CODE SWITCHING AND CODE MIXING AMONG IZON ENGLISH BILINGUALS A CASE STUDY OF NIGER DELTA UNIVERSITY STUDENTS.
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<strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>SWITCHING</strong> <strong>AND</strong> <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>MIXING</strong> <strong>AMONG</strong> <strong>IZON</strong>-<br />
<strong>ENGLISH</strong> <strong>BILINGUALS</strong>: A <strong>CASE</strong> <strong>STUDY</strong> <strong>OF</strong> <strong>NIGER</strong> <strong>DELTA</strong><br />
<strong>UNIVERSITY</strong> <strong>STUDENTS</strong>.<br />
CHAPTER ONE<br />
INTRODUCTION<br />
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE <strong>STUDY</strong><br />
As a matter of fact, language has been in use from time immemorial by man and has<br />
passed through various levels of evolution. Tamunobelema Isaac holds that language is “a<br />
universal property of all human beings. Language is everywhere and every normal human<br />
being possesses it…Language is the instrument of social existence…”(1). Similarly, to<br />
Wardhaugh Ronald, “Language means a system of arbitrary vocal symbols used for human<br />
communications” (9). A lot of issues have arisen over time concerning language use in<br />
society, including code-switching and code-mixing. To this end, language scholars have paid<br />
wholesome, uninterrupted attention to both concepts. Also, monolingualism, bilingualism and<br />
multilingualism have been, and are still relevant topics of discourse.<br />
Factually, one aspect of language study that attracts much attention today is<br />
sociolinguistics. It examines the use of language by considering social parameters. It is a<br />
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elatively wide discipline which encompasses various variables like age, sex, region,<br />
educational qualification, religion and so on. Sociolinguistics takes an investigative look at<br />
language in relation to the society. It is necessary to state that this research anchors on<br />
sociolinguistics.<br />
This research focuses on code-switching(CS) and code-mixing(CM) in relation to<br />
bilingualism, bilingualism being a linguistic feature of certain language users. Tamunobelema<br />
opines that a code is “a language, a variety of a language or a system used for communication<br />
between participants in a discourse event” (123). Bilingualism is, according to The New<br />
Webster’s Dictionary of the English Language, “the habitual use of two languages by an<br />
individual or group of individuals” (96). These two languages, usually, include the mother<br />
tongue (L1) of the individual(s) and for an Anglophone country like Nigeria, English<br />
language (L2). Chuma-Udeh, N. and Echezona, I.E. record that “Nigeria, the most largest and<br />
populated country in West Africa and even in Africa as a whole has an estimated population<br />
of over 150 million (cf National Population Commission 2006). In such a large country, there<br />
exist well over 450 different languages and dialect clusters. Nigeria as a nation is entirely<br />
held together by the presence of English language. If this English language is removed, the<br />
Nigerian nation will cease to exist” (184). CS and CM are examined in this research as a case<br />
study of NDU Ịzọn-English bilinguals. Kquofi et al. note that “the Ijaw (also known by the<br />
subgroups ‘Ijo’ or ‘Izọn’) ethnic group is the largest minority group in Nigeria” (79). The<br />
Izọn language is spoken widely by the Ijaw populace as their main language and is thought to<br />
be one of the oldest of the region. There are numerous diverse languages, all mutually<br />
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intelligible, of which the most important are Gbanran, Ekpetiama and Kolokuma. Kolokuma<br />
is the language of education and this is the case because it is the dialect of Izon with an<br />
orthography developed to a satisfactory extent. The Ijaw population is estimated to be over<br />
ten million people with two prominernt groupings of the Izon language. The first, termed<br />
either Western or Central Izon (Ijaw) consists of Western Izon speakers: Ekeremor, Sagbama,<br />
Bassan, Apoi, Arogbo, Bomo, Kabo, Ogboin, Tarakiri and Kolokuma-Opokuma. The Nembe,<br />
Brass and Akassa dialects represent Southeast Izon. Biseni and Okordia dialects are<br />
considered inland Izon. The other major linguistic group is Kalabari (Abonnema, Buguma,<br />
Bakana, Degema, etc) which constitutes the Eastern Izon, alongside Okrika, Ibani (the natives<br />
of Bonny, Finima and Opobo) and Nkoroo. Even though people from all these language<br />
groups have similar experiences in their spoken English, the focus of this study is the speaker<br />
of the Izon dialect of Ijo.<br />
Since English language has been, and still is the official language and the Language<br />
of Wider Communication (LWC) in Nigeria (the most populous nation in the West African<br />
sub-region and on the African continent) as a nation and a second language (L2) to a vast<br />
majority of Nigerians, especially those with some form of formal education, the rationale<br />
behind the existence of Izọn-English bilinguals in the Ijaw society and in the Nigerian society<br />
at large is not far-fetched, neither can it be over-emphasized.<br />
Why then do we use two languages? In some countries, nearly everybody is bilingual<br />
or multilingual. People may become bilingual either by acquiring two languages at the same<br />
time in childhood or by learning a second language sometime after acquiring their first<br />
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language. Many bilingual people grow up speaking two languages. As a matter of fact, there<br />
are several reasons for the use of two languages by speakers. To the “why use two languages”<br />
question, the obvious answer will be: to communicate with people of different language<br />
backgrounds. A more elaborate and detailed answer is offered by Tamunobelema when he<br />
says “In fact, in order to meet up their social, cultural, political and business demands, people<br />
have turned multilinguals” (117). Bilinguals interact with other bilinguals, and opt to use<br />
their different languages in a complex network of interaction that proves extremely difficult<br />
to describe and explain. The choice of language will vary depending on the type of person<br />
addressed (e.g. members of the family, course mates, colleagues, superiors, friends,<br />
shopkeepers, officials, transport personnel, neighbours) and on the location or social setting<br />
(e.g. a family may vary their language use depending on whether they are at home, in the<br />
street, or in church; at the office, someone may talk to a colleague in language X, but over<br />
lunch talk to the same person using language Y). Even more complex are the many cases<br />
where a bilingual talks to another bilingual with the same language background, and yet<br />
changes from one language to another in the course of the conversation.<br />
Hudson Richard reveals clearly that code-switching is “the inevitable consequence of<br />
bilingualism (or more generally, multilingualism) “(51). Code-mixing, on the other hand,<br />
refers to “a change in language without any change at all in the situation” (53). CS and CM<br />
are actually obtainable where an individual or society is bilingual or multilingual but then,<br />
this study focuses on bilingualism alone and revolves around bilinguals. CS and CM are<br />
linguistic occurrences that are seen in everyday communication among persons who speak<br />
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two or more languages. They are important aspects of sociolinguistics given their use and<br />
status in the society. They occur because the speaker is in control of, and has the ability to use<br />
two or more languages and when he or she tries to communicate under varying<br />
circumstances; the elements of the languages are mixed between sentences, clauses and<br />
phrases. That is to say that an utterance may begin in one language and end in another<br />
because the speaker is, as Tamunobelema puts it, “two-tongued” (116).<br />
When a speaker comes in contact with more than one language, there is a very high<br />
tendency that the speaker will begin use of both languages even if it might not be with equal<br />
proficiency since in most instances, the speaker may not have achieved native-like fluency in<br />
both languages. However, these languages affect one another and often lead to codeswitching<br />
and code-mixing. It is obvious that students code-switch and code-mix, sometimes<br />
in order to be admitted into some social situations amongst other numerous reasons; reasons<br />
which are explored in this research. There are also negative and positive effects. It is<br />
therefore pertinent that these concepts which are in direct communion with human society<br />
and our educational system should be accorded adequate attention in order to enlighten the<br />
general public.<br />
1.2 STATEMENT <strong>OF</strong> THE PROBLEM<br />
Code-switching and code-mixing are linguistic phenomena that occur in various<br />
situations and contexts and within or between various individuals who have varying speech<br />
characteristics. They may occur among bilinguals who are basically users of two languages.<br />
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They may also occur among multilingual persons who are users of more than two languages.<br />
We could also have individual bilingualism/multilingualism where linguistic competence and<br />
performance in two or more languages are seen in individuals and societal<br />
bilingualism/multilingualism where linguistic competence and performance in two or more<br />
languages are seen in the society at large. Specifically then, this research sets out to provide<br />
valid findings or results about the mode of occurrence of code-switching and code-mixing not<br />
just among any individual or society but among the Izọn-English bilingual population of<br />
NDU undergraduates, giving relevant insight and answers to the factors that condition the<br />
occurrence, their effects, the positive or negative nature of these effects and other relevant<br />
details.<br />
1.3 AIMS <strong>AND</strong> OBJECTIVES <strong>OF</strong> THE <strong>STUDY</strong><br />
This long essay hopes to, through a practical sociolinguistic study, establish the<br />
indispensable place of CS and CM in everyday communication among NDU Izọn-English<br />
bilinguals. It aims to provide relevant insight into the factors that condition these happenings,<br />
whether negative or positive. Furthermore, the motivation or causes underlying the use of CS<br />
and CM as well as the frequency of their occurrence and the effects are examined.<br />
1.4 SCOPE <strong>AND</strong> LIMITATION <strong>OF</strong> THE <strong>STUDY</strong><br />
This study actually covers a really large population of educated persons (Izon-English<br />
bilinguals) but due to the limited time allowed for research, this work is limited to NDU<br />
undergraduates who, specifically, are Izọn-English bilinguals. Therefore, forming the centre<br />
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of this study. Niger Delta University is a multilingual institution which comprises students<br />
from different linguistic backgrounds across the country. Most of the students are bilinguals<br />
who can speak at least one indigenous language and English. The data to be used in this<br />
research work is gathered from the undergraduates in their lecture halls, hostels, etc. The<br />
research highlights instances of CS and CM in their various conversations and analyzes them.<br />
1.5 JUSTIFICATION/SIGNIFICANCE <strong>OF</strong> THE <strong>STUDY</strong><br />
Several scholars have looked into CS and CM in times past and, as a matter of fact, a<br />
bulk of knowledge has emerged about both concepts. Nonetheless, a lot of it has bothered on<br />
the linguistic aspect of both concepts like the grammatical items involved in CS and CM<br />
taking place and level of proficiency / fluency in the usage of the languages possessed by the<br />
speaker, whether “native-like” as Leonard Bloomfield calls it or not. Be that as it may, some<br />
scholars have also considered the sociological aspect of the ideas but what sociological<br />
factors affect the occurrence of CS and CM among Izon-English bilinguals on and around the<br />
NDU campus environment and what could be the possible effects? This research work offers<br />
valid materials concerning the topic in order to make up for any iota of want of information.<br />
It lays bare the interaction of both linguistic patterns i.e. code-switching and code-mixing and<br />
how they make or mar communication among students. It determines whether these issues<br />
have a negative effect on the linguistic proficiency of speakers or a positive one, discouraging<br />
the negative and giving firm encouragement to the positive. Different scholars have arrived at<br />
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various conclusions why people code-switch and code-mix. Appel and Muysken (1987) who<br />
used Jakobson’s (1960) and Halliday’s (1964) work as their basis opine that certain demands<br />
or functions are motivating factors to CS and CM such as the referential, directive,<br />
expressive, poetic functions and the change of the tone of the conversation. Another prolific<br />
explanation for code change is proffered by Wardhaugh (2002). His approach to the<br />
motivation for switching and mixing represents an essential factor in the code choice and that<br />
“solidarity with listeners, choice of topic and perceived social and cultural distance all<br />
together play an important role in the speaker’s choice” (103). The findings at the end of this<br />
research provide additional knowledge to the field of sociolinguistics and are of great benefit<br />
to bilinguals, students of language and the society at large.<br />
1.6 METHODOLOGY <strong>OF</strong> DATA COLLECTION<br />
Data for this research work is derived from the conversation of Izọn-English<br />
bilinguals randomly selected from various faculties of Niger Delta University, Wilberforce<br />
Island, Bayelsa State by means of live audio recording which is analyzed in order for this<br />
research to find out all necessary information it sets out to ascertain. Journals, textbooks,<br />
papers/ essays by renowned authors are consulted, personal interview with some respondents<br />
conducted and the personal observation of the researcher are also of great significance.<br />
1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK<br />
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CS and CM could be studied through many different approaches that could yield more<br />
or less productive results, depending on the context. However, the theoretical approach that is<br />
applied to this study is the sociolinguistic approach as proffered by Auer Peter (1998:3). One<br />
of the main questions regarding the patterns of CS and CM is why they occur in the first<br />
place. What is the motivation or driving factor(s) behind bilingual language behaviour? For<br />
the purpose of this study, the sociological approach is considered applying the Markedness<br />
Model.<br />
Proposed by Carol Myers-Scotton (1993), he notes therein that “a bilingual individual<br />
has a sense of markedness with regard to the relationship with the interlocutor who<br />
essentially is the one choosing the code in the conversation. In such situation, the speaker is<br />
perceived as a rational actor who can make either the unmarked choice, the more secure and<br />
the more expected choice, often used by the speakers, or the marked choice which is<br />
generally unexpected in interaction” (75).<br />
1.8 THESIS STATEMENT<br />
Having explored briefly relevant concepts, it is revealed that code-switching(CS) and<br />
code-mixing(CM) as linguistic occurrences are not just manifestations of/or the repercussions<br />
of the possession of the knowledge of two languages by an individual (speaker) but are<br />
actually offshoots of certain factors (sociological variables) such as educational background,<br />
age, sex, situation/context amongst others.<br />
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CHAPTER TWO<br />
REVIEW <strong>OF</strong> RELATED LITERATURE<br />
2.1 THE DYNAMICS <strong>OF</strong> LANGUAGE ALTERNATION<br />
Developing communicative competence in two or more languages makes room for<br />
communicative effectiveness; giving individuals opportunities to express their feelings,<br />
thoughts and shape their identity. It also helps them satisfy their individual and social needs<br />
in the different contexts of the languages used. Code-switching and code-mixing are well<br />
known traits in the speech pattern of the average bilingual in any human society the world<br />
over. The phenomena of code-switching and code-mixing of languages have long intrigued<br />
scholars who have examined what triggers such occurrences. Lipski, as quoted in Obiamalu<br />
and Mbagwu (2007), records that code-switching and code-mixing are known to be universal<br />
phenomena among bilinguals. Not until recently, code-switching and code-mixing was seen<br />
as evidence of “internal mental confusion, the inability to separate two languages sufficiently<br />
to warrant the description of true bilingualism” (191). Studies have shown that codeswitching<br />
is not a manifestation of mental confusion but rule-governed behavior among<br />
bilinguals which is motivated by various socio-psychological, as well as linguistic factors.<br />
Switching between languages is extremely common and takes many forms. A long narrative<br />
may switch from one language to the other. Sentences may alternate. A sentence may begin<br />
in one language and finish in another. Or phrases from both languages may succeed each<br />
other in apparently random order. Sociolinguistics considers code-switching and code-mixing<br />
as the by-products of bilingualism. Yul-Ifode Shirley brings to our notice that “both code-<br />
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switching and code-mixing are sometimes called language switching” (188). Language<br />
switching is not solely determined by the social situation. It can also be used by a speaker for<br />
his own purpose; to influence or define the situation as he wishes, and to convey nuances of<br />
meaning and personal intention (Trudgill 1974:126; Corder 1973: 56-61). Language<br />
switching has been observed to be a great asset to people in the multilingual communities in<br />
achieving communicative effectiveness. Communicative effectiveness can, therefore, only be<br />
achieved if both the listener and speaker are fluent in the language(s) used; there is often a<br />
breakdown when there is no common language.<br />
2.2 <strong>CODE</strong><br />
A code, as Tamunobelema states, can loosely be described as “a language or a variety<br />
of a language. It is any kind of system that people employ for communication, which may be<br />
a group of persons or even an individual” (116). Whenever a man speaks, he is bound to<br />
choose a code, be it a particular language, dialect, style, register or a variety. In<br />
communication, a man may decide to use a particular code on a particular occasion due to<br />
one reason or the other. He may also shift from one code to another, or even mix them up at<br />
times. Obviously, there are factors that influence the choice of using a particular code.<br />
Ayeomoni chooses to take code as “a verbal component that can be as small as a morpheme<br />
or as comprehensive and complex as the entire system of language” (90). As such, the<br />
English language is a code, as well as the Ịzọn language. So also are single morphemes of<br />
either of/or both languages. A code is a system that is used by people to communicate with<br />
each other. When people want to talk each other, they have to choose a particular code to<br />
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express their feeling. According to Stockwell, a code is “a symbol of nationalism that is used<br />
by people to speak or communicate in a particular language, or dialect, or register, or accent,<br />
or style on different occasions and for different purposes” (8-9). Similarly, Wardhaugh also<br />
maintains that a code can be defined as “a system used for communication between two or<br />
more parties used on any occasions” (101). When two or more people communicate with<br />
each other in speech, we can call the system of communication that they employ a code.<br />
Therefore, people are usually required to select a particular code whenever they choose to<br />
speak, and they may also decide to switch from one code to another. Switching is found only<br />
in a balancedand stable bilingual.<br />
2.3 <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>SWITCHING</strong><br />
Code-switching refers to alternation between different varieties used by the<br />
bilingual/bidialectal during the conversational interaction. It is the complete switching of the<br />
speaker from one language to another. Yul-Ifode states that “it is a change from one language<br />
to another, where the change is conditioned by the subject, persons, situation, according to<br />
appropriate changes in speech situation in an unchanged situation. This kind of change is<br />
certainly not within the same sentence” (189). Hudson asserts that CS is “the inevitable<br />
consequence of bilingualism (or more generally, multilingualism)” (51). Obiamalu and<br />
Mbagwu (2007) says that CS refers to the alternate use of constituents from two languages in<br />
a single discourse. CS is a linguistic behaviour that arises as a result of languages coming into<br />
contact. Hymes (1974) defines CS as “a common term for alternative use of two or more<br />
languages, varieties of a language or even speech styles.” Bokamba (1989) defines CS as “the<br />
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mixing of words, phrases and sentences from two distinct grammatical (sub) systems across<br />
sentence boundaries within the same speech event; in other words, inter-sentential codeswitching”<br />
(278). Kumar (1995) adds, “CS which is influenced by extra-linguistic factors<br />
such as topic, interlocutors, setting, etc is the alternate use of lexical items, phrases, clauses<br />
and sentences from the non-native language (L2) into the system of the native language (L1)”<br />
(44).McGregor (2009) refers to code-switching as “the phenomenon common in bilingual<br />
speech communities in which speakers switch from one language to another within the same<br />
conversation” (168). Gal cited in Ronald (2000) says “code-switching is a conversational<br />
strategy used to establish, cross or destroy group boundaries, to create, evoke or change<br />
interpersonal relations with their rights and obligations”. Code-switching is also referred to as<br />
language switching in order to accommodate other kinds of variety, dialects and registers.<br />
In CS, anyone who speaks more than one language chooses between them according<br />
to circumstances and according to the language comprehensive to the persons addressed, the<br />
purpose is to get the right effect of communication. The phenomenon is evidently a complex<br />
and subtle one, with speakers, as experts think, usually being totally unaware of the extent to<br />
which they have been switching in a conversation. If interrupted, they may even be unable to<br />
say which language they were using in their last sentence. When their attention is drawn to<br />
this behaviour, most of them tend to apologize for it, condemn it and indicate disapproval of<br />
mixing languages. Nonetheless, it is a natural and powerful communicative feature of<br />
bilingual interaction, which presents linguists with one of their most intriguing analytical<br />
challenges.<br />
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2.3.1 TYPES <strong>OF</strong> <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>SWITCHING</strong><br />
Poplack (1980:605) cited in Romaine (1989), identified three types of CS namely:<br />
Tag, Inter-sentential and Intra-sentential switches. This categorization was echoed by Appel<br />
and Muysken (1987) and Romaine (1989).<br />
I. Tag Switching<br />
This involves the insertion of a tag in one language into an utterance which is otherwise<br />
entirely in the other language(s). For example, you know, I mean, etc to take some English<br />
examples. These tags serve as an emblem of the bilingual’s character of an otherwise<br />
monolingual sentence. Tags are subject to minimal syntactic restrictions, they may be<br />
inserted easily at a number of points in a monolingual utterance. This is to say that the<br />
insertion into the monolingual utterance does not violate syntactic rules. This implies that<br />
inter-sentential and intra-sentential switching reflects higher language proficiency, unlike in<br />
the case of tag switching.<br />
II.<br />
Inter-sentential Switching<br />
It involves a switch at a clause or sentence boundary where each clause or sentence is in<br />
one language or another. It may also occur between speaker turns. Inter-sentential switching<br />
can be thought of as requiring fluency in both languages since major portions of the utterance<br />
must conform to the rules of both languages. Myers-Scotton(1993) holds that Inter-sentential<br />
switching “involves switches from one language to another between sentences: a whole<br />
sentence (or more than one sentence) is produced entirely in one language before there is a<br />
switch to the other language” (3).<br />
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III.<br />
Intra-sentential Switching<br />
This involves a switch from one language to another with a clause or sentence boundary.<br />
Intra-sentential switch does not seem to raise any linguistic problem. In the case of a bilingual<br />
code-switching, the switch from one language to the other does not appear to violate the<br />
grammatical rules of either language. Myers-Scotton also notes that Intra-sentential switching<br />
occurs within the same sentence or sentence fragment” (4).<br />
Olaoye (2002) also identifies two types of code-switching. Olaoye is not a sole loyalist to<br />
this view as Hudson (1996) also documents these types. They are defined based on the<br />
context of usage. The first is Situational code-switching and the other, Metaphorical codeswitching.<br />
I. Situational Code-switching<br />
This occurs as a result of change in situation or social context. It might also be as a result<br />
of change in participant or interlocutors. Situational CS is driven by a particular situation<br />
where a speaker uses one code for one situation and another code for another situation. As<br />
Hudson puts it, “that is to say that the switches between languages always coincide with<br />
changes from one external situation (for example, talking to members of the family) to<br />
another (for example, talking to the neighbours)” (52). For instance, a lecturer who is<br />
lecturing in English may change code in the middle of a conversation to Ịzọn or Ibibio,<br />
depending on the tribe of the lecturer and that of the student being addressed. Such a lecturer<br />
may do so because he wants to change his role from that of a boss or teacher or an authority<br />
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figure to that of an ethnic brother especially when he realizes his student is of the same ethnic<br />
group. The student may also change from English to Ịzọn or Ibibio as the case may be, in<br />
order to appeal to the lecturer’s ethnic and linguistic solidarity.<br />
II.<br />
Metaphorical Code-switching<br />
Given this heavy symbolic load that languages bear, it is entirely to be expected that<br />
bilingual speakers will use their choice of language in order to define the situation, rather<br />
than letting the situation define the choice of languages. In clear cases, we can tell what<br />
situation we are in by just looking around us; for example, if we are in a lecture-room full of<br />
people or having breakfast with our family, classifying the situation is easy and if language<br />
choice varies with the situation, it is clearly the situation that decides the language, not the<br />
other way round. But in some cases, the situation is less clear, either because it is ambiguous<br />
or because the speaker decides to ignore the observable external situation and focus instead<br />
on less observable characteristics of the people concerned. Such cases where it is the choice<br />
of language that determines the situation are called metaphorical CS. (Blom and Gumperz<br />
1971). Metaphorical CS is also occasioned by change of topic and subject matter; in the sense<br />
that the topic is the driving factor in determination of which language will be used. The<br />
situation may remain the same but the topic of discussion changes. Some topics lend<br />
themselves readily to one language rather than the other. For instance, political based topics<br />
take switch form one’s mother tongue to English. In like manner, there are other topics that<br />
can best be discussed in one’s mother tongue i.e. a discussion in one’s native language (L1)<br />
than in a second language (L2). Switch may also occur when one wants to introduce<br />
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metaphors, proverbs, idioms and figurative expressions in one’s mother tongue to enrich the<br />
discussion.<br />
2.3.2 THE SOCIOLINGUISTIC FUNCTIONS <strong>OF</strong>/ REASONS FOR <strong>CODE</strong>-<br />
<strong>SWITCHING</strong><br />
There are a number of possible reasons for the switching from one language and these<br />
will now be considered, as presented by Crystal (1987), cited in Ngulube (2015). The first of<br />
these is the notion that a speaker may not be able to express him/herself in one language, so<br />
switches to the other to compensate for the deficiency. As a result, the speaker may be<br />
triggered into speaking in the other language for a while. This tends to happen a great deal<br />
when the speaker is upset, tired, or otherwise distracted. Again, this type of CS tends to occur<br />
when an individual wishes to express solidarity with a particular social group. Rapport is<br />
established between the speaker and the listener when the listener responds with a similar<br />
switch. This type of switching may also be used to exclude others who do not speak the<br />
second language from a conversation. An example of such a situation may be two people in<br />
an elevator engaging in discourse using a language other than English. Others in the elevator<br />
who do not speak the same language would be excluded from the conversation and a degree<br />
of comfort would exist amongst the speakers in the knowledge that not all those present in the<br />
elevator are listening to their conversation.<br />
The final reason for the switching behavior presented by Crystal (1987) is the<br />
alteration that occurs when the speaker wishes to convey his/her attitude to the listener-<br />
friendly, irritated, distant, ironic, jocular and so on. Where monolingual speakers can<br />
17
communicate these attitudes by means of variation in the level of formality in their speech,<br />
bilingual speakers can convey the same by CS. Crystal (1987) suggests that where two<br />
bilingual speakers are accustomed to conversing in a particular language, switching to the<br />
other is bound to create a special effect. These notions suggest that CS may be used as a<br />
socio-linguistic tool by bilingual speakers. A common example is for a mother to tell her<br />
child to do something in one language, and then, if the child fails to obey, to switch to<br />
another language, thereby showing her stronger emphasis or displeasure. These are some of<br />
the sociolinguistic functions that CS can perform.<br />
From the above discussion, it may be concluded that CS is not language interference<br />
on the basis that it supplements speech. Where it is used due to an inability of expression, CS<br />
provides continuity in speech rather than presenting interference in language. The sociolinguistic<br />
benefits have also been identified as a means of communicating solidarity, or<br />
affiliation to a particular social group, whereby CS should be viewed from the perspective of<br />
providing a linguistic advantage rather than an obstruction to communication. Furthermore,<br />
CS allows a speaker to convey attitude and other emotions using a method available to those<br />
who are bilingual and again serves to advantage the speaker, much like bolding or<br />
underlining in a text document to emphasize points. Utilizing the L2, then, allows speakers to<br />
increase the impact of their speech and use it in an effective manner.<br />
18
2.4 <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>MIXING</strong><br />
Many linguists have tried to define code-mixing in their own way. Bokamba (1989)<br />
notes “code-mixing is the embedding of various linguistic units such as affixes (bound<br />
morphemes), words (unbound morphemes), phrases and clauses from two distinct<br />
grammatical (sub) systems within the same sentence and speech event. That is, CM is an<br />
intra-sentential switching” (278). For Hudson (1996), CM takes place “where a fluent<br />
bilingual changes the language without any change at all in the situation” (53). Code mixing<br />
is a mixing of two codes or languages, usually without a change of topic. Code mixing often<br />
occurs within one sentence, one element is spoken in language A and the rest in language B.<br />
In addition, Nababan (1993:32) said that code mixing is found mainly in informal<br />
interactions. In formal situation, the speaker tends to mix it because there is no exact idiom in<br />
that language, so it is necessary to use words or idioms from other language. Oloruntoba-oju<br />
(1999) submits that code mixing occurs when elements of two or more linguistic systems are<br />
randomly used. It may occur as a result of backlash (receding competence in a language or as<br />
a result of the influence of L2 or reduced context of L1). It often occurs because the speaker<br />
can either not find an appropriate word in his mother tongue or because he or she finds the<br />
terms in the target language more convenient to use. Alabi (2007) asserts that code mixing is<br />
often an unconscious illocutionary act in naturally occurring conversation.Though no norm<br />
guides the level of code mixing, different communities and people maintain, consciously or<br />
unconsciously, their levels of code mixing which is constrained by competence. In CM, a<br />
fluent bilingual changes the language by using words from another language without any<br />
19
change at all in situation. It refers to the alternate use of constituents from two languages<br />
within a sentence.<br />
Code-mixing was first observed in West Africa and brought to attention by Ansre<br />
(1971) in relation to English and West African languages. He described it informally as:<br />
“inserting various chunks of English into the performance of West African languages in<br />
trying to show the influence of English on West African languages”. The practice of CM,<br />
which draws from competence in two languages at the same time, suggests that these<br />
competences are not stored or processed separately. Wardhaugh (1986) opines that “today,<br />
this phenomenon is referred to as code-mixing, a situation which people occasionally prefer<br />
to use a code formed from two other codes by mixing the two” (86). Harding and Riley<br />
(1986) also bring to our knowledge that “code-mixing can also be used to express emotion,<br />
close personal relationships and solidarity and to exclude a third person from part of a<br />
conversation” (57). Hudson (1996) goes ahead to say that the purpose of CM seems to be to<br />
symbolize a somewhat ambiguous situation for which neither language on its own will be<br />
quite right. To get the effect right, the speakers balance the two languages against each other<br />
as a kind of linguistic cocktail- a few words of one language, then a few words of the other,<br />
then back to the first for a few more words and so on.<br />
From the assertion of the scholars above it is evident that code-mixing reflects a<br />
situation where a speaker employs two languages alternatively in one utterance. This is often<br />
manifesting at the lexical level that is in the word used. This does not mean that it does not<br />
20
manifest at syntactic and semantic level, but it does more at the lexical level. Code-mixing is<br />
the random insertion of elements of one language into another. It is rapid, natural and not<br />
deliberate as speakers hardly pause to examine the elements they are using.<br />
2.4.1 TYPES <strong>OF</strong> <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>MIXING</strong><br />
I. Intra-sentential Switching/ Code-mixing<br />
This kind of code mixing occurs within a phrase, a clause or a sentence boundary, as<br />
when a French-English bilingual says: “I started going like this. Y luegodecla (and then he<br />
said), look at the smoke coming out my fingers.” Another example is from Wardhaugh<br />
(1986:108) “Estabatraining parapelar”: “He was training to fight.”<br />
II.<br />
Intra-lexical Code-mixing<br />
This kind of code mixing which occurs within a word boundary, such as in<br />
Shoppã (English shop with the Panjabi plural ending) or kuenjoy(English enjoy with the<br />
Swahili prefix ku, meaning ‘to’).<br />
III.<br />
Involving a Change of Pronunciation<br />
This kind of code-mixing occurs at the phonological level, as when Indonesian people<br />
say an English word but modify it to Indonesian phonological structure. For instance, the<br />
word ‘strawberry’ is said to be ‘stroberi’ by Indonesian people.<br />
21
2.4.2 REASONS FOR <strong>CODE</strong>-<strong>MIXING</strong><br />
Olaoye (2002) is of the point that, the same reason can motivate both code-mixing and<br />
code-switching. Some of the reasons include:<br />
I. Linguistic Motivation<br />
Code-mixing is motivated by the speaker’s need for repetition for either stylistic effect or<br />
for the purpose of emphasis. The repetition is meant to give more meaning to the utterances<br />
made in one of the two bilingual languages. Code-mixing may also be used to qualify a<br />
message or to reinforce it. Mixing is motivated by a desire to clarify and elaborate a point, to<br />
exclaim or interject as a sign or surprise or excitement. It is also, motivated by the need to<br />
introduce technical terms and expressions. Code is mixed to mark off quotation. One<br />
speakers mix for direct quotation, which may be stereotypical imitation of speech in jokes or<br />
even in learned citation.<br />
II.<br />
Sociolinguistic Motivation<br />
Mixing is motivated by the desire to accommodate a third party .The speaker here<br />
considers the following factors before switching: status of the interlocutors, age, education,<br />
social role or relationship and ethnic affinity. Speakers code-mix to distance a listener or a<br />
third party.<br />
Psychological feelings of insecurity or insecurity can motivate a switch or mix. One feels<br />
safer in one’s own language. In another way, it is also motivated by the need to show ethnic<br />
or group identity or the purpose of showing solidarity. Miller (1984: 76) citing Pfaff (1979)<br />
and Poplack (1982) maintains that speakers code-mix when speaking to other bilinguals with<br />
22
similar background to theirs. This is done to create a desired rhetorical effect or because the<br />
immediate subject being discussed in language ‘A’ at that point brings association to events,<br />
persons, etc in language ‘B’ or for other reasons. Oloruntoba-Oju (1999) offers that codemixing<br />
occurs because the speaker can either not find an appropriate word in his or her<br />
mother tongue or because he or she finds the term in the target language more convenient to<br />
use. It also occurs when the affected item is a technical usage.<br />
2.5 FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE CS <strong>AND</strong> CM<br />
Yul-Ifode (2001) opines that both processes of CS and CM are influenced by certain<br />
factors. One of such factors is the fact that one of the participants may not share a common<br />
language with the other. Another reason is that one’s proficiency in the language or<br />
languages used may be limited in comparison with the others. Another factor which may<br />
influence CS or CM results from the fact that one may wish to exclude certain facts from<br />
others. Other people may simply mix codes or switch codes according to their moods.<br />
Furthermore, the sudden realization that people have a common language (in most<br />
cases, the mother tongue) can also promote CS or CM. If for instance, two or three people<br />
were discussing in a formal or informal setting in English, and they suddenly discovered that<br />
they are members of the same native language community, they are likely to bring in words<br />
or phrases from that indigenous language as a demonstration of solidarity.<br />
23
2.6 DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CS <strong>AND</strong> CM<br />
Actually, it is not easy to differentiate between CS and CM. However, we can find<br />
some indicators related to the differences of these two sociolinguistics terms, code-switching<br />
and code-mixing. First, in CM, bilingual speakers seem to apply some words or phrases from<br />
foreign language (pieces of one language smaller than clause), while the other language<br />
(code) functions as the base language. Second, bilingual speakers are said to mix codes when<br />
there is no topic that changes, nor does the situation. (John Gumperz [1986], cited in Jendra<br />
[2010:79] ).<br />
A different view proposed to separate the two said that if it involves changing into a<br />
foreign clause or a sentence, it should be defined as code-switching, but if it involves the use<br />
of foreign phrases or group of words, it is identified as a code-mixing. Another view about<br />
how to differentiate between CS and CM is related to the formality of the situation. Codemixing<br />
is said to be found in the less formal situation while code-switching is possibly done<br />
in a formal one. As the addition, the bilingual’s level of fluency in the languages (codes):<br />
Usually, fluent bilinguals can perform mixing well, while the less skilled ones may only do<br />
switching.<br />
The table below presents summarizes differences between code-switching and codemixing<br />
according to the several views described here:<br />
24
Points of View Code-switching Code-mixing<br />
Grammatical Items Involved Sentence and Clause Phrase, Word<br />
Base Language Clear Sometimes Unclear<br />
Topics May Change Maintained<br />
Situations Formal and Informal More Likely Informal<br />
Bilinguals Partial Absolute<br />
25
CHAPTER THREE<br />
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY<br />
3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN<br />
The research design describes the major procedure or overall strategy to be followed<br />
in carrying out the research in order to see that all components of the research piece are<br />
assembled rightly, thereby ensuring that the research problem is adequately addressed and a<br />
solution offered in the end which is the major research goal or objective which the researcher<br />
is out to achieve.<br />
Basically, this research work is designed with the sole aim of bringing to light the<br />
mode of occurrence of code-switching (CS) and code-mixing (CM) between NDU Ịzọn-<br />
English bilingual undergraduates.<br />
Therefore, this research used Descriptive or Survey research as its research design<br />
which entails the usage of a designed research instrument like live audio recording to<br />
generate data and establish facts.<br />
3.2 METHOD <strong>OF</strong>/OR PROCEDURE FOR DATA COLLECTION<br />
This research work dished out data from primary, as well as secondary sources of<br />
data. Live audio recording of respondents’ conversation (field data) and the personal<br />
observation of the researcher constitute the primary source of data collection. On the other<br />
26
hand, data drawn from textbooks, journals, the international network (INTERNET) and the<br />
works of other researchers constitute the secondary source of data collection.<br />
3.3 DESCRIPTION <strong>OF</strong> RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS<br />
The following are the research instruments and techniques used in the collection of<br />
data for this research work:<br />
3.3.1 LIVE AUDIO RECORDING<br />
In course of executing this research work, the researcher had live audio recording<br />
sessions with a number of Ịzọn-English bilingual undergraduates of the Niger Delta<br />
University on the research topic and a bulk of relevant information was obtained from the<br />
respondents.<br />
3.3.2 OBSERVATION<br />
The researcher was able to observe while actual conversation was in progress between<br />
certain Ịzọn-English bilinguals on the NDU campus. This was aimed at spotting instances of<br />
CS and CM in practical situations which also helped in ascertaining the likely causes and<br />
effects of both linguistic occurrences.<br />
27
3.3.3 THE TEXTUAL METHOD<br />
This method comprises the secondary sources which include: textbooks, journals, the<br />
international network (INTERNET) and information from the work of other researchers<br />
carried out prior to this time.<br />
3.4 VALIDATION <strong>AND</strong> RELIABILITY <strong>OF</strong> INSTRUMENTS<br />
Clips of the officially approved instrument for this research work, the live audio<br />
recording used as the primary source of data collection, were forwarded to the project<br />
supervisor who listened attentively and critically to them and granted subsequent approval<br />
after much consideration before the researcher proceeded to work with them.<br />
3.5 POPULATION <strong>OF</strong> <strong>STUDY</strong> AREA<br />
The target population of this research work is forty students in the Niger Delta<br />
University who are directly involved in the use of Ịzọn and English as languages of social<br />
interaction within the campus and its environs, from which twenty live audio recording clips<br />
were derived as data for analysis.<br />
3.6 SAMPLE <strong>AND</strong> SAMPLING PROCEDURE<br />
The sampling procedure chosen for this research was simple random sampling which<br />
involves the random selection of given elements in a population which stand to be<br />
representative of the whole.<br />
28
3.7 DATA ANALYSIS TECHNIQUES<br />
The research instruments were transferred into qualitative data following the number<br />
of respondents who replied to particular questions or items so as to generate frequency data<br />
which in the course of data presentation and analysis were painstakingly analyzed in simple<br />
percentage.<br />
29
CHAPTER FOUR<br />
DATA PRESENTATION <strong>AND</strong> ANALYSIS<br />
The conversations analyzed herein are the conversations of bilinguals who have<br />
English as their L1 and Ịzọn as their L2. Twenty conversations are analyzed based on a fourcategory<br />
division comprising five data each. They reveal several factors that condition CS<br />
and CM among NDU undergraduates with reference to relevant sociological variables: age,<br />
sex, educational background and situation/context. In course of the analysis, the utterances<br />
that are code-switched and code-mixed are translated in English and are titled “Gloss” while<br />
the utterances rendered in English are not since they have no need for interpretation.<br />
Conversation analysis follows immediately after the presentation of each category.<br />
4.1 Category A – Exclusion of an Interlocutor<br />
4.1.1 Datum One Gloss<br />
A The examination was too difficult.<br />
B Exactly. I could barely fill up a page.<br />
C I almost wept.<br />
A Princess, ari mụ Dr. Kemepadei la ngi<br />
Princess, I am going to Dr. Kemepadei.<br />
do.<br />
B Ari mu bisa kị mị la ngi da?<br />
You are going to that man?<br />
C What are you both saying?<br />
30
A Nothing much. Bei to boụ ma kala to<br />
boụ. Ara bibi mọ kpo inou bara kị firi<br />
yemi. Oni ki bi be ni amomo ere ema ba<br />
ongo di mo egbei mi. See you guys later.<br />
Nothing much. This girl is a youngster. Her<br />
mouth still leaks uncontrollably like a rotten<br />
sore. I really need to be careful with her. See<br />
you guys later.<br />
4.1.2 Datum Two Gloss<br />
A These days, I can hardly stay without a<br />
man. It is becoming a disease.<br />
B As for me, my poor boyfriend cannot<br />
even satisfy me. All he cares about is<br />
himself.<br />
C Good evening my undergraduate school<br />
mothers.<br />
B (Laughs) Good evening my smallie.<br />
A Welcome back daughter.<br />
B Ine ton bara bi omini mu bisa seị tẹmẹ bi<br />
I think you need deliverance.<br />
Inongo bo mu seri ngi mo.<br />
A I nein kị ebi dein ma?<br />
(Laughs) Is your case any different?<br />
31
4.1.3 Datum Three Gloss<br />
A Tari, it will soon be 10am. Let’s leave<br />
this library for the class before the<br />
lecturer arrives.<br />
B Emeka, I really need to finish reading this<br />
chapter. Please, I will join you in the<br />
class.<br />
A But you can continue later.<br />
C Emeka mu gha! Ịkịrịkị ara ifie wẹrị emi<br />
Emeka go now! Or are you her time keeper?<br />
kimi gha?<br />
A What did you say?<br />
B She said you can never do without me<br />
around.<br />
A Of course. She spoke the truth.<br />
B Miebi, ari timiya ba Inongo bi eri emi<br />
yebi keni kisi kisi, likai likai ki pangi mo<br />
classi la da ba.<br />
Miebi, I insist on staying back because I need<br />
to change the sanitary pad I have on before<br />
going to the class. It is already soaked.<br />
32
4.1.4 Datum Four Gloss<br />
A I have had several wet dream experiences<br />
in just one week. It seems unusual.<br />
B Are you bothered?<br />
A Yes I am. It seems abnormal.<br />
B Some people say it is caused by lack of<br />
sexual intercourse or the presence of a<br />
spiritual wife.<br />
A God forbid. Do you mean…<br />
C Ah! Good morning guys. So you are<br />
seated here waiting to see the football<br />
match as well?<br />
A Yes.<br />
B Good morning Amina.<br />
A Ine gba emi bara bi bei ye mo kpo Ipa<br />
meingi ma?<br />
B Ari la gba gha.<br />
Do you mean I will continue to have these<br />
regular wet dream experiences?<br />
I can’t tell.<br />
4.1.5 Datum Five Gloss<br />
A I need to study M.T Lamidi’s Aspects of<br />
33
Chomskyan Grammar before next week.<br />
Ebi please do you have a copy of the book?<br />
B I’m yet to get a copy.<br />
C Araụ Ikpe Imo. Nu bai dein bi ari ara<br />
ekpeti bolou bo erị mo.<br />
She is lying. I saw the book in her locker<br />
last night.<br />
A But I thought you bought a copy from the<br />
courserep?<br />
B Not at all. I only kept it safe for him. I have<br />
returned it already.<br />
C Bei okpo bi boloụ seịbi bein ki bein nimi.<br />
A Barasin ye. Ari mu zini kimi bi ngi mi.<br />
There is wickedness in this world.<br />
Don’t worry my friend. I will ask someone<br />
else.<br />
In everyday communication between human beings, participants are involved and<br />
they differ on individual basis. Proficiency in a certain language(s) may successfully bind two<br />
participants; the opposite of which will bring about a separation. Here, the latter is the case as<br />
deduced from a study of data 1-5. The conversations above contain instances of CS. The<br />
switching of the codes was done so as to edge out one of the interlocutors by switching to a<br />
linguistic system that was incomprehensible to one of the interlocutors.<br />
Speakers A and B in datum 1 are both from the same linguistic background. So they<br />
were able to converse successfully in one language that is both known to them (Ịzọn) and<br />
34
were able to exclude speaker C because of her lack of knowledge in the language of<br />
interaction. From the final utterance rendered by speaker A, it is clear that the sociological<br />
motivation for this switch is the age factor. Hence,the need for secrecy. The same is the case<br />
in datum 2 as speaker C is successfully excluded. Data 3 and 4 offer a different view of<br />
exclusion as speakers A (male) and C (female) respectively are excluded using the CS tool in<br />
a bid to achieve secrecy necessitated by the sex variable. The discussion of certain issues is<br />
most reasonable and comfortable in the midst of only interlocutors who belong to the same<br />
sex. At times when such topics arise, a switch of code is the last resort. The need for secrecy<br />
in datum 5 is likewise the motivation behind the CS and subsequent exclusion of speaker B<br />
from the conversation. The excluded speakers also do not have any educational background<br />
as far as the Ịzọn language is concerned. This is also a factor.<br />
4.2 Category B – Incompetence of Interlocutors<br />
4.2.1 Datum Six Gloss<br />
A Ari dion ko mu emo?<br />
B Ari mu ini chemical samples mo ki koro<br />
Where are you going?<br />
I’m going to submit my chemical samples.<br />
mo ngi do.<br />
A Tuba kipi ngi do?<br />
B Ine project supervisor bi.<br />
To who?<br />
My project supervisor.<br />
35
C Ese fa.<br />
Alright.<br />
4.2.2 Datum Seven Gloss<br />
A Tarila, ine testi bi tu bara ki pagha mo?<br />
B Sei yagha.<br />
A Ari dingi ifie ko departmental office o mu<br />
emo?<br />
B Ari bubai bo mụ mi.<br />
A Ari notice boardi bo ye eri ma?<br />
B Inyo. Exam timetable bi pa do.<br />
A O! Umbana. Ari dein bai Ine eri ngimi.<br />
Tarila, how was your test?<br />
It was not bad.<br />
When last did you visit the departmental<br />
office?<br />
I was there yesterday.<br />
Did you find anything on the notice board?<br />
Yes. The examination time table is out.<br />
Oh! Thanks. Thanks. I will see you<br />
tomorrow.<br />
B Nado. Ese fagha.<br />
Okay. No problem.<br />
4.2.3 Datum Eight Gloss<br />
A Good evening.<br />
B Nua o Ebipa. Ine projecti bi dingi bara ki<br />
lado?<br />
Good evening, Ebipa. How is your project<br />
going?<br />
A Good. I am still working on it.<br />
36
B Ine bino owei bi ma?<br />
What of your brother?<br />
A He is not yet back.<br />
B Okay. Okule ni ebimo obo da ba.<br />
Okay. My regards to him on his return.<br />
A Okay.<br />
4.2.4 Datum Nine Gloss<br />
A Layefa, I heard you lost your laptop.<br />
B Inyo. Hosteli ko ọpiri fụrụ mo.<br />
A Dila ehn.God will provide another.<br />
B Amen. Umbana koi do.<br />
Yes. It was stolen in the hostel.<br />
Sorry. God will provide another.<br />
Amen. Thank you very much.<br />
4.2.5 Datum Ten Gloss<br />
A Arị bi sa secondary material bi eri da?<br />
B Un-un o. Bei oku library mo emi bara ari<br />
mo ton gha o.<br />
A Nia wini mu gallery shelves anga bi di gha.<br />
B Bisa ye bimo o pagha fangimo bimi moun<br />
ki Ịkori yemo.<br />
Have you seen that secondary material?<br />
No. I don’t think it is available in this area<br />
of the library.<br />
Then, we have to check the gallery shelves.<br />
That has to be later because I am hungry<br />
now.<br />
37
The interlocutors in the utterances above are good examples of bilinguals who lack<br />
competence in their L1 (Ịzọn). They could not have the conversations in one language<br />
without employing the use of words from another language. English (L2) words were inserted<br />
into Ịzọn (L2) utterances as the interlocutors could not find an equivalent of these words in<br />
their L1. So they take solace in their L2. We see instances of both CS and CM in this<br />
category. Datum 6 shows instances of CM made by speaker Bwith words such as “chemical<br />
samples” and “project supervisor.” The English words found within Ịzọn sentences in datum<br />
7 include “test”, “departmental office”, “notice board” and “exam timetable.” In datum 8, we<br />
see just one instance of CM with the word “project” and others are instances of CS<br />
occasioned by the incompetence of speaker A who continues switching to English in reply to<br />
the issues raised by speaker B who makes use of the Ịzọn language. Datum 9 shows the word<br />
“hostel” used in CM as speaker B could not find an equivalent in the L1. We also see both<br />
speakers code-switch at various times. CM is predominant in datum 10 with the introduction<br />
of such words as “secondary material”, “library” and “gallery shelves.”<br />
Educational background as a sociological variable that affects speech generally, and<br />
particularly CS and CM, happens to be the motivation behind the language switches and<br />
mixing in data 6-10. The incompetence of interlocutors shows that their L1 educational<br />
background is not very solid, especially that of a speaker like speaker A in datum 8 and 9<br />
respectively who make complete switches.<br />
38
4.3 Category C – Admittance of an Interlocutor<br />
4.3.1 Datum Eleven Gloss<br />
A Ine fiyai mo enjoy ye me nị?<br />
B Un-un o. Pepper mo Izon buo mo.<br />
A Dila ehn.<br />
I hope you are enjoying the meal?<br />
Not really. Pepper is too much.<br />
Sorry about that.<br />
B I know it is Gift who made you add so much<br />
pepper to the food.<br />
C We don’t eat food that is not peppery in this<br />
room. If you can’t manage it, check the next<br />
room.<br />
4.3.2 Datum Twelve Gloss<br />
A Bebi sa wo tolụ mo ere ma gba ye bi ari<br />
Do you understand what the lecturer said?<br />
suo tu numu ni ebimo ma?<br />
B Inyo. Ari ma?<br />
A Ari suo tu numu kagha o.<br />
Yes. Don’t you?<br />
I don’t understand.<br />
B She simply means every student must make<br />
the expected minimum score in order to<br />
pass the course.<br />
39
C Ah! Is that what the lecturer meant by that<br />
figurative statement?<br />
B Yes.<br />
C Thanks. I was confused until I heard you<br />
say so.<br />
B I noticed the look on your face. You’re<br />
welcome my friend.<br />
4.3.3 Datum Thirteen Gloss<br />
A Ye mose dingi bara ki emi yo?<br />
B Emiyo. Wini nua na woyengi kule mi.<br />
A Ine sịlị mo ma?<br />
B Ari tu wa igbe ngi mi.<br />
How is everything?<br />
Fine. We thank God.<br />
What about my money?<br />
I will pay you soon.<br />
A Just try and give me the money today.<br />
B You love money too much.<br />
C I can’t believe you haven’t given Preye<br />
the money till now. It is improper.<br />
40
4.3.4 Datum Fourteen Gloss<br />
A Wo posting na I.T. bo mu ngi mi listi bi<br />
Our posting list for I.T. is out.<br />
pa do.<br />
B Gesi egberi?<br />
A Inyo.<br />
You don’t mean it.<br />
I do.<br />
B Victoria, have you heard any news about<br />
I.T. posting?<br />
C Yes. I even have a softcopy of the list.<br />
4.3.5 Datum Fifteen Gloss<br />
A Bein gbai fellowship bi dingi bara ki<br />
How was fellowship today?<br />
pamo?<br />
B Imbele buo mi.Umbana.<br />
A Ị teghe nị ịpịrị ma?<br />
B Un-un. Pasi sei bolou kon kumo ari<br />
It was fine. Thank you.<br />
Did you pray for me?<br />
No. Sorry I forgot.<br />
barafa mi.<br />
A I know it is Ejiro you had on your mind<br />
all through the period of prayer which<br />
made you forget me.<br />
C Jealousy! She is not the prayer secretary<br />
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after all. If you want to be prayed for,<br />
contact the prayer secretary.<br />
The above conversations contain instances of CS and CM that were deliberate acts,<br />
being motivated by the need to accommodate third parties who are not proficient in Ịzọn and<br />
therefore cannot converse in it. The conversations were initiated in the bilinguals’ L1 but<br />
later on in the conversation, they code-switched to their L2 (English).<br />
In datum 11 as the conversation begins, we see instances of CM with words such as<br />
“enjoy” and “pepper” fused alongside Ịzọn into the speech process. Later, there is a switch of<br />
codes to accommodate speaker C. datum 12 and 13 show instances of CS with speakers A<br />
and B as proficient speakers, switching to English to admit speaker C into the conversation.<br />
Words like “posting”, “list” and “I.T.” (initials for intensive training) in datum 14 are<br />
examples of CM. a switch is later effected to admit Victoria who happens to be speaker C.<br />
“fellowship” in datum 15 occasions CM. Ejiro (speaker C) is later admitted in the event of<br />
CS.<br />
Just as it applied to 4.1 and 4.2 respectively, educational background is also a major<br />
sociological factor here in 4.3 as the admitted interlocutor has no educational history with the<br />
Ịzọn language, whereas the initial speakers in the conversation act do.<br />
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4.4 Category D – Introduction of Proverbs and Technical Terms<br />
4.4.1 Datum Sixteen Gloss<br />
A Why are you wearing a sleeveless blouse<br />
to school again?<br />
B But what is wrong with it?<br />
A Didn’t you hear about the new dress code<br />
yesterday?<br />
B It is almost 4pm after all.<br />
A Gba ye na bi ebi na kin a ikian kun dein ni<br />
Obedience is better than sacrifice.<br />
mi.<br />
B I have heard you.<br />
4.4.2 Datum Seventeen Gloss<br />
A I believe by now, you should be done with<br />
the map diagram assignments for the<br />
semester?<br />
B I’m still on the first one.<br />
A You think this course is a joke?<br />
B I’m trying my best my dear.<br />
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A This course is not like that of Dr. Ike,<br />
mind you.<br />
B Yes o! That’s true.<br />
A Ine Ịgịna bini bou emi bara bi arị bisa bara<br />
na bini bou gua o.<br />
It is not the same way you drink water that<br />
you drink pepper soup.<br />
4.4.3 Datum Eighteen Gloss<br />
A I just saw Karina leaving the premises.<br />
Don’t tell me she is coming from your<br />
room.<br />
B Is there a problem? She’s now my friend.<br />
A Obiri kpe keni aka kina wo owou mo zoru<br />
emi. Bisa aka kina wo dioko otumo kpo<br />
sụụ emi.<br />
It is the same teeth with which the dog plays<br />
with its babies that it uses against its<br />
enemies.<br />
4.4.4 Datum Nineteen Gloss<br />
A I can’t believe you came along with<br />
Jennifer to the party. Since when did she<br />
become of our class?<br />
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B I just thought we could give her a chance.<br />
A Ari kala obiri tobou mo zoru daba erị ine<br />
ikein na okpo sẹ dia ngimi.<br />
If you play with a puppy, it shows your<br />
nakedness to the world.<br />
4.4.5 Datum Twenty Gloss<br />
A Chima is a hypocrite. I don’t think I can<br />
ever forgive him.<br />
B Don’t say that.<br />
A Our relationship has obviously hit the<br />
rocks.<br />
B Imolou mo aka mo sụụ bara mo se keni la<br />
bibi bolou do seri na fi pirigha.<br />
No matter how much the tongue and the<br />
teeth fight, no one will leave the mouth for<br />
the other.<br />
Some topics lend themselves readily to one language rather than the other. There are<br />
topics that are best discussed in one’s MT. Switch may also occur when one wants to<br />
introduce metaphors, proverbs, idioms and expressions in one’s MT to enrich the discussion.<br />
Data 15-20 show examples of proverbs being used by speakers in interaction. In all<br />
five instances, we see the occurrence of CS which makes it possible for the intended message<br />
to be passed on to the respective hearers clothed in the garment that best suits it (the L1). The<br />
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interlocutors were communicating in English language but in a bid to clarify an issue,<br />
admonish and caution, the other interlocutors switched to Ịzọn out rightly because that is the<br />
language that can do the job of passing the message across. The proverbs or wise sayings that<br />
were switched to was as a result of the interlocutors’ feeling that that was the best language in<br />
which the proverbs could be said. There was a need to clarify a message, reinforce a message<br />
or for the introduction of technical terms and expressions and so, there was a change<br />
occasioned by the situation/context which is a sociological variable which motivates or<br />
necessitates this language switch.<br />
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CHAPTER FIVE<br />
SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION <strong>AND</strong> CONCLUSION<br />
5.1 SUMMARY<br />
From the beginning, this research set out to investigate CS and CM as speech<br />
characteristics that occur among the Ịzọn-English bilingual population of NDU<br />
undergraduates. Going further, it aimed at ascertaining the conditions that influence their<br />
occurrence and the effects of occurrence whether positive or negative while paying rapt<br />
attention to certain sociological variables. The researcher began by defining the nature and<br />
direction of this work and the contributions of some important authorities or scholars in the<br />
field of CS and CM were reviewed. The researcher collected data primarily through live<br />
audio recording which were presented and analyzed using the tabular method. An important<br />
finding is that CS and CM among NDU Ịzọn-English bilingual undergraduates takes different<br />
forms. This observation follows the prior confirmation that they actually code-switch and<br />
code-mix. It was found that there are various causes underlying these occurrences which<br />
include: the desire to exclude a third party in a conversation process, incompetence in the<br />
usage of their L1, the desire to accommodate a third party into a conversation and the usage<br />
of a proverb, wise saying or a technical term.<br />
From the foregoing, one can firmly say that undergraduates of NDU have been<br />
influenced by their bilingual environment and that the sociolinguistic view that CS and CM<br />
usually result from bilingualism/multilingualism is not based on falsehood.<br />
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5.2 RECOMMENDATION<br />
Nigeria is essentially a multilingual society which recognizes three of its indigenous<br />
languages for official purposes like that of the National Assembly amongst others. These<br />
indigenous languages are Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. They co-exist with the English language.<br />
The three major indigenous Nigerian languages are already in the curriculum of<br />
primary and secondary schools and are even courses in higher institutions. I recommend that<br />
other minor languages (of which Ịzọn is a part) should also be introduced at all levels of<br />
education so as to avoid incompetence in the performance of these indigenous languages<br />
among Nigerian undergraduates. The various local governments can partner with the state<br />
governments on this for effective result. By so doing, language death will be avoided and<br />
Nigerian students will have adequate mastery of the use of their second language as well as<br />
their indigenous languages. The rate at which a good number of Nigerian undergraduates are<br />
losing proficiency in their L1 is quite alarming. A Nigerian undergraduate can barely interact<br />
with friends in his or her indigenous language without switching or mixing it with the<br />
acquired L2. Even while the actual field work was being carried out for this research work,<br />
the population of Ịzọn indigenes the researcher encountered who lack adequate knowledge of<br />
their MT was jaw-dropping and this is not a healthy situation for the Ijaw nation and for<br />
Nigeria at large seeing that we are drifting gradually towards a loss of our culture which, as a<br />
matter of fact, is what makes us a people.<br />
In respect of this, I recommend that Nigerian undergraduates do not belittle their<br />
indigenous languages whenever these languages are introduced to them as courses.<br />
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Furthermore, Nigerian undergraduates studying these indigenous languages at the universities<br />
or other higher institutions as disciplines should develop a right attitude towards them so as to<br />
elevate the status of these languages. Students should be proud of their indigenous languages<br />
because they constitute their linguistic heritage.<br />
5.3 CONCLUSION<br />
From the findings discussed earlier, this essay has answered the questions specified<br />
under its aims and objectives of the study. It is now crystal clear that Ịzọn-English<br />
undergraduates of NDU actually code-switch and code-mix and, of course, in different<br />
categories.<br />
It was observed that most of the undergraduates who switch from one code to another<br />
or mix were not affected in the usage of their L2 (in this case, English) as any attempt made<br />
at reading, writing or speaking English language as determined by the context turned out<br />
successful.<br />
In a nutshell, it can be said that CS is a display of the bilingual’s competence while<br />
CM is a sign of vocabulary inadequacies in the L1. One can justifiably say that bilinguals<br />
continue to fail in their quest to achieve absolute competence in their MT. Hence, they easily<br />
code-mix to avoid the ideas they do not have words to express. In the event of the total<br />
absence of an L2, speakers would have had no other option but to search for every needed<br />
word in their L1 but since that is not the case, we see a large number of Ịzọn-English<br />
bilinguals of NDU not making any further effort at finding the word equivalent in their L1.<br />
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Hence, absolute competence among these students is a rare disposition to encounter. This is a<br />
major disadvantage of CS and CM. Despite this disadvantage amongst others, CS and CM are<br />
still beneficial and indispensable in communication today for the variety of sociological<br />
purposes which they serve. It is noteworthy to say that despite all issues surrounding or<br />
influencing both concepts which this study has critically examined, CS and CM as linguistic<br />
occurrences have come to stay and would continue to thrive as long as different human<br />
beings from different backgrounds inter-relate and communicate and as long as individuals<br />
and societies alike continue to possess the potentiality of bilingualism and/or multilingualism.<br />
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