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610 LEGISLATION AND PUBLIC POLICY [Vol. 11:567<br />

eyes <strong>of</strong> objective observers.” 271 He also recognizes that a police practice<br />

that “systematically subjects the members <strong>of</strong> a race to searches or<br />

seizures at a higher rate <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fending” violates the Fourth Amendment<br />

unless it is appropriately tailored to advance a compelling state interest.<br />

272 Alschuler fails, however, to extend these conclusions to the<br />

immigration context. In doing so, he ignores that people appearing to<br />

be Latino are subjected to deportation at a rate disproportionate to<br />

their composition <strong>of</strong> the undocumented population. 273 While he states<br />

that associating Latino appearance with illegal immigration is a<br />

“harmful stereotype,” he thinks “it probably does less harm than when<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>iling suggests that either blacks or Latinos are more likely than<br />

others to have committed serious crimes.” 274 Perhaps Alschuler is attempting<br />

to take issue with the analogy that, if the use <strong>of</strong> race in immigration<br />

were to be cast in terms <strong>of</strong> criminal law, such use <strong>of</strong> race<br />

would not be permitted. 275 Still, it is unfair to conclude that the<br />

stigma <strong>of</strong> being labeled an outsider and unwelcome in a person’s<br />

country <strong>of</strong> residence is less harmful than the stigma <strong>of</strong> being labeled a<br />

drug dealer.<br />

2. Tension Between <strong>Law</strong> Enforcement and the Targeted<br />

Community<br />

An additional harm <strong>of</strong> race-based immigration enforcement is<br />

that the targeted groups may harbor deep cynicism about the judicial<br />

system and be less likely to cooperate in the reporting and investigation<br />

<strong>of</strong> criminal activity. 276 Local law enforcement relies on community-based<br />

policing as a valuable tool to fight crime, but its efficacy<br />

depends on law enforcement having a relationship <strong>of</strong> trust with the<br />

community. 277 Police <strong>of</strong>ficers and executive <strong>of</strong>ficials have recognized<br />

that disparate treatment creates mistrust <strong>of</strong> the government by non-<br />

271. Alschuler, supra note 138, at 268. R<br />

272. Id.<br />

273. Even though Latinos comprise just about 80% <strong>of</strong> the undocumented immigrant<br />

population, they account for 90% <strong>of</strong> those removed from the United States. UNDOCU-<br />

MENTED IMMIGRANTS: FACTS AND FIGURES, supra note 107; Johnson, Against Racial R<br />

Pr<strong>of</strong>iling in Immigration Enforcement, supra note 108, at 678. R<br />

274. Alschuler, supra note 138, at 244. R<br />

275. See Johnson, Against Racial Pr<strong>of</strong>iling in Immigration Enforcement, supra note<br />

108, at 694 (“Could we imagine the Supreme Court stating that ‘the likelihood that R<br />

any given person <strong>of</strong> [African American] ancestry is [a criminal] is high enough to<br />

make [African American] appearance a relevant factor’ in a criminal stop? Such a<br />

clearly discriminatory statement would provoke justified outrage.”).<br />

276. Johnson, Challenging Racial Pr<strong>of</strong>iling, supra note 29, at 344–45. R<br />

277. See McKenzie, supra note 244, at 1160. R

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