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AN ECONOMIC EXPLANATION OF THE NATIONALIZATION OF ELECTORAL POLITICS

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15<br />

Results<br />

The first piece of evidence supporting the economic-voting explanation of the<br />

nationalization of electoral politics is shown in Figure 1. The coefficient of correlation<br />

between the nationalization scores using Bochsler's measure and the output gap in our<br />

sample of elections is positive (0.12) and statistically significant at the 0.05 level:<br />

positive output gaps increase the nationalization of party systems.<br />

Figure 2: Country-level nationalization and economic performance<br />

.3<br />

.2<br />

D(Nationalization)<br />

.1<br />

.0<br />

-.1<br />

-.2<br />

-.3<br />

-.4<br />

-.2 -.1 .0 .1 .2<br />

Output gap<br />

The results of the regression models are presented in Table 2. The first model<br />

explains about 79 percent of the variance in nationalization scores using Bochsler's<br />

measure. The output gap has the expected positive sign and is statistically significant at<br />

the 0.05 level. When the economy is performing well, nationalization increases. On<br />

average, an increase of 1 per cent in the output gap increases nationalization by 0.142<br />

points. This is not a negligible effect, as the within standard deviation of Nationalization<br />

is substantially smaller (0.06) than the between one (0.11). Interestingly, the coefficient<br />

on the lag of the dependent variable is relatively small: 0.53. This means that there is<br />

substantial variation in nationalization scores across elections. Finally, the age of<br />

democracy does not behave as expected, but is not statistically significant. In model 1A,<br />

nationalization is measured with Kasuya and Moenius’ measure. As can be seen, the<br />

results are qualitatively the same.

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