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updating brignoni-ponce - New York University School of Law

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620 LEGISLATION AND PUBLIC POLICY [Vol. 11:567<br />

tional origin is an intrinsic part <strong>of</strong> being an immigrant, and this <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

overlaps with racial appearance. Thus, <strong>of</strong>ficers would likely still consider<br />

racial appearance and simply produce a race-neutral reason for<br />

conducting the stop by relying on numerous proxies or constructing<br />

reasonable suspicion post hoc. Any victory implied by removing racebased<br />

immigration enforcement from the books would be diminished<br />

by the fact that race would likely still be considered but without judicial<br />

scrutiny.<br />

If Congress were to ban immigration law enforcement <strong>of</strong>ficers’<br />

reliance on race by passing a bill like the End Racial Pr<strong>of</strong>iling Act—<br />

overturning Brignoni-Ponce—then the courts would have to enforce<br />

it. However, challenging courts to scrutinize an <strong>of</strong>ficer’s reliance on<br />

race promotes a more honest conversation about stereotypes and racism.<br />

This inquiry, in addition to training Border Patrol <strong>of</strong>ficers about<br />

what totality <strong>of</strong> circumstances rises to the level <strong>of</strong> reasonable suspicion,<br />

will, in the long run, serve the public interest more than deceptive<br />

neutrality ever could.

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