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security adviser and deputy foreign minister in November 2015 paved the way for Modi’s first visit<br />

to Afghanistan the following month. During this day-long trip, Modi officially handed over three<br />

attack helicopters to Afghanistan, the first time that India has provided lethal weaponry to the<br />

Afghan National Security Forces, and spoke of the need for the two countries to work together to<br />

tackle common challenges.<br />

However, Pakistan’s links with the various Afghan insurgent groups have placed it in an<br />

important position to influence political and security developments in Afghanistan. Better ties<br />

with Pakistan are thus necessary for Kabul to reach a political agreement with the Taliban,<br />

something that Ghani, despite his public pronouncements, recognizes. This is evident from<br />

Kabul’s continuing efforts to work with Islamabad and explore the possibility of resuming the<br />

peace process with the Taliban. 59 It remains to be seen how Ghani balances his relations with both<br />

India and Pakistan. Pakistan has always strongly opposed any military ties between India and<br />

Afghanistan. The Strategic Partnership Agreement signed between the two in 2011, which commits<br />

India, among other things, to “assist…in the training, equipping, and capacity building programs”<br />

for the Afghan National Security Forces, has always been a source of concern for Pakistan. 60<br />

While India, for its part, has good objective reasons for a normalization of ties between Kabul<br />

and Islamabad, the real question is about the terms. If the reconciliation is seen as limiting<br />

Afghanistan’s sovereignty or lending Pakistan special privileges across the Durand Line, New<br />

Delhi will be deeply concerned.<br />

Spurt in Cross-border Terrorism<br />

Developments in Afghanistan could also add a new dimension to the issue of cross-border<br />

terrorism. India is concerned that prolonged instability in Afghanistan or the re-emergence of<br />

the Taliban as the dominant force, even if only in some provinces, could turn the country into a<br />

haven for radical extremist groups. Such fears are based on past events in Afghanistan. During<br />

the 1990s, under international pressure, Pakistan shited many militant groups’ bases from its<br />

Punjab Province and tribal areas to eastern Afghanistan. It initially paid the Jalalabad Shura<br />

and subsequently the Taliban to provide these groups with protection. 61 Groups like the LeT,<br />

Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, and Hizb-ul Mujahideen were provided sanctuary and an operating base<br />

in Afghanistan from where they could carry out activities against India. The Taliban was also<br />

allegedly complicit in the hijacking of Indian Airlines Flight IC-814 in 1999. Maulana Masood<br />

Azhar, who was released as part of a hostage deal, subsequently planned and executed terrorist<br />

attacks on Indian soil from his base in Pakistan.<br />

Indian opposition to the Taliban is rooted in these past experiences. New Delhi continues to<br />

view the group as Pakistan’s puppet, incapable of negotiating or operating independently. India is<br />

concerned that the Taliban’s involvement in Afghanistan’s future political setup would invariably<br />

provide an opportunity for Pakistan to enhance its influence in the country. From an Indian<br />

perspective, it is thus critical to prevent Pakistan from becoming the sole arbitrator of Afghan<br />

94<br />

NBR<br />

59 “Four-Nations Session in Islamabad Agrees on Resuming Peace Talks,” Tolo News, December 9, 2015, http://www.tolonews.com/en/<br />

afghanistan/22731-four-nations-session-in-islamabad-agrees-on-resuming-peace-talks.<br />

60 “Taliban Leadership Approves Preliminary Peace Talks with Afghan Govt,” Khaama Press, February 22, 2015, http://www.khaama.com/<br />

taliban-leadership-approves-preliminary-peace-talks-with-afghan-govt-9950.<br />

61 Ahmed Rashid, The Taliban: The Story of the Afghan Warlords (London: Pan Books, 2001).<br />

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