâ:-rò‘arrive’dɔ̌: dɔ́: dɔ́-ɛ́ dɔ̀:-lídɔ̌:-júdɔ:-rò-‘get old’362

pɛ́:ⁿ pɛ́:ⁿ pɛń-ɛǹ pɛ̀:ⁿ-lípɛ́:ⁿ-nṹpɛ̂:ⁿ-rò-‘learn’bǎ: bá: bá-ɛ́ bà:-líbǎ:-júba:-rò-‘be enough’bǎ: -- bá-ɛ́ bà:-líbǎ:-júba:-rò-Cv verbs (long vowel before PerfNeg), Perf -i‘go’ [irregular]yě yǎ: yé yà:-líyǎ:-júyâ:-rò‘eat (meal)’nĩ́: nĩ: nĩ́-ỳ nĩ:-línĩ́:-nĩ́nĩ̂:-rò-‘die’nú: nú: nú-ỳ nù:-línú:-nṹnû:-rò-‘take away’jé jâ: jé-ỳ jà:-líjâ:-jùjâ:-rò-‘fart’‘stand’‘re-grind’‘burst [intr]’‘lock’CvCv verbs, Perf -ɛ/e‘(dog) bark’ (with bô:)bògó boǵó bòg-é bògò-líbògó-júbògô:-rò-‘shut’pińé pińé piń-è piǹè-lípińé-júpińê:-rò-‘go up’dɔẁɔ́ dɔẃɔ́ dɔẁ-ɛ́ dɔẁɔ̀-lídɔẁɔ́-júdɔẁɔ̂:-rò-‘accept'yɔẁɔ́ yɔẃɔ́ yɔẁ-ɛ́ yɔẁɔ̀-lí-363

yɔẁɔ́-jú yɔẁɔ̂:-rò-‘tie’paǵá paǵá paǵ-ɛ̀ pàgà-lípaǵá-júpaǵâ:-rò-‘hit’laǵá laǵá laǵ-ɛ̀ làgà-lílaǵá-júlaǵâ:-rò-‘pick up’nã̀ŋá nã́ŋá nã̀ŋ-ɛ́ nã̀ŋà-línã́ŋá-nṹnã̀ŋâ:-rò-‘build’újɔ́ újɔ́ új-ɛ̀ ùjɔ̀-líújɔ́-júújɔ̂:-rò‘shoot’tɛẃɛ́ tɛẃɛ́ tɛẃ-ɛ̀ tɛẁɛ̀-lítɛẃɛ̀-jútɛẃɛ̂:-rò‘hear’ɛǵɛ́ ɛǵɛ́ ɛǵ-ɛ̀ ɛ̀gɛ̀-líɛǵɛ́-júɛǵɛ̂:-rò‘go down’suǵó suǵó suǵ-è sùgò-lísuǵó-júsuǵô:-rò-‘leave’dàgá daǵá dàg-ɛ́ dàgà-lídàgá-júdàgâ:-rò-‘drive out’dìgɛ́ diǵɛ́ dìg-ɛ́ dìgɛ̀-lídìgɛ́-júdìgɛ̂:-rò-‘ripen’iŕɛ́ -- iŕ-ɛ̀ ìrɛ̀-líiŕɛ́-júiŕɛ̂:-ròCvCv verbs, Perf -i‘pick (fruit)’pâl paĺá paĺ-ì pàlà-lípaĺá-júpaĺâ:-rò-‘take out’gúŋ̀ gúŋɔ́ gúŋ-ì gùŋɔ̀-lígúŋɔ́-nṹgúŋɔ̂:-rò-‘put’kuń̀ kuńɔ́ kuń-ì kuǹɔ̀-lí-364

kuńɔ́-nṹ kuńɔ̂:-rò-‘jump’kiŕì kiŕé kiŕ-ì́ kìrè-líkiŕé-júkiŕê:-rò-Cvrv verbs, Perf -ɛ/e; do not contract before liquid-initial suffixes‘pound’teŕé teŕé teŕ-è tèrè-líteŕé-júteŕê:-rò-‘begin’tɔŕɔ́ tɔŕɔ́ tɔŕ-ɛ̀ tɔ̀rɔ̀-lítɔŕɔ́-jútɔŕɔ̂:-rò-‘bite’kɛŕɛ́ kɛŕɛ́ kɛŕ-ɛ̀ kɛ̀rɛ̀-líkɛŕɛ́-júkɛŕɛ̂:-rò-Cvrv verbs, Perf -ɛ/e; contract before liquid-initial suffixes‘get’bɛ̀rɛ́ bɛŕɛ́ bɛ̀r-ɛ́ bɛ̀-líbɛ́-júbɛ̂:-rò-‘come’yɛ̀rɛ́ yɛŕɛ́ yɛ̀r-ɛ́ yè-líyě-júye:-rò-‘go past’gàrá gaŕá gàr-ɛ́ gà-lígá-júga:-rò-‘kill’dàrⁿá daŕⁿá dàrⁿ-ɛ́ dà-lídá-nṹdâ:ⁿ-rò-‘do, make’bìrɛ́ biŕɛ́ bìr-ɛ́ bì-líbí-júbi:-rò-Cvrv, Perfective -i‘say’poŕù pońó poŕ-ì pò-lípó-júpô:-rò-‘get up’ [initial ŋ pronounced as labialized ŋʷ]ŋ̀ʷŋúrù ŋ́ʷŋóró ŋ̀ʷŋúr-ì ŋ̀ʷŋùrò-líŋ̀ʷŋóró-júŋ̀ʷŋórô:-rò-365

CvCvv (Mediopassive) verbs‘sit’dèŋî: dèŋé dèŋí-ỳ dèŋè:-lídèŋé-nṹdèŋê:-rò-‘lie down’ìmî: ìmɛ́: ìmí-ỳ ìmɛ̀:-líìmɛ́:-nṹìmɛ̂:-rò-‘carry on back’bòmî: bòmé bòmí-ỳ bòmè-líbòmé-júbòmê:-rò-CvCvCv verbs, final high vowel, Perf -i‘return’kiǵìrì kiǵeŕé kiǵìr-ì kìgèrè-líkiǵeŕé-júkiǵeŕê:-rò-‘take down’suńuǵù suńuǵò suńuǵ-ì suǹùgò-lísuńuǵó-júsuńuǵô:-rò-‘lay out’aẃùrù aẃárá aẃùr-ì aẁùrà-líaẃárá-júaẃárâ:-rò-CvvCi verbs, final high vowel, Perf -i‘cook in pot’jǎ:nì já:ná jǎ:n-ì jà:nà-líjǎ:ná-nṹjǎ:nâ:-rò-‘send’bǎ:rì bá:rá bǎ:r-ì bà:rà-líbǎ:rá-júbǎ:râ:-rò-‘bring’ [irregular]jɛ̌:rì jɛ́:rɛ́ jɛ̌:r-ì jè-líjê:-jùjê:-rò-‘assemble’mɔ̌:ǹ mɔ́:nɔ́ mɔ̌:n-ì mɔ̀:nɔ̀-límɔ̌:nɔ́-nṹmɔ̌:nɔ̂:-rò-366

‘xxx’ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ-ríŋŋ-ŋŋ-m̀ŋŋŋ-m̀-dó-‘xxx’ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ-ríŋŋ-ŋŋ-m̀ŋŋŋ-m̀-dó-tonesNoun.L AdjNoun.L Adj.L AdjNoun NumNoun.L Adj NumNoun.L DemNoun.L Num.L DemPoss [Noun.HL Adj.L]Poss [Noun.HL Num.L]Poss [Noun.HL Dem.L]add to lexicondɔ̀ŋɔ̀rⁿɔ̀ ‘on the other hand’sań=> ‘clear (free of haze or dust)’kú:ⁿ ‘likewise’ (like sth just mentioned)lexicon from Prost“ja” ‘prendre’“karⁿa” ‘do’367

A Grammar of Togo Kan - Dogon and Bangime Linguistics

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