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Reform in Canada Pretense & Perils

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the current popularity of cannabis as a recreational drug<br />

<strong>in</strong>creased public support for liberalization of cannabis laws for both medical and<br />

recreational purposes<br />

cannabis-related harm is potentially serious but the most serious harm is experienced<br />

by a relatively small proportion of users<br />

failure of the crim<strong>in</strong>al justice approach to curtail cannabis use and related harm<br />

the additional social harms that arise from our crim<strong>in</strong>al justice approach<br />

the importance of implement<strong>in</strong>g a reform model that places priority on public health<br />

considerations.<br />

These acknowledgments were consistent with po<strong>in</strong>ts made <strong>in</strong> earlier reports from<br />

national health policy organizations <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g The Canadian Drug Policy Coalition<br />

(Carter & Macpherson, 2013) and The Canadian Public Health Association (2014).<br />

The CAMH Framework (Crepault, 2014) earned widespread attention for overtly<br />

recommend<strong>in</strong>g legalization, a call that was eventually echoed by the Canadian Medical<br />

Association (Spithoff et al., 2015). In 2015, The Rand Corporation <strong>in</strong> the US released a<br />

report (Caulk<strong>in</strong>s et al., 2015) which reviewed twelve approaches to cannabis law reform,<br />

describ<strong>in</strong>g the merits and perils of each. Rand did not recommend any particular<br />

approach, but did issue an overarch<strong>in</strong>g warn<strong>in</strong>g that jurisdictions should not rush from<br />

prohibition to commercial legalization, and should take the time to review other options<br />

before choos<strong>in</strong>g a path.<br />

The CAMH Framework took a different approach by juxtapos<strong>in</strong>g the models of<br />

decrim<strong>in</strong>alization and legalization as <strong>in</strong>compatible competitors with<strong>in</strong> an oppositional<br />

framework, thereby forc<strong>in</strong>g a choice of a lone path for cannabis law reform. There were<br />

two groups of observations that led to the Framework’s recommendation of legalization<br />

over decrim<strong>in</strong>alization.<br />

1) The contraband cannabis trade is characterized by dangerous crim<strong>in</strong>ality, cannabis<br />

product of uncerta<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>tegrity, risk to the safety and propriety of users, and the retention<br />

of all revenue <strong>in</strong> the hands of crim<strong>in</strong>als; decrim<strong>in</strong>alization does noth<strong>in</strong>g to dislodge the<br />

contraband trade.<br />

2) A legal, government-regulated cannabis <strong>in</strong>dustry would provide safe product, protect<br />

public health, safety and propriety, and provide revenue for a new <strong>in</strong>dustry, for<br />

government, and for worthy causes; the contraband trade “should shr<strong>in</strong>k significantly<br />

and potentially disappear.” (p.11)<br />

After his successful election campaign, Prime M<strong>in</strong>ister Trudeau followed through on his<br />

promise <strong>in</strong> earnest, establish<strong>in</strong>g a Task Force on Marijuana Legalization and<br />

Regulation, which was charged with consult<strong>in</strong>g with experts and other Canadians, and<br />

issu<strong>in</strong>g a report to government. To orient <strong>in</strong>terested Canadians to the issue, the Task<br />

Force released a Discussion Paper <strong>in</strong> June of 2016 (Task Force on Marijuana<br />

Legalization and Regulation, 2016). Canadians were <strong>in</strong>vited to submit their thoughts<br />

and advice through an onl<strong>in</strong>e template which was available dur<strong>in</strong>g July and August. The<br />

Discussion Paper acknowledged that it was a work <strong>in</strong> progress and was written, <strong>in</strong> part,<br />

14

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