01.08.2017 Views

CODE SWITCHING AND CODE MIXING AMONG IZON ENGLISH BILINGUALS A CASE STUDY OF NIGER DELTA UNIVERSITY STUDENTS.

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

<strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>SWITCHING</strong> <strong>AND</strong> <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>MIXING</strong> <strong>AMONG</strong> <strong>IZON</strong>-<br />

<strong>ENGLISH</strong> <strong>BILINGUALS</strong>: A <strong>CASE</strong> <strong>STUDY</strong> <strong>OF</strong> <strong>NIGER</strong> <strong>DELTA</strong><br />

<strong>UNIVERSITY</strong> <strong>STUDENTS</strong>.<br />

CHAPTER ONE<br />

INTRODUCTION<br />

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE <strong>STUDY</strong><br />

As a matter of fact, language has been in use from time immemorial by man and has<br />

passed through various levels of evolution. Tamunobelema Isaac holds that language is “a<br />

universal property of all human beings. Language is everywhere and every normal human<br />

being possesses it…Language is the instrument of social existence…”(1). Similarly, to<br />

Wardhaugh Ronald, “Language means a system of arbitrary vocal symbols used for human<br />

communications” (9). A lot of issues have arisen over time concerning language use in<br />

society, including code-switching and code-mixing. To this end, language scholars have paid<br />

wholesome, uninterrupted attention to both concepts. Also, monolingualism, bilingualism and<br />

multilingualism have been, and are still relevant topics of discourse.<br />

Factually, one aspect of language study that attracts much attention today is<br />

sociolinguistics. It examines the use of language by considering social parameters. It is a<br />

1


elatively wide discipline which encompasses various variables like age, sex, region,<br />

educational qualification, religion and so on. Sociolinguistics takes an investigative look at<br />

language in relation to the society. It is necessary to state that this research anchors on<br />

sociolinguistics.<br />

This research focuses on code-switching(CS) and code-mixing(CM) in relation to<br />

bilingualism, bilingualism being a linguistic feature of certain language users. Tamunobelema<br />

opines that a code is “a language, a variety of a language or a system used for communication<br />

between participants in a discourse event” (123). Bilingualism is, according to The New<br />

Webster’s Dictionary of the English Language, “the habitual use of two languages by an<br />

individual or group of individuals” (96). These two languages, usually, include the mother<br />

tongue (L1) of the individual(s) and for an Anglophone country like Nigeria, English<br />

language (L2). Chuma-Udeh, N. and Echezona, I.E. record that “Nigeria, the most largest and<br />

populated country in West Africa and even in Africa as a whole has an estimated population<br />

of over 150 million (cf National Population Commission 2006). In such a large country, there<br />

exist well over 450 different languages and dialect clusters. Nigeria as a nation is entirely<br />

held together by the presence of English language. If this English language is removed, the<br />

Nigerian nation will cease to exist” (184). CS and CM are examined in this research as a case<br />

study of NDU Ịzọn-English bilinguals. Kquofi et al. note that “the Ijaw (also known by the<br />

subgroups ‘Ijo’ or ‘Izọn’) ethnic group is the largest minority group in Nigeria” (79). The<br />

Izọn language is spoken widely by the Ijaw populace as their main language and is thought to<br />

be one of the oldest of the region. There are numerous diverse languages, all mutually<br />

2


intelligible, of which the most important are Gbanran, Ekpetiama and Kolokuma. Kolokuma<br />

is the language of education and this is the case because it is the dialect of Izon with an<br />

orthography developed to a satisfactory extent. The Ijaw population is estimated to be over<br />

ten million people with two prominernt groupings of the Izon language. The first, termed<br />

either Western or Central Izon (Ijaw) consists of Western Izon speakers: Ekeremor, Sagbama,<br />

Bassan, Apoi, Arogbo, Bomo, Kabo, Ogboin, Tarakiri and Kolokuma-Opokuma. The Nembe,<br />

Brass and Akassa dialects represent Southeast Izon. Biseni and Okordia dialects are<br />

considered inland Izon. The other major linguistic group is Kalabari (Abonnema, Buguma,<br />

Bakana, Degema, etc) which constitutes the Eastern Izon, alongside Okrika, Ibani (the natives<br />

of Bonny, Finima and Opobo) and Nkoroo. Even though people from all these language<br />

groups have similar experiences in their spoken English, the focus of this study is the speaker<br />

of the Izon dialect of Ijo.<br />

Since English language has been, and still is the official language and the Language<br />

of Wider Communication (LWC) in Nigeria (the most populous nation in the West African<br />

sub-region and on the African continent) as a nation and a second language (L2) to a vast<br />

majority of Nigerians, especially those with some form of formal education, the rationale<br />

behind the existence of Izọn-English bilinguals in the Ijaw society and in the Nigerian society<br />

at large is not far-fetched, neither can it be over-emphasized.<br />

Why then do we use two languages? In some countries, nearly everybody is bilingual<br />

or multilingual. People may become bilingual either by acquiring two languages at the same<br />

time in childhood or by learning a second language sometime after acquiring their first<br />

3


language. Many bilingual people grow up speaking two languages. As a matter of fact, there<br />

are several reasons for the use of two languages by speakers. To the “why use two languages”<br />

question, the obvious answer will be: to communicate with people of different language<br />

backgrounds. A more elaborate and detailed answer is offered by Tamunobelema when he<br />

says “In fact, in order to meet up their social, cultural, political and business demands, people<br />

have turned multilinguals” (117). Bilinguals interact with other bilinguals, and opt to use<br />

their different languages in a complex network of interaction that proves extremely difficult<br />

to describe and explain. The choice of language will vary depending on the type of person<br />

addressed (e.g. members of the family, course mates, colleagues, superiors, friends,<br />

shopkeepers, officials, transport personnel, neighbours) and on the location or social setting<br />

(e.g. a family may vary their language use depending on whether they are at home, in the<br />

street, or in church; at the office, someone may talk to a colleague in language X, but over<br />

lunch talk to the same person using language Y). Even more complex are the many cases<br />

where a bilingual talks to another bilingual with the same language background, and yet<br />

changes from one language to another in the course of the conversation.<br />

Hudson Richard reveals clearly that code-switching is “the inevitable consequence of<br />

bilingualism (or more generally, multilingualism) “(51). Code-mixing, on the other hand,<br />

refers to “a change in language without any change at all in the situation” (53). CS and CM<br />

are actually obtainable where an individual or society is bilingual or multilingual but then,<br />

this study focuses on bilingualism alone and revolves around bilinguals. CS and CM are<br />

linguistic occurrences that are seen in everyday communication among persons who speak<br />

4


two or more languages. They are important aspects of sociolinguistics given their use and<br />

status in the society. They occur because the speaker is in control of, and has the ability to use<br />

two or more languages and when he or she tries to communicate under varying<br />

circumstances; the elements of the languages are mixed between sentences, clauses and<br />

phrases. That is to say that an utterance may begin in one language and end in another<br />

because the speaker is, as Tamunobelema puts it, “two-tongued” (116).<br />

When a speaker comes in contact with more than one language, there is a very high<br />

tendency that the speaker will begin use of both languages even if it might not be with equal<br />

proficiency since in most instances, the speaker may not have achieved native-like fluency in<br />

both languages. However, these languages affect one another and often lead to codeswitching<br />

and code-mixing. It is obvious that students code-switch and code-mix, sometimes<br />

in order to be admitted into some social situations amongst other numerous reasons; reasons<br />

which are explored in this research. There are also negative and positive effects. It is<br />

therefore pertinent that these concepts which are in direct communion with human society<br />

and our educational system should be accorded adequate attention in order to enlighten the<br />

general public.<br />

1.2 STATEMENT <strong>OF</strong> THE PROBLEM<br />

Code-switching and code-mixing are linguistic phenomena that occur in various<br />

situations and contexts and within or between various individuals who have varying speech<br />

characteristics. They may occur among bilinguals who are basically users of two languages.<br />

5


They may also occur among multilingual persons who are users of more than two languages.<br />

We could also have individual bilingualism/multilingualism where linguistic competence and<br />

performance in two or more languages are seen in individuals and societal<br />

bilingualism/multilingualism where linguistic competence and performance in two or more<br />

languages are seen in the society at large. Specifically then, this research sets out to provide<br />

valid findings or results about the mode of occurrence of code-switching and code-mixing not<br />

just among any individual or society but among the Izọn-English bilingual population of<br />

NDU undergraduates, giving relevant insight and answers to the factors that condition the<br />

occurrence, their effects, the positive or negative nature of these effects and other relevant<br />

details.<br />

1.3 AIMS <strong>AND</strong> OBJECTIVES <strong>OF</strong> THE <strong>STUDY</strong><br />

This long essay hopes to, through a practical sociolinguistic study, establish the<br />

indispensable place of CS and CM in everyday communication among NDU Izọn-English<br />

bilinguals. It aims to provide relevant insight into the factors that condition these happenings,<br />

whether negative or positive. Furthermore, the motivation or causes underlying the use of CS<br />

and CM as well as the frequency of their occurrence and the effects are examined.<br />

1.4 SCOPE <strong>AND</strong> LIMITATION <strong>OF</strong> THE <strong>STUDY</strong><br />

This study actually covers a really large population of educated persons (Izon-English<br />

bilinguals) but due to the limited time allowed for research, this work is limited to NDU<br />

undergraduates who, specifically, are Izọn-English bilinguals. Therefore, forming the centre<br />

6


of this study. Niger Delta University is a multilingual institution which comprises students<br />

from different linguistic backgrounds across the country. Most of the students are bilinguals<br />

who can speak at least one indigenous language and English. The data to be used in this<br />

research work is gathered from the undergraduates in their lecture halls, hostels, etc. The<br />

research highlights instances of CS and CM in their various conversations and analyzes them.<br />

1.5 JUSTIFICATION/SIGNIFICANCE <strong>OF</strong> THE <strong>STUDY</strong><br />

Several scholars have looked into CS and CM in times past and, as a matter of fact, a<br />

bulk of knowledge has emerged about both concepts. Nonetheless, a lot of it has bothered on<br />

the linguistic aspect of both concepts like the grammatical items involved in CS and CM<br />

taking place and level of proficiency / fluency in the usage of the languages possessed by the<br />

speaker, whether “native-like” as Leonard Bloomfield calls it or not. Be that as it may, some<br />

scholars have also considered the sociological aspect of the ideas but what sociological<br />

factors affect the occurrence of CS and CM among Izon-English bilinguals on and around the<br />

NDU campus environment and what could be the possible effects? This research work offers<br />

valid materials concerning the topic in order to make up for any iota of want of information.<br />

It lays bare the interaction of both linguistic patterns i.e. code-switching and code-mixing and<br />

how they make or mar communication among students. It determines whether these issues<br />

have a negative effect on the linguistic proficiency of speakers or a positive one, discouraging<br />

the negative and giving firm encouragement to the positive. Different scholars have arrived at<br />

7


various conclusions why people code-switch and code-mix. Appel and Muysken (1987) who<br />

used Jakobson’s (1960) and Halliday’s (1964) work as their basis opine that certain demands<br />

or functions are motivating factors to CS and CM such as the referential, directive,<br />

expressive, poetic functions and the change of the tone of the conversation. Another prolific<br />

explanation for code change is proffered by Wardhaugh (2002). His approach to the<br />

motivation for switching and mixing represents an essential factor in the code choice and that<br />

“solidarity with listeners, choice of topic and perceived social and cultural distance all<br />

together play an important role in the speaker’s choice” (103). The findings at the end of this<br />

research provide additional knowledge to the field of sociolinguistics and are of great benefit<br />

to bilinguals, students of language and the society at large.<br />

1.6 METHODOLOGY <strong>OF</strong> DATA COLLECTION<br />

Data for this research work is derived from the conversation of Izọn-English<br />

bilinguals randomly selected from various faculties of Niger Delta University, Wilberforce<br />

Island, Bayelsa State by means of live audio recording which is analyzed in order for this<br />

research to find out all necessary information it sets out to ascertain. Journals, textbooks,<br />

papers/ essays by renowned authors are consulted, personal interview with some respondents<br />

conducted and the personal observation of the researcher are also of great significance.<br />

1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK<br />

8


CS and CM could be studied through many different approaches that could yield more<br />

or less productive results, depending on the context. However, the theoretical approach that is<br />

applied to this study is the sociolinguistic approach as proffered by Auer Peter (1998:3). One<br />

of the main questions regarding the patterns of CS and CM is why they occur in the first<br />

place. What is the motivation or driving factor(s) behind bilingual language behaviour? For<br />

the purpose of this study, the sociological approach is considered applying the Markedness<br />

Model.<br />

Proposed by Carol Myers-Scotton (1993), he notes therein that “a bilingual individual<br />

has a sense of markedness with regard to the relationship with the interlocutor who<br />

essentially is the one choosing the code in the conversation. In such situation, the speaker is<br />

perceived as a rational actor who can make either the unmarked choice, the more secure and<br />

the more expected choice, often used by the speakers, or the marked choice which is<br />

generally unexpected in interaction” (75).<br />

1.8 THESIS STATEMENT<br />

Having explored briefly relevant concepts, it is revealed that code-switching(CS) and<br />

code-mixing(CM) as linguistic occurrences are not just manifestations of/or the repercussions<br />

of the possession of the knowledge of two languages by an individual (speaker) but are<br />

actually offshoots of certain factors (sociological variables) such as educational background,<br />

age, sex, situation/context amongst others.<br />

9


CHAPTER TWO<br />

REVIEW <strong>OF</strong> RELATED LITERATURE<br />

2.1 THE DYNAMICS <strong>OF</strong> LANGUAGE ALTERNATION<br />

Developing communicative competence in two or more languages makes room for<br />

communicative effectiveness; giving individuals opportunities to express their feelings,<br />

thoughts and shape their identity. It also helps them satisfy their individual and social needs<br />

in the different contexts of the languages used. Code-switching and code-mixing are well<br />

known traits in the speech pattern of the average bilingual in any human society the world<br />

over. The phenomena of code-switching and code-mixing of languages have long intrigued<br />

scholars who have examined what triggers such occurrences. Lipski, as quoted in Obiamalu<br />

and Mbagwu (2007), records that code-switching and code-mixing are known to be universal<br />

phenomena among bilinguals. Not until recently, code-switching and code-mixing was seen<br />

as evidence of “internal mental confusion, the inability to separate two languages sufficiently<br />

to warrant the description of true bilingualism” (191). Studies have shown that codeswitching<br />

is not a manifestation of mental confusion but rule-governed behavior among<br />

bilinguals which is motivated by various socio-psychological, as well as linguistic factors.<br />

Switching between languages is extremely common and takes many forms. A long narrative<br />

may switch from one language to the other. Sentences may alternate. A sentence may begin<br />

in one language and finish in another. Or phrases from both languages may succeed each<br />

other in apparently random order. Sociolinguistics considers code-switching and code-mixing<br />

as the by-products of bilingualism. Yul-Ifode Shirley brings to our notice that “both code-<br />

10


switching and code-mixing are sometimes called language switching” (188). Language<br />

switching is not solely determined by the social situation. It can also be used by a speaker for<br />

his own purpose; to influence or define the situation as he wishes, and to convey nuances of<br />

meaning and personal intention (Trudgill 1974:126; Corder 1973: 56-61). Language<br />

switching has been observed to be a great asset to people in the multilingual communities in<br />

achieving communicative effectiveness. Communicative effectiveness can, therefore, only be<br />

achieved if both the listener and speaker are fluent in the language(s) used; there is often a<br />

breakdown when there is no common language.<br />

2.2 <strong>CODE</strong><br />

A code, as Tamunobelema states, can loosely be described as “a language or a variety<br />

of a language. It is any kind of system that people employ for communication, which may be<br />

a group of persons or even an individual” (116). Whenever a man speaks, he is bound to<br />

choose a code, be it a particular language, dialect, style, register or a variety. In<br />

communication, a man may decide to use a particular code on a particular occasion due to<br />

one reason or the other. He may also shift from one code to another, or even mix them up at<br />

times. Obviously, there are factors that influence the choice of using a particular code.<br />

Ayeomoni chooses to take code as “a verbal component that can be as small as a morpheme<br />

or as comprehensive and complex as the entire system of language” (90). As such, the<br />

English language is a code, as well as the Ịzọn language. So also are single morphemes of<br />

either of/or both languages. A code is a system that is used by people to communicate with<br />

each other. When people want to talk each other, they have to choose a particular code to<br />

11


express their feeling. According to Stockwell, a code is “a symbol of nationalism that is used<br />

by people to speak or communicate in a particular language, or dialect, or register, or accent,<br />

or style on different occasions and for different purposes” (8-9). Similarly, Wardhaugh also<br />

maintains that a code can be defined as “a system used for communication between two or<br />

more parties used on any occasions” (101). When two or more people communicate with<br />

each other in speech, we can call the system of communication that they employ a code.<br />

Therefore, people are usually required to select a particular code whenever they choose to<br />

speak, and they may also decide to switch from one code to another. Switching is found only<br />

in a balancedand stable bilingual.<br />

2.3 <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>SWITCHING</strong><br />

Code-switching refers to alternation between different varieties used by the<br />

bilingual/bidialectal during the conversational interaction. It is the complete switching of the<br />

speaker from one language to another. Yul-Ifode states that “it is a change from one language<br />

to another, where the change is conditioned by the subject, persons, situation, according to<br />

appropriate changes in speech situation in an unchanged situation. This kind of change is<br />

certainly not within the same sentence” (189). Hudson asserts that CS is “the inevitable<br />

consequence of bilingualism (or more generally, multilingualism)” (51). Obiamalu and<br />

Mbagwu (2007) says that CS refers to the alternate use of constituents from two languages in<br />

a single discourse. CS is a linguistic behaviour that arises as a result of languages coming into<br />

contact. Hymes (1974) defines CS as “a common term for alternative use of two or more<br />

languages, varieties of a language or even speech styles.” Bokamba (1989) defines CS as “the<br />

12


mixing of words, phrases and sentences from two distinct grammatical (sub) systems across<br />

sentence boundaries within the same speech event; in other words, inter-sentential codeswitching”<br />

(278). Kumar (1995) adds, “CS which is influenced by extra-linguistic factors<br />

such as topic, interlocutors, setting, etc is the alternate use of lexical items, phrases, clauses<br />

and sentences from the non-native language (L2) into the system of the native language (L1)”<br />

(44).McGregor (2009) refers to code-switching as “the phenomenon common in bilingual<br />

speech communities in which speakers switch from one language to another within the same<br />

conversation” (168). Gal cited in Ronald (2000) says “code-switching is a conversational<br />

strategy used to establish, cross or destroy group boundaries, to create, evoke or change<br />

interpersonal relations with their rights and obligations”. Code-switching is also referred to as<br />

language switching in order to accommodate other kinds of variety, dialects and registers.<br />

In CS, anyone who speaks more than one language chooses between them according<br />

to circumstances and according to the language comprehensive to the persons addressed, the<br />

purpose is to get the right effect of communication. The phenomenon is evidently a complex<br />

and subtle one, with speakers, as experts think, usually being totally unaware of the extent to<br />

which they have been switching in a conversation. If interrupted, they may even be unable to<br />

say which language they were using in their last sentence. When their attention is drawn to<br />

this behaviour, most of them tend to apologize for it, condemn it and indicate disapproval of<br />

mixing languages. Nonetheless, it is a natural and powerful communicative feature of<br />

bilingual interaction, which presents linguists with one of their most intriguing analytical<br />

challenges.<br />

13


2.3.1 TYPES <strong>OF</strong> <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>SWITCHING</strong><br />

Poplack (1980:605) cited in Romaine (1989), identified three types of CS namely:<br />

Tag, Inter-sentential and Intra-sentential switches. This categorization was echoed by Appel<br />

and Muysken (1987) and Romaine (1989).<br />

I. Tag Switching<br />

This involves the insertion of a tag in one language into an utterance which is otherwise<br />

entirely in the other language(s). For example, you know, I mean, etc to take some English<br />

examples. These tags serve as an emblem of the bilingual’s character of an otherwise<br />

monolingual sentence. Tags are subject to minimal syntactic restrictions, they may be<br />

inserted easily at a number of points in a monolingual utterance. This is to say that the<br />

insertion into the monolingual utterance does not violate syntactic rules. This implies that<br />

inter-sentential and intra-sentential switching reflects higher language proficiency, unlike in<br />

the case of tag switching.<br />

II.<br />

Inter-sentential Switching<br />

It involves a switch at a clause or sentence boundary where each clause or sentence is in<br />

one language or another. It may also occur between speaker turns. Inter-sentential switching<br />

can be thought of as requiring fluency in both languages since major portions of the utterance<br />

must conform to the rules of both languages. Myers-Scotton(1993) holds that Inter-sentential<br />

switching “involves switches from one language to another between sentences: a whole<br />

sentence (or more than one sentence) is produced entirely in one language before there is a<br />

switch to the other language” (3).<br />

14


III.<br />

Intra-sentential Switching<br />

This involves a switch from one language to another with a clause or sentence boundary.<br />

Intra-sentential switch does not seem to raise any linguistic problem. In the case of a bilingual<br />

code-switching, the switch from one language to the other does not appear to violate the<br />

grammatical rules of either language. Myers-Scotton also notes that Intra-sentential switching<br />

occurs within the same sentence or sentence fragment” (4).<br />

Olaoye (2002) also identifies two types of code-switching. Olaoye is not a sole loyalist to<br />

this view as Hudson (1996) also documents these types. They are defined based on the<br />

context of usage. The first is Situational code-switching and the other, Metaphorical codeswitching.<br />

I. Situational Code-switching<br />

This occurs as a result of change in situation or social context. It might also be as a result<br />

of change in participant or interlocutors. Situational CS is driven by a particular situation<br />

where a speaker uses one code for one situation and another code for another situation. As<br />

Hudson puts it, “that is to say that the switches between languages always coincide with<br />

changes from one external situation (for example, talking to members of the family) to<br />

another (for example, talking to the neighbours)” (52). For instance, a lecturer who is<br />

lecturing in English may change code in the middle of a conversation to Ịzọn or Ibibio,<br />

depending on the tribe of the lecturer and that of the student being addressed. Such a lecturer<br />

may do so because he wants to change his role from that of a boss or teacher or an authority<br />

15


figure to that of an ethnic brother especially when he realizes his student is of the same ethnic<br />

group. The student may also change from English to Ịzọn or Ibibio as the case may be, in<br />

order to appeal to the lecturer’s ethnic and linguistic solidarity.<br />

II.<br />

Metaphorical Code-switching<br />

Given this heavy symbolic load that languages bear, it is entirely to be expected that<br />

bilingual speakers will use their choice of language in order to define the situation, rather<br />

than letting the situation define the choice of languages. In clear cases, we can tell what<br />

situation we are in by just looking around us; for example, if we are in a lecture-room full of<br />

people or having breakfast with our family, classifying the situation is easy and if language<br />

choice varies with the situation, it is clearly the situation that decides the language, not the<br />

other way round. But in some cases, the situation is less clear, either because it is ambiguous<br />

or because the speaker decides to ignore the observable external situation and focus instead<br />

on less observable characteristics of the people concerned. Such cases where it is the choice<br />

of language that determines the situation are called metaphorical CS. (Blom and Gumperz<br />

1971). Metaphorical CS is also occasioned by change of topic and subject matter; in the sense<br />

that the topic is the driving factor in determination of which language will be used. The<br />

situation may remain the same but the topic of discussion changes. Some topics lend<br />

themselves readily to one language rather than the other. For instance, political based topics<br />

take switch form one’s mother tongue to English. In like manner, there are other topics that<br />

can best be discussed in one’s mother tongue i.e. a discussion in one’s native language (L1)<br />

than in a second language (L2). Switch may also occur when one wants to introduce<br />

16


metaphors, proverbs, idioms and figurative expressions in one’s mother tongue to enrich the<br />

discussion.<br />

2.3.2 THE SOCIOLINGUISTIC FUNCTIONS <strong>OF</strong>/ REASONS FOR <strong>CODE</strong>-<br />

<strong>SWITCHING</strong><br />

There are a number of possible reasons for the switching from one language and these<br />

will now be considered, as presented by Crystal (1987), cited in Ngulube (2015). The first of<br />

these is the notion that a speaker may not be able to express him/herself in one language, so<br />

switches to the other to compensate for the deficiency. As a result, the speaker may be<br />

triggered into speaking in the other language for a while. This tends to happen a great deal<br />

when the speaker is upset, tired, or otherwise distracted. Again, this type of CS tends to occur<br />

when an individual wishes to express solidarity with a particular social group. Rapport is<br />

established between the speaker and the listener when the listener responds with a similar<br />

switch. This type of switching may also be used to exclude others who do not speak the<br />

second language from a conversation. An example of such a situation may be two people in<br />

an elevator engaging in discourse using a language other than English. Others in the elevator<br />

who do not speak the same language would be excluded from the conversation and a degree<br />

of comfort would exist amongst the speakers in the knowledge that not all those present in the<br />

elevator are listening to their conversation.<br />

The final reason for the switching behavior presented by Crystal (1987) is the<br />

alteration that occurs when the speaker wishes to convey his/her attitude to the listener-<br />

friendly, irritated, distant, ironic, jocular and so on. Where monolingual speakers can<br />

17


communicate these attitudes by means of variation in the level of formality in their speech,<br />

bilingual speakers can convey the same by CS. Crystal (1987) suggests that where two<br />

bilingual speakers are accustomed to conversing in a particular language, switching to the<br />

other is bound to create a special effect. These notions suggest that CS may be used as a<br />

socio-linguistic tool by bilingual speakers. A common example is for a mother to tell her<br />

child to do something in one language, and then, if the child fails to obey, to switch to<br />

another language, thereby showing her stronger emphasis or displeasure. These are some of<br />

the sociolinguistic functions that CS can perform.<br />

From the above discussion, it may be concluded that CS is not language interference<br />

on the basis that it supplements speech. Where it is used due to an inability of expression, CS<br />

provides continuity in speech rather than presenting interference in language. The sociolinguistic<br />

benefits have also been identified as a means of communicating solidarity, or<br />

affiliation to a particular social group, whereby CS should be viewed from the perspective of<br />

providing a linguistic advantage rather than an obstruction to communication. Furthermore,<br />

CS allows a speaker to convey attitude and other emotions using a method available to those<br />

who are bilingual and again serves to advantage the speaker, much like bolding or<br />

underlining in a text document to emphasize points. Utilizing the L2, then, allows speakers to<br />

increase the impact of their speech and use it in an effective manner.<br />

18


2.4 <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>MIXING</strong><br />

Many linguists have tried to define code-mixing in their own way. Bokamba (1989)<br />

notes “code-mixing is the embedding of various linguistic units such as affixes (bound<br />

morphemes), words (unbound morphemes), phrases and clauses from two distinct<br />

grammatical (sub) systems within the same sentence and speech event. That is, CM is an<br />

intra-sentential switching” (278). For Hudson (1996), CM takes place “where a fluent<br />

bilingual changes the language without any change at all in the situation” (53). Code mixing<br />

is a mixing of two codes or languages, usually without a change of topic. Code mixing often<br />

occurs within one sentence, one element is spoken in language A and the rest in language B.<br />

In addition, Nababan (1993:32) said that code mixing is found mainly in informal<br />

interactions. In formal situation, the speaker tends to mix it because there is no exact idiom in<br />

that language, so it is necessary to use words or idioms from other language. Oloruntoba-oju<br />

(1999) submits that code mixing occurs when elements of two or more linguistic systems are<br />

randomly used. It may occur as a result of backlash (receding competence in a language or as<br />

a result of the influence of L2 or reduced context of L1). It often occurs because the speaker<br />

can either not find an appropriate word in his mother tongue or because he or she finds the<br />

terms in the target language more convenient to use. Alabi (2007) asserts that code mixing is<br />

often an unconscious illocutionary act in naturally occurring conversation.Though no norm<br />

guides the level of code mixing, different communities and people maintain, consciously or<br />

unconsciously, their levels of code mixing which is constrained by competence. In CM, a<br />

fluent bilingual changes the language by using words from another language without any<br />

19


change at all in situation. It refers to the alternate use of constituents from two languages<br />

within a sentence.<br />

Code-mixing was first observed in West Africa and brought to attention by Ansre<br />

(1971) in relation to English and West African languages. He described it informally as:<br />

“inserting various chunks of English into the performance of West African languages in<br />

trying to show the influence of English on West African languages”. The practice of CM,<br />

which draws from competence in two languages at the same time, suggests that these<br />

competences are not stored or processed separately. Wardhaugh (1986) opines that “today,<br />

this phenomenon is referred to as code-mixing, a situation which people occasionally prefer<br />

to use a code formed from two other codes by mixing the two” (86). Harding and Riley<br />

(1986) also bring to our knowledge that “code-mixing can also be used to express emotion,<br />

close personal relationships and solidarity and to exclude a third person from part of a<br />

conversation” (57). Hudson (1996) goes ahead to say that the purpose of CM seems to be to<br />

symbolize a somewhat ambiguous situation for which neither language on its own will be<br />

quite right. To get the effect right, the speakers balance the two languages against each other<br />

as a kind of linguistic cocktail- a few words of one language, then a few words of the other,<br />

then back to the first for a few more words and so on.<br />

From the assertion of the scholars above it is evident that code-mixing reflects a<br />

situation where a speaker employs two languages alternatively in one utterance. This is often<br />

manifesting at the lexical level that is in the word used. This does not mean that it does not<br />

20


manifest at syntactic and semantic level, but it does more at the lexical level. Code-mixing is<br />

the random insertion of elements of one language into another. It is rapid, natural and not<br />

deliberate as speakers hardly pause to examine the elements they are using.<br />

2.4.1 TYPES <strong>OF</strong> <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>MIXING</strong><br />

I. Intra-sentential Switching/ Code-mixing<br />

This kind of code mixing occurs within a phrase, a clause or a sentence boundary, as<br />

when a French-English bilingual says: “I started going like this. Y luegodecla (and then he<br />

said), look at the smoke coming out my fingers.” Another example is from Wardhaugh<br />

(1986:108) “Estabatraining parapelar”: “He was training to fight.”<br />

II.<br />

Intra-lexical Code-mixing<br />

This kind of code mixing which occurs within a word boundary, such as in<br />

Shoppã (English shop with the Panjabi plural ending) or kuenjoy(English enjoy with the<br />

Swahili prefix ku, meaning ‘to’).<br />

III.<br />

Involving a Change of Pronunciation<br />

This kind of code-mixing occurs at the phonological level, as when Indonesian people<br />

say an English word but modify it to Indonesian phonological structure. For instance, the<br />

word ‘strawberry’ is said to be ‘stroberi’ by Indonesian people.<br />

21


2.4.2 REASONS FOR <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>MIXING</strong><br />

Olaoye (2002) is of the point that, the same reason can motivate both code-mixing and<br />

code-switching. Some of the reasons include:<br />

I. Linguistic Motivation<br />

Code-mixing is motivated by the speaker’s need for repetition for either stylistic effect or<br />

for the purpose of emphasis. The repetition is meant to give more meaning to the utterances<br />

made in one of the two bilingual languages. Code-mixing may also be used to qualify a<br />

message or to reinforce it. Mixing is motivated by a desire to clarify and elaborate a point, to<br />

exclaim or interject as a sign or surprise or excitement. It is also, motivated by the need to<br />

introduce technical terms and expressions. Code is mixed to mark off quotation. One<br />

speakers mix for direct quotation, which may be stereotypical imitation of speech in jokes or<br />

even in learned citation.<br />

II.<br />

Sociolinguistic Motivation<br />

Mixing is motivated by the desire to accommodate a third party .The speaker here<br />

considers the following factors before switching: status of the interlocutors, age, education,<br />

social role or relationship and ethnic affinity. Speakers code-mix to distance a listener or a<br />

third party.<br />

Psychological feelings of insecurity or insecurity can motivate a switch or mix. One feels<br />

safer in one’s own language. In another way, it is also motivated by the need to show ethnic<br />

or group identity or the purpose of showing solidarity. Miller (1984: 76) citing Pfaff (1979)<br />

and Poplack (1982) maintains that speakers code-mix when speaking to other bilinguals with<br />

22


similar background to theirs. This is done to create a desired rhetorical effect or because the<br />

immediate subject being discussed in language ‘A’ at that point brings association to events,<br />

persons, etc in language ‘B’ or for other reasons. Oloruntoba-Oju (1999) offers that codemixing<br />

occurs because the speaker can either not find an appropriate word in his or her<br />

mother tongue or because he or she finds the term in the target language more convenient to<br />

use. It also occurs when the affected item is a technical usage.<br />

2.5 FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE CS <strong>AND</strong> CM<br />

Yul-Ifode (2001) opines that both processes of CS and CM are influenced by certain<br />

factors. One of such factors is the fact that one of the participants may not share a common<br />

language with the other. Another reason is that one’s proficiency in the language or<br />

languages used may be limited in comparison with the others. Another factor which may<br />

influence CS or CM results from the fact that one may wish to exclude certain facts from<br />

others. Other people may simply mix codes or switch codes according to their moods.<br />

Furthermore, the sudden realization that people have a common language (in most<br />

cases, the mother tongue) can also promote CS or CM. If for instance, two or three people<br />

were discussing in a formal or informal setting in English, and they suddenly discovered that<br />

they are members of the same native language community, they are likely to bring in words<br />

or phrases from that indigenous language as a demonstration of solidarity.<br />

23


2.6 DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CS <strong>AND</strong> CM<br />

Actually, it is not easy to differentiate between CS and CM. However, we can find<br />

some indicators related to the differences of these two sociolinguistics terms, code-switching<br />

and code-mixing. First, in CM, bilingual speakers seem to apply some words or phrases from<br />

foreign language (pieces of one language smaller than clause), while the other language<br />

(code) functions as the base language. Second, bilingual speakers are said to mix codes when<br />

there is no topic that changes, nor does the situation. (John Gumperz [1986], cited in Jendra<br />

[2010:79] ).<br />

A different view proposed to separate the two said that if it involves changing into a<br />

foreign clause or a sentence, it should be defined as code-switching, but if it involves the use<br />

of foreign phrases or group of words, it is identified as a code-mixing. Another view about<br />

how to differentiate between CS and CM is related to the formality of the situation. Codemixing<br />

is said to be found in the less formal situation while code-switching is possibly done<br />

in a formal one. As the addition, the bilingual’s level of fluency in the languages (codes):<br />

Usually, fluent bilinguals can perform mixing well, while the less skilled ones may only do<br />

switching.<br />

The table below presents summarizes differences between code-switching and codemixing<br />

according to the several views described here:<br />

24


Points of View Code-switching Code-mixing<br />

Grammatical Items Involved Sentence and Clause Phrase, Word<br />

Base Language Clear Sometimes Unclear<br />

Topics May Change Maintained<br />

Situations Formal and Informal More Likely Informal<br />

Bilinguals Partial Absolute<br />

25


CHAPTER THREE<br />

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY<br />

3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN<br />

The research design describes the major procedure or overall strategy to be followed<br />

in carrying out the research in order to see that all components of the research piece are<br />

assembled rightly, thereby ensuring that the research problem is adequately addressed and a<br />

solution offered in the end which is the major research goal or objective which the researcher<br />

is out to achieve.<br />

Basically, this research work is designed with the sole aim of bringing to light the<br />

mode of occurrence of code-switching (CS) and code-mixing (CM) between NDU Ịzọn-<br />

English bilingual undergraduates.<br />

Therefore, this research used Descriptive or Survey research as its research design<br />

which entails the usage of a designed research instrument like live audio recording to<br />

generate data and establish facts.<br />

3.2 METHOD <strong>OF</strong>/OR PROCEDURE FOR DATA COLLECTION<br />

This research work dished out data from primary, as well as secondary sources of<br />

data. Live audio recording of respondents’ conversation (field data) and the personal<br />

observation of the researcher constitute the primary source of data collection. On the other<br />

26


hand, data drawn from textbooks, journals, the international network (INTERNET) and the<br />

works of other researchers constitute the secondary source of data collection.<br />

3.3 DESCRIPTION <strong>OF</strong> RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS<br />

The following are the research instruments and techniques used in the collection of<br />

data for this research work:<br />

3.3.1 LIVE AUDIO RECORDING<br />

In course of executing this research work, the researcher had live audio recording<br />

sessions with a number of Ịzọn-English bilingual undergraduates of the Niger Delta<br />

University on the research topic and a bulk of relevant information was obtained from the<br />

respondents.<br />

3.3.2 OBSERVATION<br />

The researcher was able to observe while actual conversation was in progress between<br />

certain Ịzọn-English bilinguals on the NDU campus. This was aimed at spotting instances of<br />

CS and CM in practical situations which also helped in ascertaining the likely causes and<br />

effects of both linguistic occurrences.<br />

27


3.3.3 THE TEXTUAL METHOD<br />

This method comprises the secondary sources which include: textbooks, journals, the<br />

international network (INTERNET) and information from the work of other researchers<br />

carried out prior to this time.<br />

3.4 VALIDATION <strong>AND</strong> RELIABILITY <strong>OF</strong> INSTRUMENTS<br />

Clips of the officially approved instrument for this research work, the live audio<br />

recording used as the primary source of data collection, were forwarded to the project<br />

supervisor who listened attentively and critically to them and granted subsequent approval<br />

after much consideration before the researcher proceeded to work with them.<br />

3.5 POPULATION <strong>OF</strong> <strong>STUDY</strong> AREA<br />

The target population of this research work is forty students in the Niger Delta<br />

University who are directly involved in the use of Ịzọn and English as languages of social<br />

interaction within the campus and its environs, from which twenty live audio recording clips<br />

were derived as data for analysis.<br />

3.6 SAMPLE <strong>AND</strong> SAMPLING PROCEDURE<br />

The sampling procedure chosen for this research was simple random sampling which<br />

involves the random selection of given elements in a population which stand to be<br />

representative of the whole.<br />

28


3.7 DATA ANALYSIS TECHNIQUES<br />

The research instruments were transferred into qualitative data following the number<br />

of respondents who replied to particular questions or items so as to generate frequency data<br />

which in the course of data presentation and analysis were painstakingly analyzed in simple<br />

percentage.<br />

29


CHAPTER FOUR<br />

DATA PRESENTATION <strong>AND</strong> ANALYSIS<br />

The conversations analyzed herein are the conversations of bilinguals who have<br />

English as their L1 and Ịzọn as their L2. Twenty conversations are analyzed based on a fourcategory<br />

division comprising five data each. They reveal several factors that condition CS<br />

and CM among NDU undergraduates with reference to relevant sociological variables: age,<br />

sex, educational background and situation/context. In course of the analysis, the utterances<br />

that are code-switched and code-mixed are translated in English and are titled “Gloss” while<br />

the utterances rendered in English are not since they have no need for interpretation.<br />

Conversation analysis follows immediately after the presentation of each category.<br />

4.1 Category A – Exclusion of an Interlocutor<br />

4.1.1 Datum One Gloss<br />

A The examination was too difficult.<br />

B Exactly. I could barely fill up a page.<br />

C I almost wept.<br />

A Princess, ari mụ Dr. Kemepadei la ngi<br />

Princess, I am going to Dr. Kemepadei.<br />

do.<br />

B Ari mu bisa kị mị la ngi da?<br />

You are going to that man?<br />

C What are you both saying?<br />

30


A Nothing much. Bei to boụ ma kala to<br />

boụ. Ara bibi mọ kpo inou bara kị firi<br />

yemi. Oni ki bi be ni amomo ere ema ba<br />

ongo di mo egbei mi. See you guys later.<br />

Nothing much. This girl is a youngster. Her<br />

mouth still leaks uncontrollably like a rotten<br />

sore. I really need to be careful with her. See<br />

you guys later.<br />

4.1.2 Datum Two Gloss<br />

A These days, I can hardly stay without a<br />

man. It is becoming a disease.<br />

B As for me, my poor boyfriend cannot<br />

even satisfy me. All he cares about is<br />

himself.<br />

C Good evening my undergraduate school<br />

mothers.<br />

B (Laughs) Good evening my smallie.<br />

A Welcome back daughter.<br />

B Ine ton bara bi omini mu bisa seị tẹmẹ bi<br />

I think you need deliverance.<br />

Inongo bo mu seri ngi mo.<br />

A I nein kị ebi dein ma?<br />

(Laughs) Is your case any different?<br />

31


4.1.3 Datum Three Gloss<br />

A Tari, it will soon be 10am. Let’s leave<br />

this library for the class before the<br />

lecturer arrives.<br />

B Emeka, I really need to finish reading this<br />

chapter. Please, I will join you in the<br />

class.<br />

A But you can continue later.<br />

C Emeka mu gha! Ịkịrịkị ara ifie wẹrị emi<br />

Emeka go now! Or are you her time keeper?<br />

kimi gha?<br />

A What did you say?<br />

B She said you can never do without me<br />

around.<br />

A Of course. She spoke the truth.<br />

B Miebi, ari timiya ba Inongo bi eri emi<br />

yebi keni kisi kisi, likai likai ki pangi mo<br />

classi la da ba.<br />

Miebi, I insist on staying back because I need<br />

to change the sanitary pad I have on before<br />

going to the class. It is already soaked.<br />

32


4.1.4 Datum Four Gloss<br />

A I have had several wet dream experiences<br />

in just one week. It seems unusual.<br />

B Are you bothered?<br />

A Yes I am. It seems abnormal.<br />

B Some people say it is caused by lack of<br />

sexual intercourse or the presence of a<br />

spiritual wife.<br />

A God forbid. Do you mean…<br />

C Ah! Good morning guys. So you are<br />

seated here waiting to see the football<br />

match as well?<br />

A Yes.<br />

B Good morning Amina.<br />

A Ine gba emi bara bi bei ye mo kpo Ipa<br />

meingi ma?<br />

B Ari la gba gha.<br />

Do you mean I will continue to have these<br />

regular wet dream experiences?<br />

I can’t tell.<br />

4.1.5 Datum Five Gloss<br />

A I need to study M.T Lamidi’s Aspects of<br />

33


Chomskyan Grammar before next week.<br />

Ebi please do you have a copy of the book?<br />

B I’m yet to get a copy.<br />

C Araụ Ikpe Imo. Nu bai dein bi ari ara<br />

ekpeti bolou bo erị mo.<br />

She is lying. I saw the book in her locker<br />

last night.<br />

A But I thought you bought a copy from the<br />

courserep?<br />

B Not at all. I only kept it safe for him. I have<br />

returned it already.<br />

C Bei okpo bi boloụ seịbi bein ki bein nimi.<br />

A Barasin ye. Ari mu zini kimi bi ngi mi.<br />

There is wickedness in this world.<br />

Don’t worry my friend. I will ask someone<br />

else.<br />

In everyday communication between human beings, participants are involved and<br />

they differ on individual basis. Proficiency in a certain language(s) may successfully bind two<br />

participants; the opposite of which will bring about a separation. Here, the latter is the case as<br />

deduced from a study of data 1-5. The conversations above contain instances of CS. The<br />

switching of the codes was done so as to edge out one of the interlocutors by switching to a<br />

linguistic system that was incomprehensible to one of the interlocutors.<br />

Speakers A and B in datum 1 are both from the same linguistic background. So they<br />

were able to converse successfully in one language that is both known to them (Ịzọn) and<br />

34


were able to exclude speaker C because of her lack of knowledge in the language of<br />

interaction. From the final utterance rendered by speaker A, it is clear that the sociological<br />

motivation for this switch is the age factor. Hence,the need for secrecy. The same is the case<br />

in datum 2 as speaker C is successfully excluded. Data 3 and 4 offer a different view of<br />

exclusion as speakers A (male) and C (female) respectively are excluded using the CS tool in<br />

a bid to achieve secrecy necessitated by the sex variable. The discussion of certain issues is<br />

most reasonable and comfortable in the midst of only interlocutors who belong to the same<br />

sex. At times when such topics arise, a switch of code is the last resort. The need for secrecy<br />

in datum 5 is likewise the motivation behind the CS and subsequent exclusion of speaker B<br />

from the conversation. The excluded speakers also do not have any educational background<br />

as far as the Ịzọn language is concerned. This is also a factor.<br />

4.2 Category B – Incompetence of Interlocutors<br />

4.2.1 Datum Six Gloss<br />

A Ari dion ko mu emo?<br />

B Ari mu ini chemical samples mo ki koro<br />

Where are you going?<br />

I’m going to submit my chemical samples.<br />

mo ngi do.<br />

A Tuba kipi ngi do?<br />

B Ine project supervisor bi.<br />

To who?<br />

My project supervisor.<br />

35


C Ese fa.<br />

Alright.<br />

4.2.2 Datum Seven Gloss<br />

A Tarila, ine testi bi tu bara ki pagha mo?<br />

B Sei yagha.<br />

A Ari dingi ifie ko departmental office o mu<br />

emo?<br />

B Ari bubai bo mụ mi.<br />

A Ari notice boardi bo ye eri ma?<br />

B Inyo. Exam timetable bi pa do.<br />

A O! Umbana. Ari dein bai Ine eri ngimi.<br />

Tarila, how was your test?<br />

It was not bad.<br />

When last did you visit the departmental<br />

office?<br />

I was there yesterday.<br />

Did you find anything on the notice board?<br />

Yes. The examination time table is out.<br />

Oh! Thanks. Thanks. I will see you<br />

tomorrow.<br />

B Nado. Ese fagha.<br />

Okay. No problem.<br />

4.2.3 Datum Eight Gloss<br />

A Good evening.<br />

B Nua o Ebipa. Ine projecti bi dingi bara ki<br />

lado?<br />

Good evening, Ebipa. How is your project<br />

going?<br />

A Good. I am still working on it.<br />

36


B Ine bino owei bi ma?<br />

What of your brother?<br />

A He is not yet back.<br />

B Okay. Okule ni ebimo obo da ba.<br />

Okay. My regards to him on his return.<br />

A Okay.<br />

4.2.4 Datum Nine Gloss<br />

A Layefa, I heard you lost your laptop.<br />

B Inyo. Hosteli ko ọpiri fụrụ mo.<br />

A Dila ehn.God will provide another.<br />

B Amen. Umbana koi do.<br />

Yes. It was stolen in the hostel.<br />

Sorry. God will provide another.<br />

Amen. Thank you very much.<br />

4.2.5 Datum Ten Gloss<br />

A Arị bi sa secondary material bi eri da?<br />

B Un-un o. Bei oku library mo emi bara ari<br />

mo ton gha o.<br />

A Nia wini mu gallery shelves anga bi di gha.<br />

B Bisa ye bimo o pagha fangimo bimi moun<br />

ki Ịkori yemo.<br />

Have you seen that secondary material?<br />

No. I don’t think it is available in this area<br />

of the library.<br />

Then, we have to check the gallery shelves.<br />

That has to be later because I am hungry<br />

now.<br />

37


The interlocutors in the utterances above are good examples of bilinguals who lack<br />

competence in their L1 (Ịzọn). They could not have the conversations in one language<br />

without employing the use of words from another language. English (L2) words were inserted<br />

into Ịzọn (L2) utterances as the interlocutors could not find an equivalent of these words in<br />

their L1. So they take solace in their L2. We see instances of both CS and CM in this<br />

category. Datum 6 shows instances of CM made by speaker Bwith words such as “chemical<br />

samples” and “project supervisor.” The English words found within Ịzọn sentences in datum<br />

7 include “test”, “departmental office”, “notice board” and “exam timetable.” In datum 8, we<br />

see just one instance of CM with the word “project” and others are instances of CS<br />

occasioned by the incompetence of speaker A who continues switching to English in reply to<br />

the issues raised by speaker B who makes use of the Ịzọn language. Datum 9 shows the word<br />

“hostel” used in CM as speaker B could not find an equivalent in the L1. We also see both<br />

speakers code-switch at various times. CM is predominant in datum 10 with the introduction<br />

of such words as “secondary material”, “library” and “gallery shelves.”<br />

Educational background as a sociological variable that affects speech generally, and<br />

particularly CS and CM, happens to be the motivation behind the language switches and<br />

mixing in data 6-10. The incompetence of interlocutors shows that their L1 educational<br />

background is not very solid, especially that of a speaker like speaker A in datum 8 and 9<br />

respectively who make complete switches.<br />

38


4.3 Category C – Admittance of an Interlocutor<br />

4.3.1 Datum Eleven Gloss<br />

A Ine fiyai mo enjoy ye me nị?<br />

B Un-un o. Pepper mo Izon buo mo.<br />

A Dila ehn.<br />

I hope you are enjoying the meal?<br />

Not really. Pepper is too much.<br />

Sorry about that.<br />

B I know it is Gift who made you add so much<br />

pepper to the food.<br />

C We don’t eat food that is not peppery in this<br />

room. If you can’t manage it, check the next<br />

room.<br />

4.3.2 Datum Twelve Gloss<br />

A Bebi sa wo tolụ mo ere ma gba ye bi ari<br />

Do you understand what the lecturer said?<br />

suo tu numu ni ebimo ma?<br />

B Inyo. Ari ma?<br />

A Ari suo tu numu kagha o.<br />

Yes. Don’t you?<br />

I don’t understand.<br />

B She simply means every student must make<br />

the expected minimum score in order to<br />

pass the course.<br />

39


C Ah! Is that what the lecturer meant by that<br />

figurative statement?<br />

B Yes.<br />

C Thanks. I was confused until I heard you<br />

say so.<br />

B I noticed the look on your face. You’re<br />

welcome my friend.<br />

4.3.3 Datum Thirteen Gloss<br />

A Ye mose dingi bara ki emi yo?<br />

B Emiyo. Wini nua na woyengi kule mi.<br />

A Ine sịlị mo ma?<br />

B Ari tu wa igbe ngi mi.<br />

How is everything?<br />

Fine. We thank God.<br />

What about my money?<br />

I will pay you soon.<br />

A Just try and give me the money today.<br />

B You love money too much.<br />

C I can’t believe you haven’t given Preye<br />

the money till now. It is improper.<br />

40


4.3.4 Datum Fourteen Gloss<br />

A Wo posting na I.T. bo mu ngi mi listi bi<br />

Our posting list for I.T. is out.<br />

pa do.<br />

B Gesi egberi?<br />

A Inyo.<br />

You don’t mean it.<br />

I do.<br />

B Victoria, have you heard any news about<br />

I.T. posting?<br />

C Yes. I even have a softcopy of the list.<br />

4.3.5 Datum Fifteen Gloss<br />

A Bein gbai fellowship bi dingi bara ki<br />

How was fellowship today?<br />

pamo?<br />

B Imbele buo mi.Umbana.<br />

A Ị teghe nị ịpịrị ma?<br />

B Un-un. Pasi sei bolou kon kumo ari<br />

It was fine. Thank you.<br />

Did you pray for me?<br />

No. Sorry I forgot.<br />

barafa mi.<br />

A I know it is Ejiro you had on your mind<br />

all through the period of prayer which<br />

made you forget me.<br />

C Jealousy! She is not the prayer secretary<br />

41


after all. If you want to be prayed for,<br />

contact the prayer secretary.<br />

The above conversations contain instances of CS and CM that were deliberate acts,<br />

being motivated by the need to accommodate third parties who are not proficient in Ịzọn and<br />

therefore cannot converse in it. The conversations were initiated in the bilinguals’ L1 but<br />

later on in the conversation, they code-switched to their L2 (English).<br />

In datum 11 as the conversation begins, we see instances of CM with words such as<br />

“enjoy” and “pepper” fused alongside Ịzọn into the speech process. Later, there is a switch of<br />

codes to accommodate speaker C. datum 12 and 13 show instances of CS with speakers A<br />

and B as proficient speakers, switching to English to admit speaker C into the conversation.<br />

Words like “posting”, “list” and “I.T.” (initials for intensive training) in datum 14 are<br />

examples of CM. a switch is later effected to admit Victoria who happens to be speaker C.<br />

“fellowship” in datum 15 occasions CM. Ejiro (speaker C) is later admitted in the event of<br />

CS.<br />

Just as it applied to 4.1 and 4.2 respectively, educational background is also a major<br />

sociological factor here in 4.3 as the admitted interlocutor has no educational history with the<br />

Ịzọn language, whereas the initial speakers in the conversation act do.<br />

42


4.4 Category D – Introduction of Proverbs and Technical Terms<br />

4.4.1 Datum Sixteen Gloss<br />

A Why are you wearing a sleeveless blouse<br />

to school again?<br />

B But what is wrong with it?<br />

A Didn’t you hear about the new dress code<br />

yesterday?<br />

B It is almost 4pm after all.<br />

A Gba ye na bi ebi na kin a ikian kun dein ni<br />

Obedience is better than sacrifice.<br />

mi.<br />

B I have heard you.<br />

4.4.2 Datum Seventeen Gloss<br />

A I believe by now, you should be done with<br />

the map diagram assignments for the<br />

semester?<br />

B I’m still on the first one.<br />

A You think this course is a joke?<br />

B I’m trying my best my dear.<br />

43


A This course is not like that of Dr. Ike,<br />

mind you.<br />

B Yes o! That’s true.<br />

A Ine Ịgịna bini bou emi bara bi arị bisa bara<br />

na bini bou gua o.<br />

It is not the same way you drink water that<br />

you drink pepper soup.<br />

4.4.3 Datum Eighteen Gloss<br />

A I just saw Karina leaving the premises.<br />

Don’t tell me she is coming from your<br />

room.<br />

B Is there a problem? She’s now my friend.<br />

A Obiri kpe keni aka kina wo owou mo zoru<br />

emi. Bisa aka kina wo dioko otumo kpo<br />

sụụ emi.<br />

It is the same teeth with which the dog plays<br />

with its babies that it uses against its<br />

enemies.<br />

4.4.4 Datum Nineteen Gloss<br />

A I can’t believe you came along with<br />

Jennifer to the party. Since when did she<br />

become of our class?<br />

44


B I just thought we could give her a chance.<br />

A Ari kala obiri tobou mo zoru daba erị ine<br />

ikein na okpo sẹ dia ngimi.<br />

If you play with a puppy, it shows your<br />

nakedness to the world.<br />

4.4.5 Datum Twenty Gloss<br />

A Chima is a hypocrite. I don’t think I can<br />

ever forgive him.<br />

B Don’t say that.<br />

A Our relationship has obviously hit the<br />

rocks.<br />

B Imolou mo aka mo sụụ bara mo se keni la<br />

bibi bolou do seri na fi pirigha.<br />

No matter how much the tongue and the<br />

teeth fight, no one will leave the mouth for<br />

the other.<br />

Some topics lend themselves readily to one language rather than the other. There are<br />

topics that are best discussed in one’s MT. Switch may also occur when one wants to<br />

introduce metaphors, proverbs, idioms and expressions in one’s MT to enrich the discussion.<br />

Data 15-20 show examples of proverbs being used by speakers in interaction. In all<br />

five instances, we see the occurrence of CS which makes it possible for the intended message<br />

to be passed on to the respective hearers clothed in the garment that best suits it (the L1). The<br />

45


interlocutors were communicating in English language but in a bid to clarify an issue,<br />

admonish and caution, the other interlocutors switched to Ịzọn out rightly because that is the<br />

language that can do the job of passing the message across. The proverbs or wise sayings that<br />

were switched to was as a result of the interlocutors’ feeling that that was the best language in<br />

which the proverbs could be said. There was a need to clarify a message, reinforce a message<br />

or for the introduction of technical terms and expressions and so, there was a change<br />

occasioned by the situation/context which is a sociological variable which motivates or<br />

necessitates this language switch.<br />

46


CHAPTER FIVE<br />

SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION <strong>AND</strong> CONCLUSION<br />

5.1 SUMMARY<br />

From the beginning, this research set out to investigate CS and CM as speech<br />

characteristics that occur among the Ịzọn-English bilingual population of NDU<br />

undergraduates. Going further, it aimed at ascertaining the conditions that influence their<br />

occurrence and the effects of occurrence whether positive or negative while paying rapt<br />

attention to certain sociological variables. The researcher began by defining the nature and<br />

direction of this work and the contributions of some important authorities or scholars in the<br />

field of CS and CM were reviewed. The researcher collected data primarily through live<br />

audio recording which were presented and analyzed using the tabular method. An important<br />

finding is that CS and CM among NDU Ịzọn-English bilingual undergraduates takes different<br />

forms. This observation follows the prior confirmation that they actually code-switch and<br />

code-mix. It was found that there are various causes underlying these occurrences which<br />

include: the desire to exclude a third party in a conversation process, incompetence in the<br />

usage of their L1, the desire to accommodate a third party into a conversation and the usage<br />

of a proverb, wise saying or a technical term.<br />

From the foregoing, one can firmly say that undergraduates of NDU have been<br />

influenced by their bilingual environment and that the sociolinguistic view that CS and CM<br />

usually result from bilingualism/multilingualism is not based on falsehood.<br />

47


5.2 RECOMMENDATION<br />

Nigeria is essentially a multilingual society which recognizes three of its indigenous<br />

languages for official purposes like that of the National Assembly amongst others. These<br />

indigenous languages are Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. They co-exist with the English language.<br />

The three major indigenous Nigerian languages are already in the curriculum of<br />

primary and secondary schools and are even courses in higher institutions. I recommend that<br />

other minor languages (of which Ịzọn is a part) should also be introduced at all levels of<br />

education so as to avoid incompetence in the performance of these indigenous languages<br />

among Nigerian undergraduates. The various local governments can partner with the state<br />

governments on this for effective result. By so doing, language death will be avoided and<br />

Nigerian students will have adequate mastery of the use of their second language as well as<br />

their indigenous languages. The rate at which a good number of Nigerian undergraduates are<br />

losing proficiency in their L1 is quite alarming. A Nigerian undergraduate can barely interact<br />

with friends in his or her indigenous language without switching or mixing it with the<br />

acquired L2. Even while the actual field work was being carried out for this research work,<br />

the population of Ịzọn indigenes the researcher encountered who lack adequate knowledge of<br />

their MT was jaw-dropping and this is not a healthy situation for the Ijaw nation and for<br />

Nigeria at large seeing that we are drifting gradually towards a loss of our culture which, as a<br />

matter of fact, is what makes us a people.<br />

In respect of this, I recommend that Nigerian undergraduates do not belittle their<br />

indigenous languages whenever these languages are introduced to them as courses.<br />

48


Furthermore, Nigerian undergraduates studying these indigenous languages at the universities<br />

or other higher institutions as disciplines should develop a right attitude towards them so as to<br />

elevate the status of these languages. Students should be proud of their indigenous languages<br />

because they constitute their linguistic heritage.<br />

5.3 CONCLUSION<br />

From the findings discussed earlier, this essay has answered the questions specified<br />

under its aims and objectives of the study. It is now crystal clear that Ịzọn-English<br />

undergraduates of NDU actually code-switch and code-mix and, of course, in different<br />

categories.<br />

It was observed that most of the undergraduates who switch from one code to another<br />

or mix were not affected in the usage of their L2 (in this case, English) as any attempt made<br />

at reading, writing or speaking English language as determined by the context turned out<br />

successful.<br />

In a nutshell, it can be said that CS is a display of the bilingual’s competence while<br />

CM is a sign of vocabulary inadequacies in the L1. One can justifiably say that bilinguals<br />

continue to fail in their quest to achieve absolute competence in their MT. Hence, they easily<br />

code-mix to avoid the ideas they do not have words to express. In the event of the total<br />

absence of an L2, speakers would have had no other option but to search for every needed<br />

word in their L1 but since that is not the case, we see a large number of Ịzọn-English<br />

bilinguals of NDU not making any further effort at finding the word equivalent in their L1.<br />

49


Hence, absolute competence among these students is a rare disposition to encounter. This is a<br />

major disadvantage of CS and CM. Despite this disadvantage amongst others, CS and CM are<br />

still beneficial and indispensable in communication today for the variety of sociological<br />

purposes which they serve. It is noteworthy to say that despite all issues surrounding or<br />

influencing both concepts which this study has critically examined, CS and CM as linguistic<br />

occurrences have come to stay and would continue to thrive as long as different human<br />

beings from different backgrounds inter-relate and communicate and as long as individuals<br />

and societies alike continue to possess the potentiality of bilingualism and/or multilingualism.<br />

50


WORKS CITED<br />

Alo, M. (1998). Style in Language and Communication. Port Harcourt: Aeddy Link.<br />

Ayeomoni, M.O. (2006). “Code-Switching and Code-Mixing: Style of Language Use in<br />

Childhood in Yoruba Speech Community.” Nordic Journal of African Studies, 15 (1):<br />

90-99.<br />

Brezjanovic-Shogren, J. (2011). Analysis of Code-Switching and Code-Mixing Among<br />

Bilingual Children: Two Case Studies of Serbian-English Language Interaction.<br />

Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Wichita State University.<br />

Chuma-Udeh, N. and Echezona, I.E. (2012). English Language Studies: Facts, Patterns and<br />

Principles. Onitsha: Africana First Publishers PLC.<br />

Hudson, R.A. (1980). Sociolinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />

Kquofi, S., Olowonirejuaro, A. and Asante, E.A. (2013). “Panoply of Selected Asante and<br />

Ijaw Cultural Practices: Comparative and Descriptive Study.” African Journal of<br />

History and Culture, 5 (4): 78-86.<br />

Matthews, P.H. (2007). Oxford Concise Dictionary of Linguistics. New York: Oxford<br />

University Press.<br />

Muysken, P. (2000). Bilingual Speech: A Typology of Code-Mixing. Cambridge: Cambridge<br />

University Press.<br />

51


Ngulube, I.E. (2015). Learn English Son: A Practical Approach to the English Language.<br />

Port Harcourt: Up Ulamba Publishers.<br />

Obiamalu, G.O. and Mbagwu, D.U. (2008). “Motivations for Code-Switching Among<br />

Igboenglish Bilinguals: A Linguistic and Sociopsychological Survey.” Ogirisi: A New<br />

Journal of African Studies, 5 (3): 27-39.<br />

Oladosu, M.A. (2011). Code-Mixing as a Sociolinguistic Medium in Some Selected Songs in<br />

the Nigerian Music Industry. Unpublished B.A. Project, University of Ilorin.<br />

Tamunobelema, I. (2011). Varieties of English. Port Harcourt: Super Achievers Resources<br />

Limited.<br />

Wardhaugh, R. (1998). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.<br />

Webster (1995). The New Webster’s Dictionary of the English Language. New York:<br />

Lexicon International-Publishers Guild Group.<br />

Yul-Ifode, S. (2001). An Introduction to Language in History and Society. Port Harcourt:<br />

University of Port Harcourt Press.<br />

52

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!