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Discussion paper:<br />

A difference of opinion; hope and fear in<br />

post-conflict society: An exploration of<br />

readiness for reconciliation<br />

Candida Darling<br />

SEVENTY-NINE PER CENT of conflicts<br />

around the world that became active in<br />

the last 10 years were conflict relapses –<br />

occurrences of resurgent, armed violence in<br />

societies where conflict had been settled for<br />

at least a year (Sandole, 2013). It is suggested<br />

that the major cause of this resurgence is that<br />

the conflicts were not truly settled, that there<br />

was no reconciliation (Auerbach, 2009).<br />

The conflict in Northern Ireland was,<br />

undoubtedly, an identity conflict (White,<br />

2001); it ran for at least 30 years causing individuals,<br />

who had once lived a relatively<br />

peaceful co-existence to commit many acts<br />

of violence and wreak bloody revenge. This<br />

conflict has been officially over for nearly 17<br />

years, yet there are violent flare-ups every day<br />

including bombings, shootings and a refusal<br />

by many in civil society to consider actions<br />

necessary to end this cycle of violence<br />

(Robinson, 2014).<br />

This article is going to discuss PhD<br />

research in progress and the preliminary<br />

findings at this stage. This research explores<br />

readiness for reconciliation, employing semistructured<br />

interviews with a sample of<br />

opinion formers from Northern Ireland.<br />

The data is analysed using Interpretative<br />

Phenomenological Analysis (IPA; Smith,<br />

Flowers & Larkin, 2013). Overwhelmingly,<br />

the people interviewed wanted understanding,<br />

they wanted their stories to be<br />

heard and their opinion validated. There<br />

are, though, differences regarding the<br />

extent to which forgiveness is possible and<br />

the need for keeping the sectarian divide<br />

active. It appears a threat to the divide is a<br />

threat to the fundamental personal identity<br />

of much of the population of Northern<br />

Ireland.<br />

The conflict: A very short introduction to the<br />

main narratives<br />

The first English involvement in Ireland as a<br />

whole is reported to have begun as early as<br />

1170; this date is often cited by Catholic<br />

Nationalist Republicans (CNR) as the<br />

commencement of an 800-year struggle for<br />

control of the Irish state. These struggles<br />

ultimately culminated in a division of the<br />

state into two separate entities: the Irish Free<br />

State (Eire) and Northern Ireland – part of<br />

the British state in 1922 (Mulholland, 2002).<br />

‘The Troubles’, 1968(9)–1998, was a<br />

30-year period of intense political violence in<br />

Northern Ireland. Over 40,000 people were<br />

injured and more than 3600 people died<br />

during ‘The Troubles’, which are repeatedly<br />

cited as the start date of the conflict as a<br />

whole by most in the Protestant Unionist<br />

Loyalist (PUL) community; although, this<br />

community also has significant emotional<br />

investment in many historical dates, chiefly<br />

from the 17th and 18th century.<br />

Official peace<br />

This conflict officially came to an end with<br />

an Irish Republican Army ceasefire in 1994<br />

and the signing of the Good Friday Agreement<br />

in 1998, which was put out for referendum.<br />

It was ratified by a yes vote of over 70<br />

per cent of the people of Northern Ireland<br />

and over 90 per cent from the population of<br />

Eire (Edwards & McCrattan, 2012), clearly<br />

<strong>Issue</strong> 97 December 2015 15

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