AN ECONOMIC EXPLANATION OF THE NATIONALIZATION OF ELECTORAL POLITICS
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15<br />
Results<br />
The first piece of evidence supporting the economic-voting explanation of the<br />
nationalization of electoral politics is shown in Figure 1. The coefficient of correlation<br />
between the nationalization scores using Bochsler's measure and the output gap in our<br />
sample of elections is positive (0.12) and statistically significant at the 0.05 level:<br />
positive output gaps increase the nationalization of party systems.<br />
Figure 2: Country-level nationalization and economic performance<br />
.3<br />
.2<br />
D(Nationalization)<br />
.1<br />
.0<br />
-.1<br />
-.2<br />
-.3<br />
-.4<br />
-.2 -.1 .0 .1 .2<br />
Output gap<br />
The results of the regression models are presented in Table 2. The first model<br />
explains about 79 percent of the variance in nationalization scores using Bochsler's<br />
measure. The output gap has the expected positive sign and is statistically significant at<br />
the 0.05 level. When the economy is performing well, nationalization increases. On<br />
average, an increase of 1 per cent in the output gap increases nationalization by 0.142<br />
points. This is not a negligible effect, as the within standard deviation of Nationalization<br />
is substantially smaller (0.06) than the between one (0.11). Interestingly, the coefficient<br />
on the lag of the dependent variable is relatively small: 0.53. This means that there is<br />
substantial variation in nationalization scores across elections. Finally, the age of<br />
democracy does not behave as expected, but is not statistically significant. In model 1A,<br />
nationalization is measured with Kasuya and Moenius’ measure. As can be seen, the<br />
results are qualitatively the same.