16.02.2017 Views

TESTR

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

NOIDA/DELHI<br />

THE HINDU WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 21, 2015<br />

COMMENT<br />

11<br />

WORLD VIEW<br />

A portrait of modern<br />

inequality<br />

The National Gallery’s colonnaded splendour radiates across Trafalgar<br />

Square a sense of the importance of art in Britain’s national life. But<br />

the reality inside is far less glorious. The 400 gallery assistants are about<br />

to be outsourced to a private company against their will, to squeeze pay<br />

and conditions. A ballot by their union, PCS, closes this week, calling for a<br />

five-day strike in protest.<br />

All day they guard the nation’s treasures: not automata, but wellinformed,<br />

if untrained, guides who like to be asked questions, know<br />

where paintings are, are glad to advise nervous visitors unsure what to<br />

look at. Some have worked there for 40 years, some are younger, many<br />

former art students.<br />

A letter to staff from the director, Nicholas<br />

Penny, says all gallery services go out to tender<br />

in April, something no other national gallery or<br />

museum has done. As Tupe — Transfer of<br />

Undertakings (Protection of Employment) —<br />

regulations require, staff will transfer to a<br />

private company on the same terms, but that’s<br />

weak protection: they can be sent to work<br />

anywhere in that company.<br />

This is the only national museum in London<br />

not paying the living wage. A tangle of pay rates<br />

means that older staff (predominantly male) are<br />

paid more than newer (predominantly female).<br />

POLLY TOYNBEE The gallery’s grant is being cut, so it needs to<br />

make more money with extra paid evening<br />

events. Staff are willing — but expect extra pay.<br />

The only national<br />

Management says negotiations went nowhere,<br />

museum in London so they have to go nuclear: let a private company<br />

is not paying the<br />

get tough with them. That’s how private<br />

companies profit from these contracts: as old<br />

living wage<br />

staff leave, new staff can be hired at any pay<br />

rate.<br />

What happens in hard times is always the same: spreadsheets show the<br />

most crushable item is staff. Numbers are cut and squeezed hard for<br />

longer hours. It’s easier to let ruthless companies to do the dirty work, so<br />

squeamish managers can wash their hands of consequences. Both sides<br />

will now go to Acas: there is still time to pull back from this privatisation<br />

too far.<br />

The public servant<br />

This shedding of long-term employees is emblematic of low-pay<br />

Britain, where a million public jobs are being lost. Public servants are<br />

more unionised than other workforces, and so irksome to managers who<br />

eye a commercial world of 19th century employment practices — lump<br />

labour on zero hours, temp agencies, free interns, the bogus selfemployed<br />

free of national insurance. The public servants’ ethos, their<br />

attachment to the civic realm, has been systematically trashed as mere<br />

unionised self-interest.<br />

What’s afoot at the gallery explains why pay is falling as a share of GDP.<br />

Galloping inequality is the result of a million such decisions employers<br />

think prudent, mainly because everyone is doing it. The derelict Low Pay<br />

Commission has let the minimum wage itself fall £1,000 in real value<br />

since 2008. The Tory call last week for higher wages was breathtaking<br />

dishonesty, echoing the TUC’s “Britain Needs a Pay Rise” campaign. The<br />

government has huge sway over pay. If it demanded the living wage not<br />

just for its employees, but also from every contractor and supplier, then<br />

national pay norms would rise instantly. If the Low Pay Commission set<br />

higher minimums appropriate to each sector, like the old wages councils,<br />

larger companies could pay decent salaries according to profitability.<br />

The Joseph Rowntree Foundation’s latest report finds 40 per cent of<br />

families with children living below a minimum threshold of decency.<br />

Most are in work — but earning too little to buy what a majority of the<br />

public in focus groups consider essentials for participation in society: no<br />

drink or cigarettes, £5 a fortnight for eating out, £40 for Christmas food,<br />

one week’s U.K. holiday.<br />

That takes an income of £20,400 a year for a couple with two children<br />

— which is almost £3,000 more than National Gallery assistants earn.<br />

GDP growth is near invisible to the eight million squeezed hardest, by<br />

this government’s deliberate choice: average income loss since 2010 is<br />

£33 a week. Now the government promises full employment — but what<br />

kind? Most new jobs are low paid, precarious and part time. For all<br />

George Osborne’s hi-vis posturing about his sham “northern<br />

powerhouse”, the latest figures from the Centre for Cities show how far<br />

the gap between the south and the rest has widened.<br />

At Davos this week, central bankers will echo the fashionable view that<br />

accelerating inequality is the real economic risk, a danger to capitalism<br />

itself. Oxfam tells them one per cent of the population will next year own<br />

99 per cent of the world’s wealth: in Britain, the top one per cent has<br />

soared away, and the bottom 10 per cent has done worst while paying the<br />

highest proportion of its income in taxes: 47 per cent. But no sign yet that<br />

the Davos set is worrying unduly: by Epiphany — January 6 — FTSE 100<br />

chief executives had already earned more than a year of the average wage.<br />

How do you wrest back wealth from them? Restoring power to unions<br />

would help, ensuring every workplace is offered union membership.<br />

Instead, Mr. Cameron’s manifesto will make strikes near-impossible,<br />

with a 40 per cent ballot threshold unknown anywhere in the democratic<br />

west. That’s a reason to hope the ever-patient attendants at the National<br />

Gallery resist being cast out to G4S, Serco and the rest — and remain as<br />

treasured employees of us all. — © Guardian Newspapers Limited,<br />

2015<br />

Mexico’s drone plan for<br />

porpoise conservation<br />

CORRECTIONS AND CLARIFICATIONS<br />

>>Errors in front page graphic: “Left out in the cold” (Jan. 20, 2015) said<br />

L.K. Advani – Deputy Prime Minister from 1999 to 2004 – (it should have been<br />

2002 to 2004) and A.B. Vajpayee – Prime Minister from 1999 to 2004 – (it<br />

should have been 1998 to 2004).<br />

>>The opening paragraph of the Comment page article, “Memories of<br />

Jawaharlal Nehru” (Jan. 20, 2015), talked about Dr. Khan Sahib (Khan Abdul<br />

Jaffar Khan). It is Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan.<br />

>>“Can Barack Obama break the nuclear logjam?” (Jan. 20, 2015) – in the<br />

second and penultimate paragraphs – erroneously referred to Mr. Obama’s<br />

visit to India in 2008. It should have been 2010.<br />

CM<br />

YK<br />

Mexico is planning to use drones<br />

to patrol the upper Sea of Cortez<br />

to combat illegal fishing and save<br />

the critically endangered vaquita marina,<br />

the world’s smallest porpoise.<br />

Assistant environmental prosecutor<br />

Alejandro del Mazo said his agency<br />

has conducted tests of unmanned<br />

aircraft flights in cooperation with<br />

the Mexican Navy. Mr. Del Mazo says<br />

he hopes to have three drones patrolling<br />

the vaquita’s habitat in coming<br />

months. Also known as the Gulf of<br />

California, it is the only place vaquitas<br />

are found.Fewer than 100 of the<br />

shy, elusive porpoises remain.<br />

The vaquita is threatened by illegal<br />

gillnet fishing for totoaba, a large fish<br />

whose swim bladder is prized by<br />

chefs in China. Authorities are proposing<br />

a $37 million plan to ban gillnets<br />

in the upper Gulf. — AP<br />

It is the policy of The Hindu to correct significant errors as soon as possible.<br />

Please specify the edition (place of publication), date and page.<br />

The Readers’ Editor’s office can be contacted by<br />

Telephone: +91-44-28418297/28576300 (11 a.m. to 5 p.m., Monday to<br />

Friday);<br />

E-mail: readerseditor@thehindu.co.in<br />

Mail: Readers’ Editor, The Hindu, Kasturi Buildings,<br />

859 & 860 Anna Salai, Chennai 600 002, India.<br />

All communication must carry the full postal address and<br />

telephone number.<br />

No personal visits.<br />

The Terms of Reference for the Readers’ Editor are on www.thehindu.com<br />

For prudent crisis planning on terror<br />

Barack Obama and Narendra Modi should reaffirm their commitment to better cooperation<br />

on counter-terrorism and intelligence<br />

Bruce Riedel<br />

U.S. President Barack Obama’s<br />

visit to India, an unprecedented<br />

second trip in one Presidency,<br />

comes as the terrorist<br />

threat environment in the subcontinent is<br />

in transition and turmoil. Multiple massacres<br />

in Pakistan and the transition in<br />

Afghanistan are challenging the counter<br />

terrorist infrastructures built over the last<br />

couple of decades. It is a fluid situation<br />

that Mr. Obama and Prime Minister Narendra<br />

Modi need to compare notes on<br />

and develop strategies.<br />

Sponsor and victim<br />

Pakistan has long been both a sponsor<br />

of terrorism and a victim of terrorism but<br />

the balance seems to be shifting toward<br />

victimhood. Pakistan still sponsors the<br />

most dangerous terror group in South<br />

Asia, Lashkar-e-Taiba, which last May<br />

tried to disrupt Mr. Modi’s inauguration<br />

by attacking the Indian consulate in Herat,<br />

Afghanistan, just hours before his<br />

swearing-in ceremony. The Pakistani intelligence<br />

service, the Inter Services Intelligence<br />

(ISI) Directorate, continues to<br />

provide support to LeT and its leader Hafiz<br />

Mohammad Saeed lives freely in Lahore,<br />

Pakistan, with the ISI’s protection.<br />

The ISI also remains the primary patron<br />

of the Afghan Taliban in its war with the<br />

North Atlantic Treaty Organization<br />

(NATO).<br />

But Pakistan has been shaken profoundly<br />

by a series of mass casualty terror<br />

attacks on its own citizens. On November<br />

2, 2014, a suicide bomber killed sixty Pakistanis<br />

at the Wagah border crossing<br />

with India close to the border ceremony<br />

site. The Pakistan Taliban claimed responsibility<br />

and said it was retaliation for<br />

the army’s Zarb-e-Azb counter terrorist<br />

operation.<br />

On December 16, 2014, seven members<br />

of the Pakistan Taliban attacked an armyrun<br />

school in Peshawar and killed 145<br />

people including 132 schoolchildren. The<br />

attack prompted an unprecedented public<br />

outcry for the government and army to<br />

take concerted action to defeat the Taliban<br />

and to stop all terror attacks in the<br />

country. Not since the assassination of<br />

Benazir Bhutto in December 2007 has<br />

there been so much public outcry against<br />

terrorism. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif<br />

and Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General<br />

Raheel Sharif promised collective action<br />

to destroy the Taliban and the army said it<br />

would no longer differentiate good Taliban<br />

from bad Taliban.<br />

Even al-Qaeda’s new franchise in the<br />

Indian subcontinent distanced itself from<br />

the school massacre, saying “our hearts<br />

are bursting with pain,” and urging its<br />

Shiv Visvanathan<br />

How does one talk of a man who<br />

defined a subject, determined its<br />

directions, was its dominating presence<br />

without a shade of pomposity or status.<br />

Rajni Kothari was clear about some of<br />

the subjects of his studies, irreverently<br />

and pragmatically certain that the Indian<br />

elite was knowledge-proof, that the<br />

only changes it would accept were pressures<br />

from below or by mimicking its<br />

colonial masters. Here was a man far<br />

ahead of his times, a futurist in<br />

perspective.<br />

Today the tributes will flow and embalm<br />

the man. Dissenting imaginations<br />

are best sanitised lest they destroy the<br />

hypocrisy and the current clichés of the<br />

establishment. The obituaries will recite<br />

how he started election studies,<br />

how he set up the institute of Chinese<br />

Studies, founded journals like the Alternatives<br />

and the Lokayan Bulletin.<br />

They will dub him the author of Indian<br />

Political Science’s only durable classic<br />

— Politics in India. Oddly, Kothari was<br />

embarrassed by the longevity of the<br />

book and even tried to stall further publications<br />

but the book like many of Rajni’s<br />

inventions had a wonderful life of<br />

its own.<br />

To me it was not just the inventiveness<br />

of the man that is important. It was<br />

the vision he brought to his work. Rajni’s<br />

enduring passion was his commitment<br />

to democracy, its sustainability,<br />

its creativity and its vulnerability. The<br />

sense of democracy was not an abstract<br />

one of formal definitions. He saw democracy<br />

as a way of life and wanted<br />

people to live it out and celebrate its<br />

everydayness.<br />

As founder of CSDS<br />

This is what impelled him to create<br />

that wonderful institution the Centre<br />

for the Study of Developing Societies<br />

(CSDS). CSDS was a community, a perpetual<br />

adda built around the gossip of<br />

democracy. Without this passion for democracy<br />

his many projects would have<br />

made little sense. They were mere pretexts<br />

for sustaining the texts of democracy<br />

which in a holistic sense went<br />

beyond elections, data analysis, governance<br />

and grassroots studies.<br />

Two things must be stated clearly,<br />

CSDS was a collage of friendships and<br />

Rajni invented many of his ideas along<br />

with his friends. He had an acute sense<br />

of the inventive and followed it up creatively.<br />

In that sense the idea often originally<br />

belonged to the others. Rajni’s<br />

idea of the Congress as a coalition of<br />

competing confusions was Gopal Krishna’s.<br />

The idea of Lokayan as a grass<br />

INTERNAL DYNAMICS: Pakistan has witnessed a series of mass casualty<br />

terror attacks on its own citizens, one being the November 2014<br />

suicide bomber attack near the Wagah border crossing. Picture shows<br />

the Indian side of the Wagah border crossing. — PHOTO: AFP<br />

Taliban allies to target soldiers in the future.<br />

Hafiz Saeed took the tack of blaming<br />

India for the attack, claiming it was a conspiracy<br />

orchestrated by Modi and vowing<br />

revenge on India. Former dictator Pervez<br />

Musharraf also blamed India and Afghanistan<br />

for supporting the Pakistan Taliban.<br />

It remains to be seen whether the Peshawar<br />

massacre and other atrocities will<br />

actually change the army’s behaviour toward<br />

terrorism. It is more likely than not<br />

that the ISI and COAS will remain patrons<br />

of some terror groups for the foreseeable<br />

future even as they fight others. The civilian<br />

politicians may be more determined to<br />

end Pakistan’s double policy but they have<br />

consistently failed to do so in the last<br />

decade.<br />

The ISI is particularly determined to<br />

see if its Afghan proxies, the Quetta Shura<br />

and the Haqqani network, can exploit the<br />

end of NATO’s combat presence in Afghanistan<br />

to gain control of significant<br />

parts of the country. Mullah Omar, the<br />

Taliban leader based in Karachi, has<br />

shown no interest in a political settlement<br />

and seems determined to try to resurrect<br />

his Islamic Emirate.<br />

New players<br />

Two new players in the terror game<br />

emerged in 2014. First is the al-Qaeda<br />

Another LeT attack on India is<br />

probably only a matter of<br />

time. Washington and New<br />

Delhi should have some idea of<br />

what the potential<br />

consequences of such an<br />

attack might be<br />

franchise for the Indian subcontinent. Al-<br />

Qaeda’s leader Ayman al-Zawahiri announced<br />

its formation which was immediately<br />

followed by an attempt to hijack a<br />

Pakistani frigate with the intention of using<br />

it to attack U.S. Navy ships in the<br />

Arabian Sea. The plot included an unknown<br />

number of Pakistani naval officers<br />

recruited to help al-Qaeda. Zawahiri remains<br />

hidden somewhere in Pakistan and<br />

continues to give lengthy audio messages<br />

to his followers. Al-Qaeda’s franchise in<br />

Yemen claims Zawahiri ordered the attack<br />

on the office of Charlie Hebdo this<br />

month, what it called the “blessed battle<br />

of Paris.”<br />

The other newcomer is the Islamic<br />

State, the heir to al-Qaeda in Iraq that<br />

proclaimed the creation of a caliphate this<br />

summer. Led by Abu Bakr al-Quraishi al-<br />

Hashemi al-Baghdadi, also known as Caliph<br />

Ibrahim, the Islamic State has attracted<br />

fighters from across the Islamic<br />

world to come and join it in Iraq and Syria.<br />

Several Indian Muslims have joined the IS<br />

and pro-IS propaganda has been distributed<br />

in India and Pakistan. Parts of the<br />

Pakistan Taliban have voiced support for<br />

Baghdadi. An Islamic State cell has been<br />

captured in Bangladesh. Al-Qaeda has denounced<br />

the caliphate as illegitimate and<br />

renounced any connection to Baghdadi<br />

roots experiment belonged more to Ramashray<br />

Roy and D.L. Sheth. Rajni took<br />

it and transformed it.<br />

As a commons of ideas, CSDS was<br />

extraordinary. For me, CSDS is that<br />

wonderful pack of quirky incorrigible<br />

scholars like Ashis Nandy, Basheer<br />

Ahmed, Sudhir Kakkar, Giri Deshingkar<br />

quarrelling over ideas at every lunch as<br />

if democracy was a hypothesis that had<br />

to be digested every day. No group had a<br />

greater passion for politics, its myths,<br />

its facts and its folklore.<br />

The style, the theory, was as important<br />

as the substance. Neither CSDS nor<br />

Rajni will rest in peace if I do not resort<br />

to a few anecdotes.<br />

I remember how he recruited me.<br />

Rajni was chairman of ICSSR and he<br />

had heard rumours about me as a rebellious<br />

and even problematic PhD student<br />

at the Delhi School of Economics. He<br />

dropped in one day for a casual chat and<br />

asked me to join CSDS. Some of my<br />

teachers warned him against it. And one<br />

of them even complained that I was a<br />

goonda, a gangster. Rajni smiled and<br />

said, “I need a few intellectual gangsters<br />

for my new project.” He had an easy<br />

charm that soothed opponents and part<br />

of it came from his acute ability to listen.<br />

If you insulted him, he listened intently<br />

almost as if you were wooing him.<br />

Role during the Emergency<br />

CSDS and Rajni became institutional<br />

legends during the Emergency. It was<br />

during that monstrous period that Centre<br />

became home for every dissenting<br />

imagination: George Fernandes, Romesh<br />

Thapar, Arun Shourie and Kuldip<br />

Nayar were frequent visitors. This hospitality<br />

to dissent seeded the creative<br />

style of the future where the Centre<br />

became home to critical studies, social<br />

movements and the search for alternative<br />

imaginations. The Centre, which<br />

glorified the Nehruvian era and the initial<br />

creativity of the Congress, now became<br />

Indira Gandhi’s fiercest and most<br />

obsessive critic. It became the hub of<br />

human rights movements, environmental<br />

struggles, and development battles<br />

that insisted that democracy had to reinvent<br />

itself beyond its electoral form.<br />

Civil society became the creative subject<br />

of study: a counter to the elitist<br />

preoccupation with the state and its development<br />

project.<br />

The Left was the dominant intellectual<br />

imagination of the period. Rajni<br />

had no quarrel with the left, only with<br />

leftists who romanced with the state,<br />

infiltrating government committees as<br />

if they were party cells. Oddly, both the<br />

Left and the Right were obsessed with<br />

being legitimised by the state. During<br />

the infamous controversy involving<br />

History text books when ideologists<br />

went hysterical, Rajni observed quietly:<br />

“That both sides wanted the state to<br />

approve of their version of history”.<br />

This intellectual dependency on state<br />

approval of scholarship worried Rajni.<br />

and his group. Zawahiri and Baghdadi are<br />

rivals for leadership of the global jihad and<br />

competing for the loyalty of jihadists<br />

around the world including in south Asia.<br />

Mr. Obama and Mr. Modi should reaffirm<br />

their commitment to close counterterrorism<br />

and intelligence cooperation.<br />

Much has improved since 2008 when the<br />

U.S. and the U.K. had intelligence on the<br />

Mumbai plot but failed to share it with<br />

India and failed to analyse it properly<br />

themselves. LeT is now a priority for both<br />

Washington and London. Mr. Obama<br />

should send his Central Intelligence<br />

Agency (CIA) Director to New Delhi to<br />

further improve cooperation.<br />

Mr. Obama and Mr. Modi should also<br />

upgrade efforts to stabilise Afghanistan<br />

after the withdrawal of most NATO<br />

forces. India should consider sending military<br />

field hospitals and personnel to help<br />

the Afghan Army as it did in the Korean<br />

War in the 1950s to support the United<br />

Nations forces. It should also help train<br />

and equip the Afghan Air Force, an area<br />

that NATO has been remiss in addressing<br />

robustly. Mr. Obama should rescind his<br />

decision to withdraw all U.S. forces by<br />

2017 and commit to long term advisory<br />

role.<br />

No tolerance policy<br />

Pakistan remains the heart of the issue.<br />

Late last year the U.S. hosted a visit by<br />

Gen. Raheel Sharif and Indians will be<br />

interested in hearing American impressions<br />

of him. Mr. Obama and Mr. Modi<br />

should compare notes on Pakistan’s support<br />

for terrorism. They should also address<br />

the blow back in Pakistan to the<br />

Peshawar massacre. They should encourage<br />

a no-tolerance policy by Prime Minister<br />

Sharif while recognising his<br />

limitations. They should look for opportunity<br />

to encourage Pakistan to take action<br />

against all groups, especially LeT.<br />

But they should also plan for the worst.<br />

Another LeT attack on India is probably<br />

only a matter of time. Washington and<br />

New Delhi should have some idea of what<br />

the potential consequences of such an attack<br />

might be. This is not a matter of<br />

ganging up on Pakistan or trying to pressure<br />

it in advance, rather it is prudent<br />

crisis planning and coordination. It might<br />

be wise to involve others like the United<br />

Kingdom in such discussions. If all this<br />

seems too sensitive for public officials,<br />

then it can be put in the hands of think<br />

tanks and former officials to study with a<br />

mandate to report to their governments.<br />

(Bruce Riedel is Director, The<br />

Intelligence Project, The Brookings<br />

Institution. This article is excerpted from<br />

a paper for The Brookings report on: The<br />

Second Modi-Obama Summit: Building<br />

the India-U.S. Partnership.)<br />

A prophet abandoned by his own community<br />

A tribute to political scientist extraordinaire and teacher, Rajni Kothari (1928 – 2015)<br />

FUTURIST: “Rajni Kothari had an acute sense of the inventive and<br />

followed it up creatively.” — FILE PHOTO: S. ARNEJA<br />

Rajni’s enduring passion<br />

was his commitment to<br />

democracy, its<br />

sustainability, its<br />

creativity and<br />

its vulnerability<br />

Did truth need to be approved by<br />

power?<br />

Rajni had a playful response to criticism.<br />

I remember when a Serbic Marxist<br />

wrote a critique of his work claiming<br />

that Kothari had forgotten to mention<br />

the word class. With easy equanimity<br />

Rajni replied that he had not mentioned<br />

cucumbers either. This ease was important<br />

because the period of the 1960s and<br />

the 1970s was dominated by a pompous<br />

left which treated Marxism with a form<br />

of idolatry. Rajni felt that Marxist critiques<br />

dealt more with the formal economy<br />

and had little place for marginal<br />

groups and the informal economy. Little<br />

protests did not acquire the officialdom<br />

of trade union struggles. The<br />

movements alone in the era, Chipko,<br />

Narmada, Balliapal and fishermen<br />

struggle in Kerala had to struggle with<br />

the official radicalism which refused to<br />

go beyond conventional categories.<br />

CSDS became an archive and a sounding<br />

board for many of these struggles which<br />

linked ecology, livelihood and empowerment<br />

to the still life of electoral democracy.<br />

Rajni had an easy way of<br />

pushing younger colleagues to stretch<br />

beyond themselves. I remember when<br />

the Bhopal gas disaster occurred. He<br />

looked at me and said, “Let’s see if your<br />

work on science helps. Pack up. You are<br />

leaving for Bhopal tomorrow.” When I<br />

began my work on science and violence,<br />

he sent me to Hiroshima requesting the<br />

Mayor to take me around the city. He<br />

believed that projects should begin as<br />

pilgrimages; he was always nudging us<br />

to see linkages and connectivities. He<br />

never lectured, and wanted us to discover<br />

and internalise and share our insights.<br />

For him mistakes were<br />

something precious one owned up to.<br />

He was a great teacher but always<br />

taught by anecdote and example.<br />

I must confess that in the final decade,<br />

many of us moved away from the<br />

Centre and Rajni. Quarrels are important<br />

because they mark the contours of<br />

a relationship. One felt that the Centre<br />

was now imitating itself rather than inventing<br />

ideas. In spite of having moved<br />

on and all the distance I realised how<br />

much the Centre had taught me.<br />

In his final years, Rajni Kothari was a<br />

lonely man — ill and broken by the<br />

death of his wife Hansa and son Smithu.<br />

In the meanwhile, political science had<br />

lost its flavour of dissent. It had become<br />

a game of think tanks and Rajni must<br />

have watched it with wry sadness, a<br />

prophet abandoned by his own community.<br />

But the future will no doubt celebrate<br />

the man.<br />

(Shiv Visvanathan is a social<br />

scientist.)<br />

ND-ND

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!