A HISTORY OF ISAIAH-AMA, OLUASIRI, NEMBE L.G.A. BAYELSA STATE

A HISTORY OF ISAIAH-AMA, OLUASIRI,
NEMBE LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA, BAYELSA STATE, 1929-2016
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of Study
A plethora of literature exists on the various towns and settlements that make up the larger
Nembe-se and these works have covered the various cultures and distinct lives of these disparate
settlements—works written by seasoned historians. However, a specific history of Isaiah-ama is
nonexistent among those historical records. It is for this reason that this long essay is written.
Historical works on Oluasiri (within which Isaiah-ama is located) are also very limited, but still
do exist, though never in particular have an exclusive account of Isaiah-ama been treated as a
project on its own.
Politically, there are fifty-three (53) communities that make up the Oluasiri-Clan and Isaiahama
is one of such. The others are Otuma-Ama, Tengele-Ama, Ben-Ama, Fikoru-Ama,
Dumoebikuma-Ama, Isere-Ama, Ijaw-Kiri, Daulambo-Kiri, Iniedogiyo-Kiri, Kari-Kiri, Monibo-
Kiri, Kpolu-Kiri, Poku-Kiri, Wenike-Kiri, Wangagha-Kiri, Igbo-Kiri, Ebiriyai-Kiri, Ndoko-Kiri,
Owazi-Kiri, Igonilagha-Kiri, Etuke-Kiri, Fikori II, Fikoru III, Adu-Kiri, Ingodi-Kiri, Robert-Kiri,
Aboli-Kiri, Sonny-Kiri, Ikirika-Kiri (left), Kuruse-Kiri, Obokofia-Kiri, Aduendibe-Kiri, Bogi-
Kiri, Waribo-Kiri, Oduani-Kiri, Imo-Kiri, Amangala-Kiri, One-Man-Kiri, Ogboloma-Kiri, Obu-
Ama, Amiesei-Kiri, Miepre-Kiri, Lemech-Kiri, Goldsmith-Kiri, Esther-Kiri, Oboruwa-Kiri,
1

Obu-Kiri, Serekpete-Kiri, Dumunsyai-Kiri, and Ode-Kiri. 1 There were, however, fifteen (15)
villages, as at 1956, 2 named under the Oluasiri Local Council- that number has increased mainly
due to the proliferation of peripheral fishing settlements and for political reasons; Isaiah-ama
(then referred to as Isaiah-Kiri) is one of those early original settlements. 3
Figure 1: A Map of Bayelsa State showing the location of Isaiah-ama. (Photo Credits: Victor Akwijoro, 2017)
Isaiah-ama is part of a collection of Islands under the jurisdiction of Nembe (Bassambiri)
that has been contested at several times through litigations and other means including violent
conflagrations by the Elem-Kalabari people. Thus, various individuals at sporadic times have
1
HH. Chief I. G. Fikoru et al. ‘Comprehensive List of Names of Communities that make up Oluasiri Clan’; no date;
p.1.
2
Ministry of Internal Affairs: Statutory Declaration for the Creation of District Councils in Eastern Nigeria, 1956.
Under Nnamdi Azikiwe who was Minister for Internal Affairs of the erstwhile region.
3
Oguara, Joshua. 43 years old, lumberman, farmer and fisherman, Oral interview at Isaiah-ama, 23rd November,
2016.
2

wrongly referred to Isaiah-ama as part of a territory belonging to Elem-Kalabari. To this effect, a
background shall be laid to clear such misconceptions as regards the ownership of the area and
under whose jurisdiction Isaiah-ama, and all of Oluasiri is. Though, formerly under the
Abua/Odual Local Government Area (L.G.A) in Old Rivers State it is now under Nembe Local
Government Area of Bayelsa State. However, the people of Kalabari still hold their ground that
the region belongs to them. According to the Memorandum presented to by the Bayelsa State
Government to the National Boundary Commission (March, 2000) and the Memorandum
presented by the Oluasiri-Nembe Community to the Presidential Team on Oil Well Verification
in Bayelsa and River State (November, 2000), the Oluasiri area which comprises the
aforementioned communities, towns, and fishing ports, was originally owned by the Sakka
[Oḍual: spelled ‘Saka’ in Alagoa (1972:175)] People- close neighbors of the Abua people. The
Kalabari people in an attempt to expand their territory into Sakka instituted three (3) law suits,
one in 1913 and two in 1923, with claims that the Sakka and their subjects belonged to them. The
Sakka people, under the rule of Ezige- the King of Egelemo, thus approached the Nembe people
and solicited for their assistance in those suits which they duly gave. 4 It was therefore in
appreciation for the services and vivid support given by the people of Nembe that the paramount
ruler of the Sakka people at that time, Chief Ezige, awarded the territory to the people of
Nembe. 5
In his testimony in the November 1923 Supreme Court suit, Chief Ezige declared: ‘I have
given the whole of this area to Alagoa. I have also given him other lands’. The gesture was in
appreciation for services rendered as ratified by the September 1923 Agreement between Nembe
4
Signed Agreement between Chief Ezige and the Chiefs of Nembe, September 1923
5
A Brief History, in A Memorandum Presented by the Oluasiri-Nembe Community to the Special Presidential Team
on Oil well Verification in Bayelsa and River State, November 2000.
3

and King Ezige. The third case, in that same year, was presided over by Judge (Mr.) A. F. C.
Webber in the Supreme Court of Nigeria: Divisional Court, Eastern Division. Onitsha, Assizes,
on the 26 th day of November, 1923. This case is however sequel to Judge J. Watt Esquire’s
judgment in favor of the Sakka and Nembe people on Friday the 16 th day of February, 1923, at
the provincial court Holden at Degema, Owerri Province. These and subsequent suits were ruled
in favor of the people of Nembe. 6
The 1956 Statutory instrument by the then Eastern Regional Government which created
District Councils, under the then Minister of Internal Affairs, Nnamdi Azikiwe, has Oluasiri
Local Council as part of the Nembe District Council. The Oluasiri Local Council had fifteen
villages under the authority of the council of which our focus, Isaiah-Kiri (now Isaiah-ama) was
part of. 7 It is due to these indelible facts that the territory, Isaiah-ama, in Oluasiri, is now under
Nembe L. G. A. in Bayelsa State.
Isaiah-ama is thus, today, occupied by descendants and subjects of Ayebatombere Isaiah
Oguara of Nembe who migrated to the strip around 1929, six years after the 1923 Agreement was
signed between the Nembe chiefs and Ezige of Sakka. To that effect, the Isaiah-ama community
shares all traits of the Nembe social matrix and culture and is part of the larger Nembe-se. 8
However, though many erudite scholars have written extensively on the rich history of
Nembe-se, an intensive inquiry into that of this island community, Isaiah-ama, is non-existent-
again, it is to this consequence that this project work is written.
1.2 Scope of Study
6
Certified True Copy, Divisional National Archives: Suit no. 44222, Chief Dick Harry Braide and seven others Versus
Chief Alagoa and three others
7
Statutory Declaration for the Creation of District Councils in Eastern Nigeria, 1956
8
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. 66 years old, retired civil servant, Oral Interview, Port Harcourt, July 13 th , 2016.
4

This study stretches through the founding of the community called Isaiah-ama to her culture,
origin, values and traditions; a brief history of its founder, and first chief, Ayebatombere Isaiah
Oguara; and the various social responsibilities and roles played by distinct groups in the
community—most of which are shared among all peoples of Nembe.
From the spatio-temporal perspectives, this project covers the entire Isaiah-ama community
and aspects of the Oluasiri and Nembe history and culture that affect the Isaiah-ama people. The
temporal scope is from 1929 to 2016.
1.3 Aim and Objectives of Study
This research was an endeavor to bring to the limelight the history and culture of the Isaiahama
settlement within Oluasiri, in Nembe. The study seeks, also, to bring to purview indigenous
activities in Isaiah-ama, ranging from politics, culture and religion to economy. Also, it aims to
highlight what peculiarities there might be, distinct to the people of Isaiah-ama within the
Nembe-se; and what similarities it shares with the rest of Nembe.
1.4 Research Methodology and Problems
1.4.1 Methodology
In this study, oral data have been treated as historical evidence worthy of inspection, thought
and scrutiny; thence, both oral traditions and oral history have been be employed extensively
throughout the essay as sources for reconstructing the history of Isaiah-ama, with full awareness
of their limitations. This work thus becomes supportive of Alagoa’s (1972:5) assertion that:
“traditions of origin, together with all other varieties of oral data, are… historical documents
and, as historical documents, they are no more than raw materials of history, to be subjected to
5

critical analysis and interpretation”. 9 Necessitated by scarcity of written data on the community,
Isaiah-ama; the collection and screening of oral data, the asking of pertinent questions, and the
extraction of answers these oral documents are capable of giving, have been utilized as
methodology for this work.
Various individuals from the community were interviewed and inferences made from oral
traditions and oral history shared by these persons with as much objectivity as feasible. However,
the method of data collection also covers other sources such as material data and evidence which
are essential in historical reconstruction.
Photographs taken from the community were used as visual evidence, acquired through
field-work as well as archival materials and records- which are all important sources of historical
reconstruction.
Furthermore, a multi-disciplinary approach was intermittently adopted in a bid to forge
better premises for the comprehension of facts given and to further buttress the nexus between
history and other fields such as linguistic evidence, biological evidence and anthropology, as
sources of historical data.
1.5 Problems
Multifarious difficulties were faced and some narrowly missed marring the writing and
completion of this project work. Those problems stretched from financial handicaps to scarcity
of literature and objectivity.
9
Alagoa, E. J. (2005). A History of the Niger Delta: an historical interpretation of Ijo oral tradition. Port Harcourt:
Onyoma Research Publications.
6

As Alagoa noted, the basic limitation of oral data is chronological. History as a field is
written in time perspectives: that is however lacking in oral traditions, literature and history. 10
Oral data do not also tell the complete history of any particular people group as over the course
of time many aspects of historical information have fallen off.
Also there was the ever-raging cerebral war within the historian, relative to objectivity, and
the seemingly herculean task of espying debauchment in oral traditions that must have clung to
facts through mouth-to-mouth storage of history.
Save the above, which are common limitations as regards African historiography, there was
also fiscal limitations as this research project was done in a period when the country, Nigeria,
had plunged into economic recession.
1.6 Literature Review
Few literature exists on the historical origin and development of Isaiah-ama. Even far less is
known of the founder’s genealogy. It is however true that the community shares several common
values, ethics, lifestyle, economy, norms, etc., with the other settlements within Oluasiri and the
larger Nembe-se. This notwithstanding, the settlement and the name, Oguara, have been
mentioned in pockets of archival materials and en passé, in written literatures on Nembe history.
These we have reviewed here. The Statute for the Creation of District councils by the Eastern
Regional government in 1956, under the then Minister of Internal Affairs, Nnamdi Azikiwe, had
the Oluasiri Local Council- under which Isaiah-Kiri (Isaiah-ama) was listed among the villages
whose areas made up the Oluasiri Council, under the Nembe District Council. 11 It should
however be put in mind that sources such as statutory declarations are raw archival materials
10
Alagoa, A History of the Niger Delta, p.3.
11
Statutory Declaration for the Creation of District Councils in Eastern Nigeria, 1956.
7

important for historical construction and the aforementioned was taken as an authority for
drawing inferences. In that document the settlement was named Isaiah-Kiri, an erstwhile name of
the settlement which if translated becomes “Isaiah’s ground” or ‘Isaiah’s settlement’. In the
course of time, however, the settlement has come to be known as ‘Isaiah-ama’ which is deemed
more appropriate as when translated it becomes “Isaiah’s town”.
Ogiriki Ockiya in his posthumously published manuscript, History of Nembe, made mention
of the earliest appearance of the name Oguara in Nembe history—most possibly an ancestor and
progenitor of the lineage from which the founder of Isaiah-ama, Ayebatombere Isaiah Oguara,
hailed from—as Chief Oguara who was the eldest son of King Jacket Mein and Igoin and an
ancestor of Amanyanabo Albert Oguara, Mein VI, who died in 1927 12 —two years before
Ayebatombere migrated to found Isaiah-ama. 13
Ayobinte Isaiah Oguara in his brief History and Biography of Oguara-Yai Isaiah made
mention of the name “Pa Oguara” in a time frame corresponding with records of Amanyanabo
Albert Oguara by Ockiya and Okorobia. Ayobinte Isaiah Oguara wrote that Pa Oguara was a
close ally of the Meins; both Ockiya and Okorobia agreed that Amanyanabo Albert Oguara’s
original name was Albert Iruo Olali before his coronation—in a time when the British had taken
over the administration of Bassambiri. 14 At this point, inferences could be made through the
convergence of these three accounts—that both Oguara and Mein families were closely knitted,
that Oguara’s ‘Pa Oguara’ and ‘Amanyanabo Albert Oguara’ might be one and the same person,
and if not; they are certainly from the same family and line of origin—all records however share
a common year of death, 1927. It is certain though, that the acquisition of that parcel of land on
12
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. History of Nembe. Port Harcourt: MicroWin PCBS Resources, 2008.
13
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016.
14
Okorobia, Atei Mark. The Evolution of the Nembe Nation and the Emergence of the King Jacket Mein Dynasty.
Port Harcourt: Niger Delta Heritage Centre. 2007
8

which Ayebatombere Isaiah Oguara, who might have been a son, or close relative, of
Amanyanabo Albert oguara, founded Isaiah-ama on owed much to that relationship.
1.7 Geographical Background
Figure 2: Map of Nembe-se Showing Oluasiri and Isaiah-ama
Located between Latitude 4 o 42’45.89’’ and Longitude 6 o 35’13.6’’, 4 0 53’57’’ N, 6 o 52’30 E;
Isaiah-ama (Isaiah-Kiri) is 11 metres above sea level 15 ; about 500km² from Fikoru-Ama to the
North and 600km² from Dumoebikuma-Ama to the South. The area of residence is about 1,000
km² and the rest 1,000km² is covered by farmlands. Its perimeter is put at 1,000 by 2,000 in
15
Dan Homerick. Geoview.info/isaiahkiri,501521896n. 2009-09-19T03:54:10Z
9

length and breadth, respectively. The total expanse of surface area covered by the community is
therefore estimated at 2,000km². It is an island community situated in Oluasiri, Nembe;
characterized by rich green vegetation and circumvented by the Oluasiri River on both its all
sides.
According to NEDECO in Alagoa (1972:12) “the entire Delta is divisible on physical terms
into three belts… the sandy beach ridges, the salt water swamp area, and the fresh water swamp
area. 16 Isaiah-ama belong to the fresh-water swamp area. Its topography is therefore
characterized by thick rainforest, marshlands, fresh-water and patches of clayey reddish-brown
soil. Geo-politically, it is a region under the jurisdiction of Nembe-Bassambiri, Nembe Local
Government Area (NELGA) in Bayelsa State.
1.8 Conclusion
In conclusion, lack of written sources and a concise history of the settlement have not
marred the completion of this research project which itself is borne, both largely, although not
entirely, out of oral data, and the bid for a written history of Isaiah-ama. Information, inferences
and conclusions were thus drawn, throughout the work, from oral data on Isaiah-ama and written
records, on Nembe-se.
16
NEDECO. Report on Niger Delta Development, (The Hague, 1960, p. 6 ff.), in Alagoa, 2005. A History of the Niger
Delta.
10

CHAPTER TWO
ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF ISAIAH-AMA COMMUNITY
2.1 Traditions of Origin
The people of Isaiah-ama share the same traditions of origin with the Nembe Clan in
general. 17 Supportive to this assertion is the statement by Chief (Elect as of his time of writing)
Oguara Isaiah in the document of “Application for the Recognition of the Oguara Stool in
Nembe-Bassambiri Council of Chiefs” in which he wrote:
“The social, customary and traditional lifestyle in the community is
the same with the very norms and values of the larger Nembe society”
Furthermore, the settlement has direct tie with Nembe as the genealogy of its founder can be
traced as far back as Ogio, at the time of the ‘undivided monarchy’ in Nembe. Ayebatombere
Isaiah Oguara was born by Pa Oguara—who most likely is Amanyanabo Albert Oguara 18 ; a
descendant of Chief Oguara; who was a son of King Jacket Mein—son of Chief Opo and Ina.
Opo was begat by Okorotia, son of Ogio and Kala-ere. 19 To this effect the people of the
settlement, just as their founder, are predominantly of Nembe stock and still owe allegiance to
Houses (Wari) to which they belonged before migration. 20 Hence, share same traditions of origin
with the rest of Nembe.
17
Morgan, M. Oral Interview, 57 years old, Trader, Oral Interview, Port Harcourt, 17 th September, 2016
18
Joseph, Yosuo. 32 years old, Fisherman, Oral Interview, Isaiah-Ama, 24 th November, 2016; Ayobinte, I. Oguara.
Recognition of the Oguara-Yai Isaiah Stool in Nembe-Bassambiri Council of Chiefs, no date. p.2
19
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. History of Nembe
20
Meremubio, Morgan, 22 nd December, 2015.
11

There are various traditions of origin culled from oral data such as folklore and songs—a
medium through which history has been stored for decades in Nembe 21 ; that is due to the fact
that different waves of migration have occurred overtime in the region. 22 Alagoa identified three
periods as regards growth of Nembe and the origin of its peoples; this is because the Kingdom
had metamorphosed in reaction to migration activities within the area.
Alagoa stated that earliest settlements in the area was by a proto-Ịjọ people groups; most
likely from either Ọbịama or Arogbo. 23 While Ockiya opined that the account of the origin of the
first settlers are lost, he agrees with Alagoa that five (5) of the six (6) earliest settlements were
Olodiama-Biri, Ọbọlọ-ama-Biri, Opu-ḅigama-Biri, Kala-ḅigama-Biri, Onyo-Ama-Biri. The sixth
was named as Oro-Ama-Biri by Ockiya and as Ogboloma by Alagoa. Both accounts agree,
totally, on the second phase of the growth of Nembe. 24
Both Alagoa and Ockiya agree that the second period in the growth of Nembe began at the
time of Kala-Ekule:
“…the arrival of Itsekiri (Iselema) immigrants from the kingdom of Warri
in the Western Delta brought factors of change and ushered in the second
period”.
—Alagoa 25
“A few years after the return of Kala-Ekule… saw the inception of
Iselema or Warri race… peccant fugitives from their country”.
—Ockiya 26
21
Alagoa, E. J, 1964. The Small Brave City-State. A History of Nembe-Brass in the Niger Delta. Ibadan: Ibadan
University Press.
22
Alagoa, E. J. The Small Brave City-Sate.
23
Alagoa, E. J. A History of the Niger Delta. p.125
24
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. History of Nembe, pp.1-7; Alagoa, E. J. A History of the Niger Delta, pp.125-127
25
Alagoa, E. J. A History of the Niger Delta. p.126
26
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. History of Nembe, pp.14
12

Those migrants were reported to have been guided to Nembe by the sword, Ada, and that
it was they which introduced the Nembe national god, Ogidiga, to Nembe. The third period was
recorded by Alagoa to have come very quick with the return of Kala-ekule, aided by a Mini
migrant, Ogio 27 —both Alagoa and Ockiya thus asserted that the people of Nembe are not
altogether of the Izọn stock; they are of Mini, Ịjọ, and Itsekiri origins. Ogio, from whose lineage
the founder of Isaiah-ama emerged was deducted by Alagoa and Ockiya, through folk songs and
other oral storage media, to be a Mini immigrant.
Linguistic evidence, presently, however shows that the bulk are of the Ịjọ nationality as
acculturation has made it the dominant language of the area; this therefore suggest that though
there was migrations to the region after the Ịjọs had inhabited it, the later people groups did not
really migrate into the area in large numbers and thus were absorbed into the larger Ịjọ
population with time.
Nonetheless, there are people who, in trying to create a distinct identity for the
settlement, argue that the community was Christian from its origin, pointing to the fact that
Ayebatombere Isaiah Oguara was member of the Methodist faith before migrating to the
Island—There is therefore a stern belief in the Christian tradition of origin: the biblical creation
story where Adam is the first man and Eve the first woman. Thus, all mankind, including those
of Isaiah-ama, are descendants of those two. 28
That is however according to Jewish tradition of Origin. The fact however remains, that the
people of Isaiah-ama are of Nembe ancestry, hence are of Ịjọ, Mini, or Itsekiri origin and not
27
Alagoa, E. J. A History of the Niger Delta. p.125
28
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
13

from anywhere around Israel—while the genealogy of the ruling family can be traced to Mini
roots.
2.2 Migration and Settlement
Isaiah-ama was founded just about nine decades ago (90years ago): when Ayeba-tombere
Isaiah Oguara migrated from Nembe, Bassambiri, around 1929. 29
The founder, Ayeba-tombere Isaiah Oguara was born in 1897 out of the union of Pa Oguara
(his Father), who was a close ally of King Mein of Nembe-Bassambiri (thus was duly integrated
into the Mein group of families of Ancient Nembe-Bassambiri and became Mein VI) 30 , and
Madam Iyagu of the Ockiya group of families. 31
At age thirty (30), in 1927, Atebatombere Isaiah Oguara migrated from his father’s
settlement, Enyunmuama, to Oluasiri during a period when the people of Nembe-Bassambiri
were still migrated in sporadic groups to their newly given land by Sakka. 32 He settled briefly,
first, at Otuma-Ama with his elder sister Mrs. Aki Marian Otuma (Nee Oguara); before moving
to Isere-Ama where he got employed as a sawyer by Pa Isere (later Chief Isere)- who was the
first early settler in Oluasiri. However, his stay there would not last for long: after getting
married to Miss Betty Isere in 1929, Ayebatombere Isaiah oguara moved to an unsettled parcel
of land- there he settled and named the community that developed out of that migration “Isaiah-
Kiri” in Oluasiri under Nembe-Bassambiri. 33
29
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
30
Idubamo, Okolo. 51 years old, Trader. Oral Interview. Bassambiri. 13 th November, 2016
31
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
32
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
33
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
14

2.3 Kingship Chronology
The name of the kingship stool is known with the same name as is common with all of
Nembe, Amanyanabo. The pioneer king of Isaiah-ama is the founder himself; Ayeba-Tombere
Isaiah Oguara who migrated to the patch in 1929. On grounds of meritocracy, based on the fact
that he was the very first settler; Ayebatombere Isaiah Oguara became the undisputed ruler of the
community until his death between 1982 and1983—however the stool was not yet recognized,
then, by the Nembe (bassambiri) Council of Chiefs. The stool remained vacant for about slightly
over a decade, 1983 to about 1997 when Ayobinte Isaiah Oguara, a son of the founder, was
elected, and coroneted in 1999: the installation ceremony was performed by the then Bassambiri
Council of Chiefs under the title Chief Isaiah Oguara. Chief Isaiah Oguara has remained King to
this present day. 34
In its nine (9) decades of existence therefore, Isaiah-ama has only witnessed the reign of two (2)
Kings (Amanyana-ongu): Ayebatombere Isaiah Oguara (1929-1983) And Chief Ayobinte Isaiah
Oguara (1999-Present, which is 2016). The stool as at the time of this research work remained
unclassified.
2.4 Conclusion
One can therefore say, with certainty, that although, the bulk of indigenes from Isaiahama
do not share on lineage, they are mostly Nembe people (save a few non-indigenes)-
which in itself implies that they share the same origins with the larger Nembe-se and its
founder and ruling family, in its nine decades since founding, are ascertained, through
conclusions drawn, to be of Mini origin.
34
Gberenaemi Korogha, 73 years old. Retired civil servant. Oral Interview, Port Harcourt, 17 th November, 2016
15

CHAPTER THREE
SOCIO-CULTURAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
3.1 Preamble
The settlement, Isaiah-ama, is very much part and parcel of the Nembe Ibe—the people
therein, therefore, belong to the larger Nembe society—hence share same cultural values, norms
and traditions common among the people of Nembe. Peculiarities, therefore, observable within
the settlements social matrix owe their existence to the fact that the community was founded in a
time when Christianity had already taken deep roots in the cultural milieu of the region.
3.2 Colonial Times
On the 26 th of November, 1923; Justice A. F. C. Webber passed the following verdict
concerning the territory, Oluasiri—within which Isaiah-ama is enclaved—in the Supreme Court
of Nigeria; Divisional Court, in the Eastern Region, on the case: Chief Dick Harry Braide And
Seven Others (of Elem-Kalabari) versus Chief Alagoa and Three others of Nembe:
“…there can be no doubt that the Sakka did at on etime occupy and
owned… the island and that several Brass people held portions of the
land through the Sakka People”.
That was six (6) years before Ayebatombere migrated to found the settlement. However, it
should be put in mind that even before the settlement was founded; the strip of later on which it
was founded already existed and had been owned by the Sakka, and later… Nembe. At the time
of that verdict, as a result of the November 1923 Agreement between King Egelemo of Sakka and
16

the chiefs of Nembe, the uninhabited strip was under the Nembe. Hence, at its founding, in 1929,
the settlement and its people was under the Nembe District, Brass Division.
Ayobinte Isaiah Oguara, reported that Ayebatombere, at one time, during the colonial
epoch, worked as a tax agent; not only in Isaiah-ama but also in Fikoru and other neighboring
communities—collecting taxes and in turn paying them into government coffers. 35
Idubamo Joseph, reported that at the “eve of colonialism”, in around 1959, the settlement
produced councilors “for the smooth running of Yenagoa Province”—around that time thus the
settlement was under the larger Yenagoa Province. 36
During the colonial times has been under the settlement was under the Brass District, Brass
Division, and later the Yenagoa Province. 37
Furthermore, just as the rest of Nigeria, national issues also had their political effect on the
settlement, as a result of changing administrative patterns. When the Sir Arthur Richards
Constitution of 1946 divided Nigeria into three regions along ethnic lines—Isaiah-ama, like the
rest of Nembe belonged to the Eastern Region; hence, its people, like others felt marginalized by
the Ibos. 38 It however, despite protests, remained under that region until the creation of states by
Gen. Yakubu Gowon administration in 1970.
Save the political changes in administrative names, colonialism did not wrought too many
effects on the social life within the settlement; that was because it was founded at a time when
35
Ayobinte, Isaiah Oguara. A short Biography; in the Funeral Programme for the Burial of Pa Ayebatombere Isaiah
Oguara, Nembe (Bassambiri), 1983.
36
Idubamo, Joseph. 60 years old, Farmer, Trader, Oral Interview, Nembe (Bassambiri), August 7 th , 2016.
37
Okorobia, Atei Mark in Alagoa, E. J. et al ed. The Izon of the Niger Delta. Onyoma Research Publicationns. Port
Harcourt, Nigeria. 2009
38
Yekorogha, Tari. 40 years old, Businessman, Oral Interview, Yenagoa, 14 th December, 2015.
17

colonialism was already deeply entrenched in the region. Hence, the migrants from Bassambiri
who inhabited the strip of land were individuals who had already emphatically imbibed aspects
of European culture such as Christianity; evidence to this fact is the fact that the ruins of the
Anglican Church present in the settlement is actually as old as the settlement itself. 39
3.3 Religious Beliefs and Institutions
“The social, customary and traditional lifestyle of the community is same
with the very norms and values of Nembe larger society, where the
Amanyanabo of Nembe-Bassambiri has an overall control and
presentation in matters of national interest and external aggression” 40
The above further reiterates the truism embedded in the notion that Isaiah-ama is of the
Nembe stock, thus; share same values and traditions with the larger Nembe-se—save religious
related peculiarities.
Though the larger Nembe-se have indigenous gods and goddesses such as the national wargod—Ogidiga,
and the national deity, Eke-koru 41 —which they worshipped before the advent of
Christianity; the people of Isaiah-ama, though acknowledging the existence of such deities, do
not worship them and report themselves, in oral interviews done during this research, as
Christians. This is supported by oral data extracted from Atei Mark Okorobia who noted that:
39
Yekorogha, Tari. Oral Interview.
40
Ayobinte, Isaiah Oguara. Recognition of Oguara Isaiah Stool in Nembe-Bassambiri Chiefs Council. 1998
41
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. History of Nembe, p.277
18

“…from its founding, Isaiah-ama’s social life has been centered on the
Christian belief system.” 42
As reported by Yekorogha, and other interviewees, the community from origin had been
Christian—the Christian faith therefore remains the only religious institution present in Isaiahama;
there are no shrines present in the community. Although, ancestor worship is common
among the Nembe, there is a notable lack of such amongst the inhabitants if Isaiah-ama.
Two denominations of the Christian faith exist today in Isaiah-ama—the Christ
Apostolic Church (CAC), which worships at the town hall, and Anglican which now uses the
classrooms of Community Primary School, Isaiah-ama as worship center.
3.4 Festivals and Recreations
The Nembe have various festivals such as: Indi Olali (festival of fish), Isemi Olali (feast of
periwinkles), Oboloma-Biri Aro Olali (festival for the disply of Oboloma-Biri War Canoe). 43 The
people of Isaiah-ama, sometimes travel of either of Ogbolomabiri or Bassambiri to witness such
festivals in times when they are held—but none of these are observed in Isaiah-ama.
Two international festivals are however celebrated in Isaiah-ama; both of which are
Christian. Christmas and Easter festivals seasons are given great importance by indigenes of the
settlement. On both occasions, choral activities are organized annually; to commemorate the
birth and resurrection of Jesus Christ respectively. This Christian festival is organized with by
the Amanyanabo in cooperation with the Priest of the Anglican faith in Isaiah-ama. 44 Recreations
extant in Isaiah-ama include singing, dancing, hunting, swimming, and so on.
42
Atei, Mark Okorobia. Age unknown, Lecturer, Private Lecture, Port Harcourt, 20 th October, 2016.
43
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. History of Nembe, 284-287
44
Idubamo, Joseph. Oral Interview
19

Hunting for game is done by any interested person, there are no specific restrictions; the
community is blessed with thick rainforest, same implies with swimming. The most revered
recreation in the settlement is the Kiri-Segi as reported by Ayonbite 45 , Joshua 46 and Inengite
Inerempaghamo 47 .
The Kiri-Segi is a communal dance; the people of Isaiah-ama, irrespective of age and
gender, gather in any open square, forming a circle and in different attires—dance cyclically to a
song. The particular song common with the Kiri-Segi has its lyrics thus:
Osuo, ị mukoroyo kọrọ,
Osuoyo!
Osuoyo! 48
3.5 Political Structure and Justice System
Isaiah-ama, traditionally, is under the rule of an Amanyanabo of Isaiah-ama the name of the
stool being Oguara. The present Amanyanabo is thus Oguara II of Isaiah-ama. This position is
hereditary as the Oguara family has form a dynasty for itself in the settlement. 49
This stool is however under the Ibeyanaowei of Oluasiri, and under the Amanyanabo of
Bassambiri and his council of chiefs—which have overall control and representation in any
matters of national interest and security. 50
Politically, presently, it is under the Nembe-West in Nembe Local government Area in
Bayelsa state and thus under the supervision of the local government chairman.
45
Ayonbite, Isaiah Oguara. Op-cit
46
Oguara, Joshua, Op-cit
47
Inerempaghamo, Inengite. Oral Inteview, 24th November, 2016
48
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
49
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
50
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
20

The Amanyanabo and the Youth President of Isaiah-ama are two portfolios associated with
justice in Isaiah-ama; even until present times, the verdict of the king is widely respected.
However if a conflicting party remains dissatisfied with such verdict, they could take it to the
offices of the Ibeyanaowei, or the higher authority of the Amanyanabo of Bassambiri, under
whose jurisdiction all of Oluasiri lie—the more contemporary justice system of filing suits in a
law court may also be adopted. 51
3.6 Birth Rites, Death Rites, and Inheritance
In Nembe, the birth of a child is announced by the family, thereafter every woman within
the vicinity visits he house where the infant was born to cater for the nursing mother, and to
bathe both her and the baby. 52 Various oral reports confirm that this tradition is maintained in
Isaiah-ama, to a large extent—an elderly woman, experienced, then carries the baby to the river
to perform the Sẹnẹnẹ; which is a thorough first washing of the child. 53 This practice in
contemporary time can be done at home, with a basin of water—mostly by the grandmother to
the infant.
After the delivery of a baby, the first duty of the father is to offer the dị ịrứ to men in the
neighborhood; dị ịrứ, meaning “delivery drink”. There is usually merriment, food and drink, for
visitors, and a voluntary presentation of gifts to the mother and child. 54
The child, if male, is circumcised within a week after his birth 55 —the eight (8 th ) day is now
most preferable due to the influence of Christian traditions. Ayonbinte summarized the above in
one statement when he said:
51
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
52
Ockiya. A History of Nembe, pp. 255-256
53
Meremubio, Morgan. Oral Interview
54
Meremubio, Morgan. Oral Interview
21

…people of the neighborhood within which the child is born, pay
homage to the family and child; assist 56 the mother and make
merriment.
Both Ayobinte and Meremubio agree that the same customary, traditional or Christian
funeral procedures, observed by the rest of Nembe-se, are tenable at the death of an individual
in Isaiah-ama.
At the death of an individual the corpse was thoroughly washed by a woman and laid in
state in a special shed well prepared in an open square called Dueị-sọn-warị, meaning “wall of
the streaking dead” 57 , against the wake. If the dead were a wealthy person, usually, people
dance the whole day and night until the day of the burial proper—for kings and chiefs, the
wake-keep may last between three days and a week—in Isaiah-ama a wake is known by its
dialectical name, noịn koru. During a wake, drinks and food are shared amid sẹgi (dancing) of
owigiri -an Ịjọ music form.
The day succeeding the wake is the funeral; ritually, the dead is displayed at the “square of
Ogio”—friends and relatives at this point pay their last respects and homage to the dead. The
deceased is dressed up elegantly and amid singing and dancing, conveyed to its resting place.
At this point, a greater number of the women retire to the gbọlọlọ-yốụ--wari, the house of
mourning. The house of mourning continues for about six (6) days after burial; during which
relatives of deceased shave off their hairs. In the case of kings and wealthy men, the house of
morning sometime lasted between one and three months. 58
55
Meremubio, Morgan. Oral Interview
56
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016
57
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe.
58
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe.
22

At the death of a person after burial rites must have been performed, his or her belongings
are shared among his or her survivors. 59
3.7 Marriage: Types and Significance
Just as the rest of Nembe, the people of Isaiah-ama hold the marital institutions as very
sacred, and have two kinds of customarily legalized marriages, namely: opu-anga and kalaanga…
if translated denotatively and through word etymology—both terms would come to
mean: “big-wife” and “small-wife” respectively (opu- big; kala- small, and anga- wife). Both
however have connotative translations—opu-anga meaning “big dowry” or “big bride-wealth”
system/arrangement; and kala-anga, “small dowry” or “small bride-wealth arrangement”. 60
Both forms of marriage determine descent lines, depending on which is performed: and
that in turn plays a big part as regards inheritance, confirming the statement that “in the African
descent structure is incorporated the rules of property sharing and ownership” (Owete and
Iheanacho, 2009:114). 61 These descent lines are unilaterally traced, patriarchal or matrilineal,
depending on the form of marriage involved—both however share same resident type, patrilocal;
in which a woman leaves her natal family, to be joined in residence with her husband or his kingroup.
62
Opu-anga is a form of marriage mostly done by wealthy persons as it involves enormous
expenditure. This system ties the wife to the husband’s family or house forever—even after
death—and involves many customary processes.
59
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe.
60
Okorobia, Atei Mark. The Evolution of the Nembe Nation and the Emergence of the King Jacket Mein Dynasty.
61
Owete and Iheanacho, Traditional Societies in Nigeria, Port Harcourt, Quill Publishers, 2009.
62
Igianbuna and Ikimi, Obaro in Okaba, Benjamin. Culture and Peoples of Nigeria. CEECIA Prints and Publications.
Yenagoa, 2008.
23

After the prospective husband must have made his interest known to the girl’s family, a
day was fixed for payment of dowry. The would-be husband, accompanied by friends and
family, would then go to the bride’s family to negotiate the dowry proper; in accordance with the
social standing of the parents of the girl, he paid to them, and other members of the family,
whatever dowry agreed upon. 63
After the payment of dowry, a day is then fixed for the return of the groom, his friends and
family, to collect their bride through customary processes required. On that day, there would be
presentation of gifts by the groom to his parents-in-law and other relatives amid drinking, eating,
singing and dancing by the towns-people.
The bride, elegantly attired, is then taken by her father (if he married her mother through
Opu-anga) and handed over to the groom for the Owu-ogunu-sai—“transportation of the bride”. 64
The Owu-ogunu-sai is led by the eldest sister, on the patriarchal side of the groom’s family,
followed by witnesses who sing and dance along. This ritual involve taking the bride to all burial
places of deceased kings and chiefs—which at interval, during the process, is swept by the bride
with a broom prepared specially for the process. 65
At the end of that trek, she was then led to her husband’s house where a special seat had
been prepared for her. 66 Ockiya recorded that the bride at this point would neither eat, drink,
63
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe, p. 250
64
Ika-inengiya Eneni. Oral Interview, 23 rd October, 2016; Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe, p. 250
65
Ika-inengiya Eneni. Oral Interview
66
Meremubio, Morgan. Oral Interview
24

smile, nor even speak in the presence of the groom—not until he had bought her mouth 67 ;
Meremubio supported this assertion.
The processes in an Owu-ogunu-sai, generally, lasts for about three (3) kakas, “a week of
four days”, during which gifts are lavished upon the bride by friends, family, and well-wishers of
the groom—after this, they are officially considered man and wife. 6869
This is significant in that: by virtue of this marriage, her children become joint heirs to their
father’s properties after his death and vis-à-vis, descent of issues from this union are patriarchal
and such offspring belong to their father’s house. He also wields the right to bury his wife at
death. 70
Furthermore, at the instance of a husband’s death, where he is survived by his wife married
under this system, during the ḍụ-ḍịẹ, “distribution of estates”—she is taken as belonging to the
family, and may thus be given in marriage to the deceased’s next-of-kin. On the contrary she
might marry another man outside her late husband’s house, but only with the consent of elders of
her late husband’s house and only under the small dowry system. 71
In a case where she remarries, at death or through consensual divorce, all her issues by her
new husband would belong to the house and family of her former-husband. 72 This was the case
of King Jacket Mein of Bassambiri whose mother is reported to have been married through Opuanga
to King Ogbodo “the Peace Maker”. After his death, however, she remarried Chief Opo, of
Ogbolomabiri, albeit under the Kala-anga, as custom demands, with the consent and blessing of
67
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe, pp. 251-252
68
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe, pp. 251-252
69
Ika-inengiya, Eneni. Oral Interview.
70
Meremubio, Morgan. Oral Interview
71
Meremubio, Morgan. Oral Interview
72
Meremubio, Morgan. Oral Interview
25

the Ogbodo House. Customarily, thus, Mein became thew fictive grandson of Ogbodo and
belonged to the Ogbodo House. 73
Kala-anga is also very revered, and as the name implies; processes involved in this marriage
form is less expensive and less gruesome in comparison to Opu-anga. 74
After the intending husband might have made his motives known by seeking the consent of
the girl’s parents with drinks, and a few friends and family, and the girl must have consented—
the parents then directs the would-be husband, and his kinsmen, to the head of the girl’s house to
seek his consent. 75
That is followed by the fixing of dowry price, which is done behind closed doors and before
three to four witnesses—a day is then fixed for the taking of the bride by the groom and his
people. That day is marked with drinks, food and merriment. 76
This is significant in that: a husband who married through the Kala-anga has no legal claim
on the offspring of the marriage nor the children of his married daughter, descent here is
matrilineal—he is therefore not considered their legal grandfather as they belong to their
grandmother’s house. 77
73
Okorobia, Atei Mark. A History of the Nembe Nation and the Emergence of the King Jacket Mein Dynasty.
74
Ayonbinte, Isaiah Oguara. 66 years old, Retired civil servant, Oral Interview, Isaiah-ama, 25th November, 2016.
75
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe
76
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe
77
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe
26

Furthermore, he may give his daughters in marriage, but only in Kala-anga. In like manner,
children borne out of this union have no customary legal right to their father’s personal
belongings at his death. 78
One should note that it has however become a contemporary tradition for newly married
couples in Nigeria, Isaiah-ama very much inclusive, to practice neolocal residency—a type of
residency where the new couple live separately, outside the bride or groom’s family residence,
creating a new home for themselves. 79
3.8 Conclusion
These cultural patterns observable among the people of Isaiah-ama are traits inherited from
their Nembe ancestors and a mixture of residual traits absorbed from European tenets.
78
Ockiya, D. Ogiriki. A History of Nembe
79
Igianbuna and Ikimi. Traditional Societies of Nigeria
27

4.1 Natural and Economic Resources
CHAPTER FOUR
ECONOMIC HISTORY
Marxists opine that the economy is the substructure upon with every other aspect of society,
altogether known as the superstructure, stands. 80 This maxim is very much applicable to Isaiahama—as
a result; the natural and economic resources with which the community is blessed are
very vital parts of the people’s lives. These resources include; the Oluasiri River, forest
resources, animal resources, mineral resource, man power, etc.
The Oluasiri River borders Isaiah-ama on her Eastern and Western boundaries and has been
crucial to the survival of the community from her epoch of puerile settlement. Up till today, the
Oluasiri River is the only transport-link between Isaiah-ama and the rest of the world. The River
has served and still serves are a channel of transport for both humans and commodities.
According to Joshua Isaiah Oguara, the River is a source of livelihood to the people of the
community as over seventy-five per cent (75%) of its inhabitants engage in fishing activities. 81 In
recent times however, crude oil spills have resulted in fish-kills and deterioration of marine life,
this has inversely affected the people of the community: as reported by Lelegite Samson 82 , an
indigene of the community, due to oil spills, from about April of 2016 to November, of the same
year, fishing halted as a result of spillage.
80
Rodney, Walter. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Washington, Panaf Publishing Inc. 1974.
81
Oguara, Joshua. Oral Interview
82
Samson, Lelegite. 29 years, Farmer, Oral Interview, Isaiah-ama, November 22 nd , 2016.
28

Figure3: Isaiah-ama River with Spilled Crude Floating (photo credit: Daniel Otonye Joshua)
Isaiah-ama is also blessed with rich vegetation, a fertile soil and economic trees: among
which are the bamboo plant, the oil palm tree, the coconut tree (Mekeinbein) and timber tree, the
Mango tree (Mekeno-ogbein).
Bambusa Textilis, a type of bambuseae, tropical bamboo, is scattered throughout the
Isaiah-ama rainforest in clumps. 83 This bamboo plant has been harnessed effectively through
time by the people of Isaiah-ama mainly in the area of architecture during the first six decades of
the existence of the community when the bulk of her resident buildings were mud houses.
83
Wilson, C.L. and Loomis, W.E. Botany, Third edition. Holt, Rheinhear, and Winston Publishing Inc, New York,
1977
29

Figure 4: Indian Bamboo Plant in Isaiah-ama (photo credit: Daniel Otonye Joshua)
Bamboo was used in placed of modern day iron rods to hold the mud plastering together
and also as substitute for plywood in holding the roof together; this was possible because like
true wood, bamboo has a high strength-to-weight ratio useful for structures 84 . Even up till present
times the bamboo plants in Isaiah-ama are used as building materials by her natives mainly as
scaffolding during constructions. Furthermore, communal public restrooms and toilets were built
with bamboo at the river bank- local kitchens are also usually made of bamboo. It is also used
sometimes as firewood.
There are two (2) types of palm trees on the island; the African oil palm (Elaeis
Guineense) and coconut palm (cocos nucifera). Among these the oil palm tree is the most
economic; the people depend on it for palm wine and local whisky (tombo and kaikai)
84
Lakkah, Pate. “Mechanical Properties of Bamboo, a Natural Composite”, June 1981
30

espectively, raw material for broom production, as well as a source of, timber, as thatch roof, oil
palm fruit and the palm kernel. As reported by Ereyanate Joe, palm-wine tapped from the oil
palm is preferred to that of its sister tree, the coconut palm, in Isaiah-ama. 85 One must however
say that the tree is not exploited to the fullest by indigenes of the Islet; for though the oil palm
tree is littered all over the forests on the island, commercial scale palm oil production is
noticeably absent in today’s Isaiah-ama.
Figure 5: Oil palm tree in Isaiah-ama (photo credit: Daniel Otonye Joshua)
Coconut palm and mango trees are mainly food-trees, these fruits are plucked by
individuals mainly for subsistence purposes and only few surpluses are sold. The fronds of the
coconut palm are also dried and used as thatch roofs- however its sap is rarely tapped for wine as
85
Joe, Ereyanate. 33 years old, Student, Oral Interview, Yenagoa, September 2016.
31

that of the oil palm is favored by indigenes. The Mango tree, apart from being a source of
mango, also serves as one for timber to the people of Isaiah-ama; who save being mainly
subsistent farmers and fisher-people are timber lumbers. There is also the bush mango, its seeds
are gathered; the endocarp of its seeds are collected and used as cooking ingredient, locally
called ogbono.
Another important economic tree extant in Isaiah-ama is the African mahogany (khaya),
particularly the Khaya ivorensis (known by names such as: Lagos mahogany and Nigerian
mahogany). The fact that Isaiah-ama is located in a tropical rainforest explains the ability of this
tree to thrive in abundance in the community as it is native to lowland tropical rainforest regions.
It grows to be about 40-50m high thick and reddish brown bark. 86 These trees are the main
source of timber to the people of Isaiah-ama who fell, cut them into lumbers and sell them. This
business has however deteriorated in recent times, mainly due to scarcity of buyers and mass
emigration by indigenes to both Yenagoa and Port Harcourt metropolises.
The Khaya ivorensis is also utilized by local bone doctors for massaging and treating
dislocated bone joints, pains and rheumatism. A concoction is made using its bark and is tied
around the affected part of the body, whereas in the case of rheumatism, the patient is to bathe
with it. 87
Isaiah-ama is habitat to animals such as the Iguana, the African Tiger snail (Archatina
archatina), monkey and antelope. 88
86
World Agrofestry Centre: “Agroferestry Tree Database”, October 24 th , 2012
87
Ikiogha, Topman. 27 years old, Student, Oral Interview, Amassoma, July 12 th , 2016
88
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016.
32

Isaiah-ama is a crude oil producing community and is in active business with Shell
Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), as is all of Oluasiri. The ampleness of this mineral
resource can be seen in figure 1 above as crude floats on water. Thus far, crude is the only
mineral resource exploited in Isaiah-ama. 89
4.2 Economic Activities
4.2.1 Farming
The time between December and January is the most favorable period for farming in
Isaiah-ama. In Nigeria, this is the harmattan season and the time with least rainfall in her
Southern rainforests. It rains all year round in the community, even in dry season there are
pockets of rainfall. Thus, this period with least rainfall is usually utilized by the people as
farming season.
Cassava (ikęƅűrű) is the main food crop planted and harvested by indigenes of the
community. Okra is widely planted in the community as there are numerous okra farms on the
island. Bitter-leaf (diórósënë) and scent-leaf (karaiŋ) are the common herbs planted; the waterleaf
is also cultivated in Isaiah-ama. The herbs, water-leaf and bitter-leaf, are use in preparing
local dishes and cuisines- they however also have medicinal uses; in curing malaria, stomach
89
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Oral Interiew. 13 th July, 2016.
33

ulcer and diabetes. 90
Figure 6: an Okra farm in Isaiah-ama (photo credit: Daniel Otonye Joshua)
Pawpaw is also planted by natives of Isaiah-ama. Phloem extracted from pawpaw leaves
are used by the people of Isaiah-ama in the treatment of cough and other ailments. 91
Economic trees such as the Oil palm, African mahogany, and the coconut palm are also
planted by individuals for palm oil production, gin production, timber, as well as coconuts for
subsistence and commercial purposes.
Farming is not a sole reserve of a social class in Isaiah-ama and there are no age
restrictions. Everyone, ranging from elders to youths and from men to women and children
90
Morgan, Meremubio. Oral Interview
91
Morgan, Meremubio. Oral Interview
34

participate in farming. Farming is however principally subsistent and very little surplus is taken
to both neighboring Abua and Odual markets to sell. 92
Crude farming implements and techniques were/are used in Isaiah-ama as there are no
big farms, and mechanized farming is absent. These implements are hoes, cutlasses, axes,
machetes and diggers.
4.2.2 Aquaculture
The fishing season in Isaiah-ama is usually the time of the year between August and
December. The river bordering the community on its Eastern and western sides is the main
source of fish (indí) for the people of Isaiah-ama. As is common with ijo peoples, fishing is a
vital facet of the lives of the people of Isaiah-ama in their survival. Field work done solely for
the purpose of this research showed that as opposed to plant protein, fishes provide the bulk of
animal protein for indigenes of Isaiah-ama; the town has more fish population in comparison to
animal population; and not many plants with proteins are cultivated in the community (apart
from the water-leaf, the is an alarming absence of leguminous plants; and save the pawpaw,
mango and coconut, an alarming absence of fruits) as she depends on her Abua and Odual
neighbors for plant sources of protein.
92
Walton, Idemokuma. 43 years old, Businessman, Oral Interview, Port Harcourt, 13 th August, 2016.
35

Figure 7: Canoes at the river bank in Isaiah-ama (photo credit: Daniel Otonye Joshua)
As in the case of farming, there are no age restrictions or class stratifications for fishing;
all interested indigenes fish. Canoe, engine propelled boats, drag-nets, drag-baskets, net-traps
and hooks are the most rampant instruments used for fishing. Fishes extant in Isaiah-ama include
the freshwater catfish, bonefish, mallet, tilapia, crayfish (ókputó), prawns (ópuró) etc.
4.2.3 Trade
Trade relationships exists, at short distances, between Isaiah-ama and neighboring
peoples such as Abua and Odual, and fellow Nembe people like Fikoru, Ben-Kiri, etc. fishes
caught, as well as local gin and oil, are transported to the nearby Abua market for sale.
36

4.2.4 Hunting and Gathering
There is no particular season for hunting and gathering in Isaiah-ama as both economic
activities are done at sporadic times by disparate people. Individuals go into the forest to hunt for
iguana (abedi), porcupines, antelopes and monkeys. As opposed to fishing and farming, hunting
is largely a vocation for men- a woman can however set traps. 93
Traps and den-guns are the two hunting equipment used in Isaiah-ama. Traps are made
with wood, mainly strong branches, and strong ropes- these traps are spring-traps with baits
attached; sometimes traps are laid for weeks before game is caught. Snails are used as bait for
iguana hunting by the people of Isaiah-ama. Traps are also used for hunting porcupines and
antelopes; monkeys are hunted mainly with den-guns.
Just as hunting, gathering has no particular season; it is a vocation for all- women, men
and children. Individuals, sometimes groups, go into the forest and gather bush-mango (ọgbọnọ)
with is used for soup preparation by natives. Bitter-leaf and scent-leaf are usually homegrown, in
little farms, but they however also grow in the wild and some natives prefer gathering them from
the forest to use for medicinal purposes- this also is applicable with the scent-leaf. Both of these
leaves are used for curing of ailments such as whooping cough, cough, malaria and typhoid. 94
93
Oguara, Joshua. Oral Interview
94
Leleghite, Josiah. 77 years, Retired Civil Servant, Oral interview, Port Harcourt, 30 th July, 2016.
37

Figure 8: picture of a spring trap set in Isaiah-ama (photo credit: Daniel Otonye Joshua)
4.2.5 Local Crafts and Industries
Citizens of Isaiah-ama are very industrious as they have successfully adapted to their habitat
and have harnessed, to great extents, resources available in the territory. Out of these resources
have they carved out local industries; which are miniscule mirrors of industries common to the
Ijo ethnic nationality. These include: canoe carving, kernel oil, palm oil production, gin
production, broom production, thatch-roof production, garri production, palm wine production
and timber production.
Wood cut from the African mahogany tree is used for making canoes by the people of
Isaiah-ama. Sometimes deep holes are etched into large lumbers and from there the canoe is
38

carefully smoothed out into preferred shape. In other cases however timber is sawed and
gradually pinned and glued together to make canoes. These canoes are used by natives for
fishing and transportation, both to neighboring communities and to farther regions; they are also
produced for commercial purposes.
There is no large scale palm oil production in Isaiah-ama as production is mainly aimed at
subsistence and local use- only little surplus is taken to the nearby Odual and Abua markets for
sales. Oil palm fruits are harvested from the oil palm tree, mashed and then thoroughly cooked to
extract palm oil. The process is not mechanized in Isaiah-ama, thus is done manually with the aid
of wooden mortar, pestle and cooking pots.
Kernel oil is another produce produced from the oil palm fruits. After the soft and edible
epicarp (rind) of the oil palm fruits are harvested for palm oil production. The hard mesocarps
are broken off and the seeds of the fruits are harvested. They thoroughly wash, soaked with little
water, then pounded in a mortar. They are then put into cleans sheets of cloth with are use as sifts
and thoroughly squeezed to collect the kernel extract- which is the kernel oil. This oil is used for
massaging and as alternative for body cream.
The main source of palm production in Isaiah-ama is the Oil palm tree. The trees are
preferably felled by natives involved in tombo (palm wine) production as they find that easier
when compared to climbing up the tree. When an oil palm tree is felled, the fronds are cut off
and a rectangular hole is dug into the tree in order to extract its sweet sap (palm wine). The hole
is then covered with leaves, preferably pawpaw or plantain leaves, and left that way until the
next morning when the when is fetched by its producer. The process is continued for about three
to four time with for one tree before it runs out of sap. According to Joshua Isaiah Oguara, who
39

is a producer of palm wine; a single tree produces an average of sixteen liters of wine. 95 In kaikai
(gin) production, the extracted sap from the oil palm tree is allowed to ferment and then utterly
cooked into pure alcohol. Both of these products are mainly for commercial use. They are taken
to markets of neighboring communities to sell and are also for local sales.
Figure 9: A man extracting sap from the oil palm tree (Photo credit: Daniel Otonye Joshua)
Broom production is also very much dependable on the oil palm trees extant in Isaiah-ama.
The fronds of both the oil palm and that of the coconut palm can however be used for broom
production. Fronds are harvested from either the oil palm or coconut palm- the main vein of the
fronds are then cut out and dried. After drying those are smoothened out and then tied into a
95
Oguara, Joshua. Oral Interview
40

unch and the broom is made. Some persons in the community make brooms for house old uses
and others for the sake of commerce. 96
Garri production in Isaiah-ama is done primarily for family consumption, to this effect
commercial scale production is scarce. Garri is made from cassava- which is harvested, manually
processed, dried and fried. It is a very important and the chief source of carbohydrate to the
people of Isaiah-ama.
The production of thatched roofs is gravely waning in the island community known as
Isaiah-ama due to the widespread of concrete houses and preference for aluminum sheets, zinc
roofs, etc., as roofing materials. In earlier times however, and on scanty present-day occasions,
fronds from the coconut palm or the oil palm are cut down, pinned together and dried to make
thatch, which is used for roofing of mud houses and kitchens. 97
Timber is abundant in the form of the khaya ivorensis, African mahogany, in Isaiah-ama.
Though the timber industry in the community is neither big nor mechanized it should be noted
that lumbering has been a profession inherent in the community since its foundation.
Ayebatombere Isaiah Oguara, the community’s founder is reported to have been a sawyer- 98 In
his Appeal for Recognition of the Oguara Stool in Nembe-Bassambiri Chiefs Council; Oguara
Isaiah Ayobinte wrote that “the inhabitants of the community were… predominantly timber
lumbers”. Lumbering is done for both local use and commercial purposes as trees are felled,
sawed into lumps and sold to buyers outside the community. Joshua Isaiah Oguara however
96
Taribaralate, Joshua. 30 years old, Plumber, Oral interview, Port Harcourt, October 31 st , 2016
97
Taribaralate, Joshua. Oral interview.
98
Inemotimi, Fikoru. 45 years, Trader, Oral interview, Port Harcourt, May 7 th , 2016.
41

eports that due to the mass exodus of natives to cities in bids to find greener pastures, lumbering
as a profession is being practiced by very few persons in recent times. 99
4.3 Traditional Architecture
Figure 10: Deserted Mud House in Isaiah-ama (photo credit: Daniel Otonye Joshua)
Mud house construction was and is an extant form of architecture in Isaiah-ama in Isaiahama.
Building equipments include earth (preferably a mixture of silt and mud- in Isaiah-ama red
mud is preferred), formerly thatch-roofs (through the course of time aluminum and zinc sheets
have replaced this) and bamboo.
99
Oguara, Joshua. Oral Interview
42

Apart from aluminum and zinc sheets—bought from, mostly, Port Harcourt and Yenagoa
metropolises, and transported through Abua and Nembe: the other building materials; thatch,
timbers—which smoothened into planks—and bamboo are acquired from the forests of Isaiahama.
Isaiah-ama is a tropical rainforest Island characterized by marshy mangrove forest and
mud. As seen in figure 8 above, bamboo is used in place of rod- to first make a skeletal mirror of
the house. Then, the bamboo structure is plastered with red mud, carefully rammed together to
prevent cracks. Bamboos are also used as pillars to hold aluminum roofing on mud houses as
seen above. In a case were thatch was used, outside pillars were deemed unnecessary.
4.4 Conclusion
Given their ability to harness their environment (natural resources such as rivers, economic
trees, etc.) for economic and commercial purposes, which according to Walter Rodney (1984) is
an evidence of development in any given society, 100 the people of Isaiah-ama can be defined as
economically viable people who practice farming, fishing, hunting and gathering, oil production,
gin production, timber lumbering, etc., and out of these have been able to survive the nine (9)
decades in which the community has been.
100
Walter, Rodney: How Europe Underdeveloped Africa
43

CHAPTER FIVE
SPECIAL ISSUES IN ISAIAH-AMA
5.1 Introduction
Women and youths in Isaiah-ama are very much part of the life-blood of the settlement—
their voices are heard in important cases as they are very much incorporated into the decision
making process of the settlement. To that effect, the portfolios of the Women President and
Youth President are very sensitive positions. 101
5.2 Role of Women
Ayobinte reported that women in Isaiah-ama are involve in almost every vocation the men
venture in—save felling and climbing of trees and other extremely rigorous activities. 102
The women of Isaiah-ama are an economically viable bunch—they are involved in
gathering, hunting, farming, fishing, palm oil production, garri production, broom-making, matmaking,
etc. 103
Apart from economy, the women of Isaiah-ama are reported to be responsible for the larger
part of informal education that takes places within the family structure in Isaiah-ama. They are
responsible for inculcating the various norms and values into the social life of children.
According to Meremubio, the home is the first point of education and women are the first
teachers in Isaiah-ama. 104
101
Oguara, Isaiah Ayobinte. Oral Interview. August 25 th , 2016.
102
Oguara, Isaiah Ayobinte. Oral Interview. August 25 th , 2016
103
Oguara, Isaiah Ayobinte. Oral Interview. August 25 th , 2016
104
Meremubio, Morgan. Oral Interview.
44

Politically, the women join their male counterparts in decision-making—Ayobinte notes that
the position of the women leader is well respected in all matters. 105 This position is
democratically elected.
5.3 Role of Youths
The youths of Isaiah-ama are very much incorporated into every activity extant in Isaiahama.
They are involved in the politico-economic life of the community—they are largely
responsible for tree felling and climbing for both sawing and the production of palm wine and
oil.
The Youth President may organize community hunting expeditions at intervals for which
proceeds are shared. 106
Furthermore, they are largely responsible for the security of the community as offences such
as stealing and fighting may be taken to the office of the President for consideration—this is a
democratically elected position.
5.4 Isaiah-ama and Her Neighbors
According to Ayobinte and Joshua Oguara, Isaiah-ama has never been involved in any intercommunal
war of any sought—they share a cordial relationship with their neighbors. 107
The bulk of her neighbors are peoples of Oluasiri-Nembe; Otuma-Ama, Tengele-Ama, Ben-
Ama, Fikoru-Ama, Dumoebikumogha-Ama, Isere-Ama, Ijaw-Kiri, Daulambo-Kiri, Iniedogho-
Kiri, Kari-Kiri, Monibo-Kiri, Kpolu-Kiri, Poku-Kiri, Weniki-Kiri, Wangagha-Kiri, Igbo-Kiri,
Ebiriyai-Kiri, Ndoko-Kiri, Owazi-Kiri, Igohilagha-Kiri, Etuke-Kiri, Fikori II, Fikoru III, Adu-
105
Oguara, Isaiah Ayobinte. Oral Interview. August 25 th , 2016
106
Oguara, Joshua. Oral interview.
107
Oguara, Joshua. Oral interview.
45

Kiri, Ingodi-Kiri, Rebert-Kiri, Aboli-Kiri, Sonny-Kiri, Ikirika-Kiri (left), Kuruse-Kiri, Obokofia-
Kiri, Aduendibe-Kiri, Bogi-Kiri, Waribo-Kiri, Oduani-Kiri, Imo-Kiri, Amangala-Kiri, One-Man-
Kiri, Ogboloma-Kiri, Obu-Ama, Amiesei-Kiri, Miepre-Kiri, Lemech-Kiri, Goldsmith-Kiri,
Esther-Kiri, Oboruwa-Kiri, Obu-Kiri, Serekpete-Kiri, Dumunsyai-Kiri, and Ode-Kiri, and the
people of Abua and Odual.
They share same cultural values and norms with those of Oluasiri and are under the rulership
of the Ibeyanaowei of Oluasiri. 108
5.5 Conclusion
In conclusion, both women and youths in Oluasiri are very important social elements to the
survival of the community; and one say that historical ties and trade relations are ties that bind
Isaiah-ama with her neighbors.
108
Oguara, Joshua. Oral Interview.
46

CHAPTER SIX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
This project a pioneering attempt at producing a general history of the settlement, Isaiahama
from 1929 when it was established to 2016. It is an investigation into the historical
evolution of the settlement and an exposition on the life of its people. This research also sought,
as much as possible, to uncover the economic resources and potentials extant in Isaiah-ama; and
to analyze the extent to which such economic potentials have been harnessed for the sustainable
development of the people.
Relying on oral data and archival materials, the work established that the people of Isaiahama
have occupied the area for nine decades- though they are of the Nembe-Ijo stock. The
observable peculiarities in their cultural matrix are as a result of the settlement being a blend of
traditional Nembe culture and aspects of European culture embellished with Christian beliefs.
The economic life of the settlement was largely determined by the ability of the people to
harness their environmental potentials. Politically, the community has witnessed the reign of two
kings (amanyana-ongu) - who were/are however under the jurisdiction of the Ibenyana-owei of
Oluasiri, and the higher authority of the Amanyanabo of Nembe (Bassambiri), now Opu-Nembe.
In conclusion, this research work, though not all encompassing, can be considered, to have
succeeded, to a great deal, in creating a concise exposition into the history and life of the people
of Isaiah-ama, Oluasiri-Nembe.
47

BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Primary Sources
a. Table of Oral Informants
No Name Sex Occupation Age Place Date
1. Gberenaemi, Korogha F Retired Civil Service 73 Port
Harcourt
17/11/2016
2 Idubamo, Joseph M Fisher and Trader 60 Bassambiri 7/8/2016
3 Idubamo, Okolo M Trader 51 Bassambiri 13/11/2016
4 Ika-inengiya, Eneni F Unemployed 31 Port
Harcourt
23/10/2016
5 Ikiogha, Topman M Student 27 Amassoma 12/7/2016
6 Inemotimi, Fikoru M Trader 45 Yenagoa 7/5/2016
7 Inerempaghamo,
Inengite
F Teacher 42 Isaiah-ama 24/11/2016
8 Joe, Ereyanate M Student 33 Yenagoa -/9/2016
9 Joseph, Yusuo M Fisherman 32 Isaiah-ama 24/10/2016
10 Leleghite, Josiah M Retired Civil Servant 77 Port
Harcourt
30/7/2016
48

11 Morgan, Meremubio F Trader 57 Port
Harcourt
17/9/2016
12 Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah M Retired Civil Servant 66 Port
Harcourt
13/7/2016
13 Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah M Retired Civil Servant 66 Port
Harcourt
25/8/2016.
14 Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah M Retired Civil Servant 66 Isaiah-ama 25/11/2016
15 Oguara, Joshua M Lumberman, Fisherman
and Farmer
43 Isaiah-ama 23/11/16
16 Okorobia, Atei Mark M Lecturer - Port
Harcourt
20/10/2016
17 Samson, Lelegite M Farmer 29 Isaiah-ama 22/11/2016
18 Taribaralate, Joshua M Plumber 30 Port
Harcourt
31/10/2016
19 Walton, Idemokuma M Businessman 43 Port
Harcourt
30/7/2016
20 Yekorogha, Tari F Businesswoman 40 Yenagoa 14/12/2015
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A Brief History, in A Memorandum Presented by the Oluasiri-Nembe Community to the Special
Presidential Team on Oil well Verification in Bayelsa and River State, November 2000.
Certified True Copy, Divisional National Archives; Ministry of Internal Affairs: Statutory
Declaration for the Creation of District Councils in Eastern Nigeria, 1956. Under
Nnamdi Azikiwe who was Minister for Internal Affairs of the erstwhile region.
Certified True Copy, Divisional National Archives: Suit no. 44222, Chief Dick Harry Braide and
seven others Versus Chief Alagoa and three others
49

HH. Chief I. G. Fikoru et al. Comprehensive list of Communities in Oluasiri
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. A short Biography; in the Funeral Programme for the Burial of Pa
Ayebatombere Isaiah Oguara, 1983.
Oguara, Ayobinte Isaiah. Recognition of the Oguara-Yai Isaiah Stool in Nembe-Bassambiri
Council of Chiefs..
Signed Agreement between Chief Ezige and the Chiefs of Nembe, September 1923
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