The Opioid Crisis in America - Part II (The Drug Culture in the U.S.)
The Opioid Crisis in America - Part II (The Drug Culture in the U.S.)
The Opioid Crisis in America - Part II (The Drug Culture in the U.S.)
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<strong>the</strong> drug economy that are liberated from ma<strong>in</strong>stream society’s gender <strong>in</strong>equality, or<br />
does society’s sexism reproduce itself <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> drug economy?<br />
Anthropologist Phillippe Bourgois, <strong>in</strong> an ethnography of <strong>the</strong> crack market <strong>in</strong> Spanish<br />
Harlem, states that <strong>the</strong> presence of women on <strong>the</strong> streets and <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> crack market<br />
illustrates <strong>the</strong>ir emancipation from household labor and childcare. <strong>The</strong>y are free to<br />
participate <strong>in</strong> street life. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Natasha Du Rose, Wilson (1993) makes <strong>the</strong><br />
argument that women’s crime and drug use are ris<strong>in</strong>g to match men’s because of<br />
women’s emancipation. Du Rose quotes Fagan as say<strong>in</strong>g that women’s positions <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
drug economy are high-status enough that prostitution plays a “relatively <strong>in</strong>significant”<br />
part <strong>in</strong> generat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>come for <strong>the</strong>se women.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Drug</strong> Economy Perpetuat<strong>in</strong>g Inequalities<br />
While Bourgois <strong>in</strong> 1989 states that women are free to take part <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> drug trade now<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y have been liberated from be<strong>in</strong>g wives and mo<strong>the</strong>rs, he qualifies this by say<strong>in</strong>g<br />
that “traditional gender relations still govern <strong>in</strong>come-generat<strong>in</strong>g strategies <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
underground economy”. His ethnographic research shows that <strong>the</strong> majority of women <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Spanish Harlem crack market become sex workers to support <strong>the</strong>ir addictions.<br />
While women participate more <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> drug economy, <strong>the</strong>y still are forced <strong>in</strong>to traditional<br />
street roles when <strong>the</strong>y need to generate <strong>in</strong>come.<br />
Sociologists Lisa Maher and Kathleen Daly <strong>in</strong> 1996 performed an ethnographic study of<br />
women <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bushwick drug market <strong>in</strong> Brooklyn. <strong>The</strong>y used a comb<strong>in</strong>ation of<br />
participant observation fieldwork and <strong>in</strong>terviews with <strong>the</strong> women and found that, <strong>in</strong> a<br />
highly hierarchical drug market, women occupy <strong>the</strong> lowest rungs of <strong>the</strong> market.<br />
“Owners”, who all happen to be men, employ “managers” who control a number of<br />
regular and casual “sellers”. <strong>The</strong>se sellers <strong>in</strong> turn employ “runners”, “steerers”, and<br />
“coppers”, who supply <strong>the</strong> sellers, advertise <strong>the</strong>ir brand of drugs, or buy drugs for o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
customers. <strong>The</strong> runners, steerers, coppers, and casual sellers occupy <strong>the</strong> lowest-power<br />
and lowest-<strong>in</strong>come positions of this market, and have <strong>the</strong> most women participants. <strong>The</strong><br />
upper levels of <strong>the</strong> hierarchy have only men participants. In this study, Maher and Daly<br />
refute <strong>the</strong> idea that <strong>the</strong> emergence of <strong>the</strong> crack economy has afforded emancipation<br />
and opportunity for women; gender <strong>in</strong>equality has cont<strong>in</strong>ued to be a presence even <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>formal economy. <strong>The</strong> only change Maher and Daly found brought by women’s<br />
liberation appears to be a decrease <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> number of women rely<strong>in</strong>g on male boyfriends<br />
or husbands to sell drugs.<br />
Lisa Maher cont<strong>in</strong>ues her research on <strong>the</strong> Bushwick drug economy <strong>in</strong> her 1997<br />
book Sexed Work. She reiterates her f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs with Daly on <strong>the</strong> low-<strong>in</strong>come, low-power<br />
participation of women <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> drug market, but she also focuses on <strong>the</strong> sex work women<br />
more commonly perform to generate <strong>in</strong>come. S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>flux of cheap crack <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong><br />
market, Maher f<strong>in</strong>ds out that more women have been <strong>in</strong>duced to participate <strong>in</strong> streetlevel<br />
prostitution, driv<strong>in</strong>g up competition and driv<strong>in</strong>g down prices, fur<strong>the</strong>r disadvantag<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> women, especially low-<strong>in</strong>come women of color who typically do not attract high-<br />
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