Cultural Transformation

The e-Advocate
Monthly
…a Compilation of Works on:
Cultural Transformation
Romans 12:1-21 | Galatians 5:22-23
1 Corinthians 9:24-27 | Matthew 16:18
2 Corinthians 5:17 | Psalm 51:10
John 3:16
“Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities
Achieve Their Full Potential”
Special Edition| May 2020.

Turning the Improbable
Into the Exceptional!
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The Advocacy Foundation, Inc.
Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities
Achieve Their Full Potential
Since its founding in 2003, The Advocacy Foundation has become recognized as an effective
provider of support to those who receive our services, having real impact within the communities
we serve. We are currently engaged in community and faith-based collaborative initiatives,
having the overall objective of eradicating all forms of youth violence and correcting injustices
everywhere. In carrying-out these initiatives, we have adopted the evidence-based strategic
framework developed and implemented by the Office of Juvenile Justice & Delinquency
Prevention (OJJDP).
The stated objectives are:
1. Community Mobilization;
2. Social Intervention;
3. Provision of Opportunities;
4. Organizational Change and Development;
5. Suppression [of illegal activities].
Moreover, it is our most fundamental belief that in order to be effective, prevention and
intervention strategies must be Community Specific, Culturally Relevant, Evidence-Based, and
Collaborative. The Violence Prevention and Intervention programming we employ in
implementing this community-enhancing framework include the programs further described
throughout our publications, programs and special projects both domestically and
internationally.
www.TheAdvocacy.Foundation
ISBN: ......... ../2017
......... Printed in the USA
Advocacy Foundation Publishers
Philadlephia, PA
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Dedication
______
Every publication in our many series’ is dedicated to everyone, absolutely everyone, who by
virtue of their calling and by Divine inspiration, direction and guidance, is on the battlefield dayafter-day
striving to follow God’s will and purpose for their lives. And this is with particular affinity
for those Spiritual warriors who are being transformed into excellence through daily academic,
professional, familial, and other challenges.
We pray that you will bear in mind:
Matthew 19:26 (NIV)
Jesus looked at them and said, "With man this is impossible,
but with God all things are possible." (Emphasis added)
To all of us who daily look past our circumstances, and naysayers, to what the Lord says we will
accomplish:
Blessings!!
- The Advocacy Foundation, Inc.
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The Transformative Justice Project
Eradicating Juvenile Delinquency Requires a Multi-Disciplinary Approach
The way we accomplish all this is a follows:
The Juvenile Justice system is incredibly overloaded, and
Solutions-Based programs are woefully underfunded. Our
precious children, therefore, particularly young people of
color, often get the “swift” version of justice whenever they
come into contact with the law.
Decisions to build prison facilities are often based on
elementary school test results, and our country incarcerates
more of its young than any other nation on earth. So we at
The Foundation labor to pull our young people out of the
“school to prison” pipeline, and we then coordinate the efforts
of the legal, psychological, governmental and educational
professionals needed to bring an end to delinquency.
We also educate families, police, local businesses, elected
officials, clergy, and schools and other stakeholders about
transforming whole communities, and we labor to change
their thinking about the causes of delinquency with the goal
of helping them embrace the idea of restoration for the young
people in our care who demonstrate repentance for their
mistakes.
1. We vigorously advocate for charges reductions, wherever possible, in the adjudicatory (court)
process, with the ultimate goal of expungement or pardon, in order to maximize the chances for
our clients to graduate high school and progress into college, military service or the workforce
without the stigma of a criminal record;
2. We then enroll each young person into an Evidence-Based, Data-Driven Restorative Justice
program designed to facilitate their rehabilitation and subsequent reintegration back into the
community;
3. While those projects are operating, we conduct a wide variety of ComeUnity-ReEngineering
seminars and workshops on topics ranging from Juvenile Justice to Parental Rights, to Domestic
issues to Police friendly contacts, to CBO and FBO accountability and compliance;
4. Throughout the process, we encourage and maintain frequent personal contact between all
parties;
5 Throughout the process we conduct a continuum of events and fundraisers designed to facilitate
collaboration among professionals and community stakeholders; and finally
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6. 1 We disseminate Quarterly publications, like our e-Advocate series Newsletter and our e-Advocate
Quarterly electronic Magazine to all regular donors in order to facilitate a lifelong learning process
on the ever-evolving developments in the Justice system.
And in addition to the help we provide for our young clients and their families, we also facilitate
Community Engagement through the Restorative Justice process, thereby balancing the interesrs
of local businesses, schools, clergy, elected officials, police, and all interested stakeholders. Through
these efforts, relationships are rebuilt & strengthened, local businesses and communities are enhanced &
protected from victimization, young careers are developed, and our precious young people are kept out
of the prison pipeline.
This is a massive undertaking, and we need all the help and financial support you can give! We plan to
help 75 young persons per quarter-year (aggregating to a total of 250 per year) in each jurisdiction we
serve) at an average cost of under $2,500 per client, per year.*
Thank you in advance for your support!
* FYI:
1. The national average cost to taxpayers for minimum-security youth incarceration, is around
$43,000.00 per child, per year.
2. The average annual cost to taxpayers for maximun-security youth incarceration is well over
$148,000.00 per child, per year.
- (US News and World Report, December 9, 2014);
3. In every jurisdiction in the nation, the Plea Bargain rate is above 99%.
The Judicial system engages in a tri-partite balancing task in every single one of these matters, seeking
to balance Rehabilitative Justice with Community Protection and Judicial Economy, and, although
the practitioners work very hard to achieve positive outcomes, the scales are nowhere near balanced
where people of color are involved.
We must reverse this trend, which is right now working very much against the best interests of our young.
Our young people do not belong behind bars.
- Jack Johnson
1
In addition to supporting our world-class programming and support services, all regular donors receive our Quarterly e-Newsletter
(The e-Advocate), as well as The e-Advocate Quarterly Magazine.
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The Advocacy Foundation, Inc.
Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities
Achieve Their Full Potential
…a collection of works on
Cultural Transformation
“Turning the Improbable Into the Exceptional”
Atlanta
Philadelphia
______
John C Johnson III
Founder & CEO
(878) 222-0450
Voice | Data | SMS
www.TheAdvocacy.Foundation
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Biblical Authority
______
Romans 12 (ESV)
A Living Sacrifice
12 I appeal to you therefore, brothers, by the mercies of God, to present your bodies as
a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God, which is your spiritual worship. 2 Do not
be conformed to this world, but be transformed by the renewal of your mind, that by
testing you may discern what is the will of God, what is good and acceptable and
perfect.
Gifts of Grace
3
For by the grace given to me I say to everyone among you not to think of himself more
highly than he ought to think, but to think with sober judgment, each according to the
measure of faith that God has assigned. 4 For as in one body we have many members,
and the members do not all have the same function, 5 so we, though many, are one
body in Christ, and individually members one of another. 6 Having gifts that differ
according to the grace given to us, let us use them: if prophecy, in proportion to our
faith; 7 if service, in our serving; the one who teaches, in his teaching; 8 the one who
exhorts, in his exhortation; the one who contributes, in generosity; the one who leads,
with zeal; the one who does acts of mercy, with cheerfulness.
Marks of the True Christian
9
Let love be genuine. Abhor what is evil; hold fast to what is good. 10 Love one another
with brotherly affection. Outdo one another in showing honor. 11 Do not be slothful in
zeal, be fervent in spirit, serve the Lord. 12 Rejoice in hope, be patient in tribulation, be
constant in prayer. 13 Contribute to the needs of the saints and seek to show hospitality.
14
Bless those who persecute you; bless and do not curse them. 15 Rejoice with those
who rejoice, weep with those who weep. 16 Live in harmony with one another. Do not be
haughty, but associate with the lowly. Never be wise in your own sight. 17 Repay no one
evil for evil, but give thought to do what is honorable in the sight of all. 18 If possible, so
far as it depends on you, live peaceably with all. 19 Beloved, never avenge yourselves,
but leave it [i] to the wrath of God, for it is written, “Vengeance is mine, I will repay, says
the Lord.” 20 To the contrary, “if your enemy is hungry, feed him; if he is thirsty, give him
something to drink; for by so doing you will heap burning coals on his head.” 21 Do not
be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good.
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Galatians 5:22-23
22
But the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness,
faithfulness, 23 gentleness, self-control; against such things there is no law.
1 Corinthians 9:24-27
24
Do you not know that in a race all the runners run, but only one receives the prize? So
run that you may obtain it. 25 Every athlete exercises self-control in all things. They do it
to receive a perishable wreath, but we an imperishable. 26 So I do not run aimlessly; I do
not box as one beating the air. 27 But I discipline my body and keep it under control, lest
after preaching to others I myself should be disqualified.
Matthew 16:18
18
And I tell you, you are Peter, and on this rock I will build my church, and the gates of
hell shall not prevail against it.
2 Corinthians 5:17
17
Therefore, if anyone is in Christ, he is a new creation. [a] The old has passed away;
behold, the new has come.
Psalm 51:10
10
Create in me a clean heart, O God,
and renew a right spirit within me.
John 3:16
For God So Loved the World
16
“For God so loved the world, that he gave his only Son, that whoever believes in him
should not perish but have eternal life.
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Table of Contents
…a compilation of works on
Cultural Transformation
Biblical Authority
I. Introduction: Culture Change…………………………………….. 15
II. Behavioral Economics……………………………………………. 19
III. Cultural Capital……………………………………………………. 37
IV. Cultural Economics.................................................................. 45
V. Paradigm Shifting…………………………………………………. 51
VI. Conspiracy Theory……………………………………………….. 59
VII. Zeitgeist Theory…………….……………………………………. 71
VIII. The Illuminati……………………………….............................. 77
IX. The Star Chamber………………………………………………... 95
X. References……………………………………………………........ 101
______
Attachments
A. Fundamentals of Cultural Transformation
B. Culture Transformation: An Executive View
C. Intercultural Interactions and Cultural Transformation
Copyright © 2018 The Advocacy Foundation, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
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I. Introduction
Culture Change
Culture Change is a term used in public policy making that emphasizes the
influence of cultural capital on individual and community behavior. It has been
sometimes called repositioning of culture, which means the reconstruction of the cultural
concept of a society. It places stress on the social and cultural capital determinants of
decision making and the manner in which these interact with other factors like the
availability of information or the financial incentives facing individuals to drive behavior.
These cultural capital influences include the role of parenting, families and close
associates; organizations such as schools and workplaces; communities and
neighborhoods; and wider social influences such as the media. It is argued that this
cultural capital manifests into specific values, attitudes or social norms which in turn
guide the behavioral intentions that individuals adopt in regard to particular decisions or
courses of action. These behavioral intentions interact with other factors driving
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ehavior such as financial incentives, regulation and legislation, or levels of information,
to drive actual behavior and ultimately feed back into underlying cultural capital.
In general, cultural stereotypes present great resistance to change and to their own
redefinition. Culture, often appears fixed to the observer at any one point in time
because cultural mutations occur incrementally. The cultural change is a long-lasting
process. Policymakers need to make a great effort to improve some basics aspects of a
society’s cultural traits.
Achieving culture change
The term is used by Knott et al. of the Prime Minister's Strategy Unit in the publication:
Achieving Culture Change: A Policy Framework (Knott et al., 2008). The paper sets out
how public policy can achieve social and cultural change through 'downstream'
interventions including fiscal incentives, legislation, regulation and information provision
and also 'upstream' interventions such as parenting, peer and mentoring programs, or
development of social and community networks.
The key concepts the paper is based on include:
Cultural capital - such as the attitudes, values, aspirations and sense of selfefficacy
which influence behavior. Cultural capital is itself influenced by behavior
over time
The shifting social zeitgeist - whereby social norms and values that predominate
within the cultural capital in society evolve in over time
The process by which political narrative and new ideas and innovations shift the
social zeitgeist over time within the constraint of the 'elastic band' of public
opinion
The process of behavioral normalization - whereby behavior and actions pass
through into social and cultural norms (for example, Knott et al. argue that the UK
experience of seat belt enforcement established and reinforced this as a social
norm)
The use of customer insight
The importance of tailoring policy programs around an ecological model of
human behavior to account for how policy will interact with cultural capital and
affect it over time
Knott et al. use examples from a range of policy areas to demonstrate how the culture
change framework can be applied to policymaking. For example:
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To encourage educational aspiration they recommend more use of early years
and parenting interventions, an improved childhood offer, and development of
positive narratives on education as well as integrated advisory systems, financial
assistance and targeted social marketing approaches.
I trust my community
My community trusts me
To promote healthy living and personal responsibility they recommend building
healthy living into community infrastructure, building partnerships with schools
and employers, more one-to-one support for wellbeing alongside use of
regulation and legislation on unhealthy products, provision of robust health
information and health marketing to promote adaptive forms of behavior.
To develop environmentally sustainable norms they recommend reinforcing
sustainability throughout policy narratives, using schools and the voluntary sector
to promote environmental messages, development of infrastructure that make
sustainable choices easy, together with a wider package of measures on fiscal
incentives, regulation, advisory services and coalition movements.
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II. Behavioral Economics
Behavioral Economics studies the effects of psychological, cognitive,
emotional, cultural and social factors on the economic decisions of individuals and
institutions and how those decisions vary from those implied by classical theory.
Behavioral economics is primarily concerned with the bounds of rationality of economic
agents. Behavioral models typically integrate insights from psychology, neuroscience
and microeconomic theory. The study of behavioral economics includes how market
decisions are made and the mechanisms that drive public choice. The three prevalent
themes in behavioral economics are:
Heuristics: Humans make 95% of their decisions using mental shortcuts or rules
of thumb.
Framing: The collection of anecdotes and stereotypes that make up the mental
filters individuals rely on to understand and respond to events.
Market inefficiencies: These include mis-pricing and non-rational decision
making.
In 2002, psychologist Daniel Kahneman was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in
Economic Sciences "for having integrated insights from psychological research into
economic science, especially concerning human judgment and decision-making under
uncertainty". In 2012, economist Robert J. Shiller received the Nobel Memorial Prize in
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Economic Sciences for "for his empirical analysis of asset prices." (within the field of
behavioral finance) In 2017, economist Richard Thaler was awarded the Nobel
Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for "his contributions to behavioral economics
and his pioneering work in establishing that people are predictably irrational in ways that
defy economic theory."
History
During the classical period of economics, microeconomics was closely linked to
psychology. For example, Adam Smith wrote The Theory of Moral Sentiments, which
proposed psychological explanations of individual behavior, including concerns about
fairness and justice. Jeremy Bentham wrote extensively on the psychological
underpinnings of utility. Then, during the development of neo-classical economics,
economists sought to reshape the discipline as a natural science, deducing behavior
from assumptions about the nature of economic agents. They developed the concept of
homo economicus, whose behavior was fundamentally rational.
Neo-classical economists did incorporate psychological explanations: this was true of
Francis Edgeworth, Vilfredo Pareto and Irving Fisher. Economic psychology emerged
in the 20th century in the works of Gabriel Tarde, George Katona, and Laszlo Garai.
Expected utility and discounted utility models began to gain acceptance, generating
testable hypotheses about decision-making given uncertainty and intertemporal
consumption, respectively. Observed and repeatable anomalies eventually challenged
those hypotheses, and further steps were taken by Maurice Allais, for example, in
setting out the Allais paradox, a decision problem he first presented in 1953 that
contradicts the expected utility hypothesis.
In the 1960s cognitive psychology began to shed more light on the brain as an
information processing device (in contrast to behaviorist models). Psychologists in this
field, such as Ward Edwards, Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman began to compare
their cognitive models of decision-making under risk and uncertainty to economic
models of rational behavior. Mathematical psychology reflects a longstanding interest in
preference transitivity and the measurement of utility.
Bounded Rationality
Bounded rationality is the idea that when individuals make decisions, their rationality is
limited by the tractability of the decision problem, their cognitive limitations and the time
available. Decision-makers in this view act as satisficers, seeking a satisfactory solution
rather than an optimal one. Herbert A. Simon proposed bounded rationality as an
alternative basis for the mathematical modeling of decision-making. It complements
"rationality as optimization", which views decision-making as a fully rational process of
finding an optimal choice given the information available. Simon used the analogy of a
pair of scissors, where one blade represents human cognitive limitations and the other
the "structures of the environment", illustrating how minds compensate for limited
resources by exploiting known structural regularity in the environment.
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Bounded rationality implicates the idea that humans take shortcuts that may lead to
suboptimal decision-making. Behavioral economists engage in mapping the decision
shortcuts that agents use in order to help increase the effectiveness of human decisionmaking.
One treatment of this idea comes from Cass Sunstein and Richard Thaler's
Nudge. Sunstein and Thaler recommend that choice architectures are modified in light
of human agents' bounded rationality. A widely cited proposal from Sunstein and Thaler
urges that healthier food be placed at sight level in order to increase the likelihood that a
person will opt for that choice instead of less healthy option. Some critics of Nudge have
lodged attacks that modifying choice architectures will lead to people becoming worse
decision-makers.
Prospect Theory
In 1979, Kahneman and Tversky published Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision
Under Risk, that used cognitive psychology to explain various divergences of economic
decision making from neo-classical theory. Prospect theory has two stages: an editing
stage and an evaluation stage.
In the editing stage, risky situations are simplified using various heuristics. In the
evaluation phase, risky alternatives are evaluated using various psychological principles
that include:
Reference Dependence: When evaluating outcomes, the decision maker
considers a "reference level". Outcomes are then compared to the reference
point and classified as "gains" if greater than the reference point and "losses" if
less than the reference point.
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Loss Aversion: Losses are avoided more than equivalent gains are sought. In
their 1992 paper, Kahneman and Tversky found the median coefficient of loss
aversion to be about 2.25, i.e., losses hurt about 2.25 times more than equivalent
gains reward.
Non-Linear Probability Weighting: Decision makers overweight small
probabilities and underweight large probabilities—this gives rise to the inverse-S
shaped "probability weighting function".
Diminishing Sensitivity to Gains and Losses: As the size of the gains and
losses relative to the reference point increase in absolute value, the marginal
effect on the decision maker's utility or satisfaction falls.
Prospect theory is able to explain everything that the two main existing decision
theories—expected utility theory and rank dependent utility theory—can explain.
Further, prospect theory has been used to explain phenomena that existing decision
theories have great difficulty in explaining. These include backward bending labor
supply curves, asymmetric price elasticities, tax evasion and co-movement of stock
prices and consumption.
In 1992, in the Journal of Risk and Uncertainty, Kahneman and Tversky gave a revised
account of prospect theory that they called cumulative prospect theory. The new theory
eliminated the editing phase in prospect theory and focused just on the evaluation
phase. Its main feature was that it allowed for non-linear probability weighting in a
cumulative manner, which was originally suggested in John Quiggin's rank-dependent
utility theory.
Psychological traits such as overconfidence, projection bias, and the effects of limited
attention are now part of the theory. Other developments include a conference at the
University of Chicago, a special behavioral economics edition of the Quarterly Journal of
Economics ("In Memory of Amos Tversky"), and Kahneman's 2002 Nobel Prize for
having "integrated insights from psychological research into economic science,
especially concerning human judgment and decision-making under uncertainty".
Intertemporal Choice
Behavioral economics has been applied to intertemporal choice. Intertemporal choice is
defined as making a decision and having the effects of such decision happening in a
different time. Intertemporal choice behavior is largely inconsistent, as exemplified by
George Ainslie's hyperbolic discounting—one of the prominently studied observations—
and further developed by David Laibson, Ted O'Donoghue and Matthew Rabin.
Hyperbolic discounting describes the tendency to discount outcomes in the near future
more than outcomes in the far future. This pattern of discounting is dynamically
inconsistent (or time-inconsistent), and therefore inconsistent with basic models of
rational choice, since the rate of discount between time t and t+1 will be low at time t-1
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when t is the near future, but high at time t when t is the present and time t+1 is the near
future.
This pattern can also be explained through models of sub-additive discounting that
distinguish the delay and interval of discounting: people are less patient (per-time-unit)
over shorter intervals regardless of when they occur.
Other Areas of Research
Other branches of behavioral economics enrich the model of the utility function without
implying inconsistency in preferences. Ernst Fehr, Armin Falk, and Rabin studied
fairness, inequity aversion and reciprocal altruism, weakening the neoclassical
assumption of perfect selfishness. This work is particularly applicable to wage setting.
The work on "intrinsic motivation by Gneezy and Rustichini and "identity" by Akerlof and
Kranton assumes that agents derive utility from adopting personal and social norms in
addition to conditional expected utility. According to Aggarwal, in addition to behavioral
deviations from rational equilibrium, markets are also likely to suffer from lagged
responses, search costs, externalities of the commons, and other frictions making it
difficult to disentangle behavioral effects in market behavior.
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"Conditional expected utility" is a form of reasoning where the individual has an illusion
of control, and calculates the probabilities of external events and hence their utility as a
function of their own action, even when they have no causal ability to affect those
external events.
Behavioral economics caught on among the general public with the success of books
such as Dan Ariely's Predictably Irrational. Practitioners of the discipline have studied
quasi-public policy topics such as broadband mapping.
Applications for behavioral economics include the modeling of the consumer decisionmaking
process for applications in artificial intelligence and machine learning. The
Silicon Valley-based start-up Singularities is using the AGM postulates proposed by
Alchourrón, Gärdenfors, and Makinson—the formalization of the concepts of beliefs and
change for rational entities—in a symbolic logic to create a "machine learning and
deduction engine that uses the latest data science and big data algorithms in order to
generate the content and conditional rules (counterfactuals) that capture customer's
behaviors and beliefs".
Applications of behavioral economics also exist in other disciplines, for example in the
area of supply chain management.
Natural Experiments
From a biological point of view, human behaviors are essentially the same during crises
accompanied by stock market crashes and during bubble growth when share prices
exceed historic highs. During those periods, most market participants see something
new for themselves, and this inevitably induces a stress response in them with
accompanying changes in their endocrine profiles and motivations. The result is
quantitative and qualitative changes in behavior. This is one example where behavior
affecting economics and finance can be observed and variably-contrasted using
behavioral economics.
Behavioral economics' usefulness applies beyond environments similar to stock
exchanges. Selfish-reasoning, 'adult behaviors', and similar, can be identified within
criminal-concealment(s), and legal-deficiencies and neglect of different types can be
observed and discovered. Awareness of indirect consequence (or lack of), at least in
potential with different experimental models and methods, can be used as well—
behavioral economics' potential uses are broad, but its reliability needs scrutiny.
Underestimation of the role of novelty as a stressor is the primary shortcoming of
current approaches for market research. It is necessary to account for the biologically
determined diphasisms of human behavior in everyday low-stress conditions and in
response to stressors.
Criticism
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Critics of behavioral economics typically stress the rationality of economic agents. They
contend that experimentally observed behavior has limited application to market
situations, as learning opportunities and competition ensure at least a close
approximation of rational behavior.
Others note that cognitive theories, such as prospect theory, are models of decision
making, not generalized economic behavior, and are only applicable to the sort of onceoff
decision problems presented to experiment participants or survey respondents.
A notable concern is that despite a great deal of rhetoric, no consistent behavioral
theory has yet been espoused. Behavioral economists have proposed no unified theory.
Until that happens, behavioral economics is a collection of observations.
Traditional economists are skeptical of the experimental and survey-based techniques
that behavioral economics uses extensively. Economists typically stress revealed
preferences over stated preferences (from surveys) in the determination of economic
value. Experiments and surveys are at risk of systemic biases, strategic behavior and
lack of incentive compatibility.
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Responses
Matthew Rabin dismisses these criticisms, countering that consistent results typically
are obtained in multiple situations and geographies and can produce good theoretical
insight. Behavioral economists however responded to these criticisms by focusing on
field studies rather than lab experiments. Some economists see a fundamental schism
between experimental economics and behavioral economics, but prominent behavioral
and experimental economists tend to share techniques and approaches in answering
common questions. For example, behavioral economists are investigating
neuroeconomics, which is entirely experimental and has not been verified in the field.
Other proponents note that neoclassical models often fail to predict real world
outcomes. Behavioral insights can also influence neoclassical models. Behavioral
economists note that these revised models reach the same correct predictions as the
traditional models and correctly predict some outcomes where traditional models failed.
The epistemological, ontological, and methodological components of behavioral
economics are increasingly debated, in particular by historians of economics and
economic methodologists.
According to some researchers, when studying the mechanisms that form the basis of
decision-making, especially financial decision-making, it is necessary to recognize that
most decisions are made under stress because, "Stress is the nonspecific body
response to any demands presented to it."
Nudge Theory
Applied Issues
Nudge is a concept in behavioral science, political theory and economics which
proposes positive reinforcement and indirect suggestions as ways to influence the
behavior and decision making of groups or individuals. Nudging contrasts with other
ways to achieve compliance, such as education, legislation or enforcement. The
concept has influenced British and American politicians. Several nudge units exist
around the world at the national level (UK, Germany, Japan and others) as well as at
the international level (OECD, World Bank, UN).
The first formulation of the term and associated principles was developed in cybernetics
by James Wilk before 1995 and described by Brunel University academic D. J. Stewart
as "the art of the nudge" (sometimes referred to as micronudges). It also drew on
methodological influences from clinical psychotherapy tracing back to Gregory Bateson,
including contributions from Milton Erickson, Watzlawick, Weakland and Fisch, and Bill
O'Hanlon. In this variant, the nudge is a microtargetted design geared towards a specific
group of people, irrespective of the scale of intended intervention.
In 2008, Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein's book Nudge: Improving Decisions About
Health, Wealth, and Happiness brought nudge theory to prominence. It also gained a
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following among US and UK politicians, in the private sector and in public health. The
authors refer to influencing behaviour without coercion as libertarian paternalism and
the influencers as choice architects. Thaler and Sunstein defined their concept as:
A nudge, as we will use the term, is any aspect of the choice architecture that alters
people's behavior in a predictable way without forbidding any options or significantly
changing their economic incentives. To count as a mere nudge, the intervention must be
easy and cheap to avoid. Nudges are not mandates. Putting fruit at eye level counts as a
nudge. Banning junk food does not.
In this form, drawing on behavioral economics, the nudge is more generally applied to
influence behavior.
One of the most frequently cited examples of a nudge is the etching of the image of a
housefly into the men's room urinals at Amsterdam's Schiphol Airport, which is intended
to "improve the aim".
Nudging techniques aim to use judgmental heuristics to our advantage. In other words,
a nudge alters the environment so that when heuristic, or System 1, decision-making is
used, the resulting choice will be the most positive or desired outcome. [41] An example
of such a nudge is switching the placement of junk food in a store, so that fruit and other
healthy options are located next to the cash register, while junk food is relocated to
another part of the store.
In 2008, the United States appointed Sunstein, who helped develop the theory, as
administrator of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs.
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Notable applications of nudge theory include the formation of the British Behavioural
Insights Team in 2010. It is often called the "Nudge Unit", at the British Cabinet Office,
headed by David Halpern.
Both Prime Minister David Cameron and President Barack Obama sought to employ
nudge theory to advance domestic policy goals during their terms.
In Australia, the government of New South Wales established a Behavioural Insights
community of practice.
Nudge theory has also been applied to business management and corporate culture,
such as in relation to health, safety and environment (HSE) and human resources.
Regarding its application to HSE, one of the primary goals of nudge is to achieve a
"zero accident culture".
Leading Silicon Valley companies are forerunners in applying nudge theory in corporate
setting. These companies are using nudges in various forms to increase productivity
and happiness of employees. Recently, further companies are gaining interest in using
what is called "nudge management" to improve the productivity of their white-collar
workers.
There are now more than 80 countries in which behavioral insights are used.
Criticisms
Nudging has also been criticised. Tammy Boyce, from public health foundation The
King's Fund, has said: "We need to move away from short-term, politically motivated
initiatives such as the 'nudging people' idea, which are not based on any good evidence
and don't help people make long-term behaviour changes."
Cass Sunstein has responded to critiques at length in his The Ethics of Influence
making the case in favor of nudging against charges that nudges diminish autonomy,
threaten dignity, violate liberties, or reduce welfare. Ethicists have debated this
rigorously. These charges have been made by various participants in the debate from
Bovens to Goodwin. Wilkinson for example charges nudges for being manipulative,
while others such as Yeung question their scientific credibility.
Some, such as Hausman & Welch have inquired whether nudging should be
permissible on grounds of (distributive) justice; Lepenies & Malecka have questioned
whether nudges are compatible with the rule of law. Similarly, legal scholars have
discussed the role of nudges and the law.
Behavioral economists such as Bob Sugden have pointed out that the underlying
normative benchmark of nudging is still homo oeconomicus, despite the proponents'
claim to the contrary.
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It has been remarked that nudging is also a euphemism for psychological manipulation
as practiced in social engineering.
There exists an anticipation and, simultaneously, implicit criticism of the nudge theory in
works of Hungarian social psychologists who emphasize the active participation in the
nudge of its target (Ferenc Merei), Laszlo Garai).
Behacnce
The central issue in behavioral finance is explaining why market participants make
irrational systematic errors contrary to assumption of rational market participants. Such
errors affect prices and returns, creating market inefficiencies. The study of behavioral
finance also investigates how other participants take advantage (arbitrage) of such
errors and market inefficiencies.
Behavioral finance highlights inefficiencies, such as under- or over-reactions to
information, as causes of market trends and, in extreme cases, of bubbles and crashes.
Such reactions have been attributed to limited investor attention, overconfidence, overoptimism,
mimicry (herding instinct) and noise trading. Technical analysts consider
behavioral finance to be behavioral economics' "academic cousin" and the theoretical
basis for technical analysis.
Other key observations include the asymmetry between decisions to acquire or keep
resources, known as the "bird in the bush" paradox, and loss aversion, the
unwillingness to let go of a valued possession. Loss aversion appears to manifest itself
in investor behavior as a reluctance to sell shares or other equity if doing so would
result in a nominal loss. It may also help explain why housing prices rarely/slowly
decline to market clearing levels during periods of low demand.
Benartzi and Thaler, applying a version of prospect theory, claim to have solved the
equity premium puzzle, something conventional finance models so far have been
unable to do. Experimental finance applies the experimental method, e.g., creating an
artificial market through some kind of simulation software to study people's decisionmaking
process and behavior in financial markets.
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Quantitative Behavioral Finance
Quantitative behavioral finance uses mathematical and statistical methodology to
understand behavioral biases. In marketing research, a study shows little evidence that
escalating biases impact marketing decisions. Leading contributors include Gunduz
Caginalp (Editor of the Journal of Behavioral Finance from 2001–04), and collaborators
include 2002 Nobel Laureate Vernon Smith, David Porter, Don Balenovich, Vladimira
Ilieva and Ahmet Duran, and Ray Sturm.
Financial Models
Some financial models used in money management and asset valuation incorporate
behavioral finance parameters. Examples:
Thaler's model of price reactions to information, with three phases
(underreaction, adjustment, and overreaction), creating a price trend.
One characteristic of overreaction is that average returns following announcements of
good news is lower than following bad news. In other words, overreaction occurs if the
market reacts too strongly or for too long to news, thus requiring adjustment in the
opposite direction. As a result, outperforming assets in one period are likely to
underperform in the following period. This also applies to customers' irrational
purchasing habits.
The stock image coefficient.
Criticisms
Critics such as Eugene Fama typically support the efficient-market hypothesis. They
contend that behavioral finance is more a collection of anomalies than a true branch of
finance and that these anomalies are either quickly priced out of the market or
explained by appealing to market microstructure arguments. However, individual
cognitive biases are distinct from social biases; the former can be averaged out by the
market, while the other can create positive feedback loops that drive the market further
and further from a "fair price" equilibrium. Similarly, for an anomaly to violate market
efficiency, an investor must be able to trade against it and earn abnormal profits; this is
not the case for many anomalies.
A specific example of this criticism appears in some explanations of the equity premium
puzzle. It is argued that the cause is entry barriers (both practical and psychological)
and that returns between stocks and bonds should equalize as electronic resources
open up the stock market to more traders. In response, others contend that most
personal investment funds are managed through superannuation funds, minimizing the
effect of these putative entry barriers. In addition, professional investors and fund
managers seem to hold more bonds than one would expect given return differentials.
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Behavioral Game Theory
Behavioral game theory, invented by Colin Camerer, analyzes interactive strategic
decisions and behavior using the methods of game theory, experimental economics,
and experimental psychology. Experiments include testing deviations from typical
simplifications of economic theory such as the independence axiom and neglect of
altruism, fairness, and framing effects. On the positive side, the method has been
applied to interactive learning and social preferences. As a research program, the
subject is a development of the last three decades.
Economic Reasoning in Animals
A handful of comparative psychologists have attempted to demonstrate quasi-economic
reasoning in non-human animals. Early attempts along these lines focus on the
behavior of rats and pigeons. These studies draw on the tenets of comparative
psychology, where the main goal is to discover analogs to human behavior in
experimentally-tractable non-human animals. They are also methodologically similar to
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the work of Ferster and Skinner. Methodological similarities aside, early researchers in
non-human economics deviate from behaviorism in their terminology. Although such
studies are set up primarily in an operant conditioning chamber using food rewards for
pecking/bar-pressing behavior, the researchers describe pecking and bar-pressing not
in terms of reinforcement and stimulus-response relationships but instead in terms of
work, demand, budget, and labor. Recent studies have adopted a slightly different
approach, taking a more evolutionary perspective, comparing economic behavior of
humans to a species of non-human primate, the capuchin monkey.
Animal Studies
Many early studies of non-human economic reasoning were performed on rats and
pigeons in an operant conditioning chamber. These studies looked at things like peck
rate (in the case of the pigeon) and bar-pressing rate (in the case of the rat) given
certain conditions of reward. Early researchers claim, for example, that response
pattern (pecking/bar-pressing rate) is an appropriate analogy to human labor supply.
Researchers in this field advocate for the appropriateness of using animal economic
behavior to understand the elementary components of human economic behavior. In a
paper by Battalio, Green, and Kagel, they write,
Space considerations do not permit a detailed discussion of the reasons why
economists should take seriously the investigation of economic theories using
nonhuman subjects....[Studies of economic behavior in non-human animals] provide a
laboratory for identifying, testing, and better understanding general laws of economic
behavior. Use of this laboratory is predicated on the fact that behavior as well as
structure vary continuously across species, and that principles of economic behavior
would be unique among behavioral principles if they did not apply, with some variation,
of course, to the behavior of nonhumans.
Labor Supply
The typical laboratory environment to study labor supply in pigeons is set up as follows.
Pigeons are first deprived of food. Since the animals become hungry, food becomes
highly desired. The pigeons are then placed in an operant conditioning chamber and
through orienting and exploring the environment of the chamber they discover that by
pecking a small disk located on one side of the chamber, food is delivered to them. In
effect, pecking behavior becomes reinforced, as it is associated with food. Before long,
the pigeon pecks at the disk (or stimulus) regularly.
In this circumstance, the pigeon is said to "work" for the food by pecking. The food,
then, is thought of as the currency. The value of the currency can be adjusted in several
ways, including the amount of food delivered, the rate of food delivery and the type of
food delivered (some foods are more desirable than others).
Economic behavior similar to that observed in humans is discovered when the hungry
pigeons stop working/work less when the reward is reduced. Researchers argue that
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this is similar to labor supply behavior in humans. That is, like humans (who, even in
need, will only work so much for a given wage), the pigeons demonstrate decreases in
pecking (work) when the reward (value) is reduced.
Demand
In human economics, a typical demand curve has negative slope. This means that as
the price of a certain good increases, the amount that consumers are willing and able to
purchase decreases. Researchers
studying the demand curves of nonhuman
animals, such as
rats, also find downward
slopes.
Researchers have studied
demand in rats in a
manner
distinct
from
studying
labor
supply
in
pigeons.
Specifically,
in an operant
conditioning
chamber
containing rats as
experimental
subjects, we require
them to press a bar,
instead of pecking a small
disk, to receive a reward.
The reward can be food (reward
pellets), water, or a commodity drink
such as cherry cola. Unlike in previous pigeon studies, where the work analog was
pecking and the monetary analog was reward, the work analog in this experiment is barpressing.
Under these circumstances, the researchers claim that changing the number
of bar presses required to obtain a commodity item is analogous to changing the price
of a commodity item in human economics.
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In effect, results of demand studies in non-human animals show that, as the barpressing
requirement (cost) increase, the number of times an animal presses the bar
equal to or greater than the bar-pressing requirement (payment) decreases.
Evolutionary Psychology
An evolutionary psychology perspective states that many of the perceived limitations in
rational choice can be explained as being rational in the context of maximizing biological
fitness in the ancestral environment, but not necessarily in the current one. Thus, when
living at subsistence level where a reduction of resources may result in death, it may
have been rational to place a greater value on preventing losses than on obtaining
gains. It may also explain behavioral differences between groups, such as males being
less risk-averse than females since males have more variable reproductive success
than females. While unsuccessful risk-seeking may limit reproductive success for both
sexes, males may potentially increase their reproductive success from successful riskseeking
much more than females can.
Artificial Intelligence
Much of the decisions are more and more made either by human beings with the
assistance of artificial intelligent machines or wholly made by these machines. Tshilidzi
Marwala and Evan Hurwitz in their book, studied the utility of behavioral economics in
such situations and concluded that these intelligent machines reduce the impact of
bounded rational decision making. In particular, they observed that these intelligent
machines reduce the degree of information asymmetry in the market, improve decision
making and thus making markets more rational.
The use of AI machines in the market in applications such as online trading and
decision making has changed major economic theories. Other theories where AI has
had impact include in rational choice, rational expectations, game theory, Lewis turning
point, portfolio optimization and counterfactual thinking.
Experimental Economics
Related Fields
Experimental economics is the application of experimental methods [93] to study
economic questions. Data collected in experiments are used to estimate effect size, test
the validity of economic theories, and illuminate market mechanisms. Economic
experiments usually use cash to motivate subjects, in order to mimic real-world
incentives. Experiments are used to help understand how and why markets and other
exchange systems function as they do. Experimental economics have also expanded to
understand institutions and the law (experimental law and economics). [94]
A fundamental aspect of the subject is design of experiments. Experiments may be
conducted in the field or in laboratory settings, whether of individual or group behavior.
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Variants of the subject outside such formal confines include natural and quasi-natural
experiments.
Neuroeconomics
Neuroeconomics is an interdisciplinary field that seeks to explain human decision
making, the ability to process multiple alternatives and to follow a course of action. It
studies how economic behavior can shape our understanding of the brain, and how
neuroscientific discoveries can constrain and guide models of economics.
It combines research methods from neuroscience, experimental and behavioral
economics, and cognitive and social psychology. As research into decision-making
behavior becomes increasingly computational, it has also incorporated new approaches
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from theoretical biology, computer science, and mathematics. Neuroeconomics studies
decision making by using a combination of tools from these fields so as to avoid the
shortcomings that arise from a single-perspective approach. In mainstream economics,
expected utility (EU) and the concept of rational agents are still being used. Many
economic behaviors are not fully explained by these models, such as heuristics and
framing.
Behavioral economics emerged to account for these anomalies by integrating social,
cognitive, and emotional factors in understanding economic decisions. Neuroeconomics
adds another layer by using neuroscientific methods in understanding the interplay
between economic behavior and neural mechanisms. By using tools from various fields,
some scholars claim that neuroeconomics offers a more integrative way of
understanding decision making.
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III. Cultural Capital
In sociology, cultural capital consists of the social assets of a person (education,
intellect, style of speech and dress, etc.) that promote social mobility in a stratified
society. Cultural capital functions as a social-relation within an economy of practices
(system of exchange), and comprises all of the material and symbolic goods, without
distinction, that society considers rare and worth seeking. As a social relation within a
system of exchange, cultural capital includes the accumulated cultural knowledge that
confers social status and power.
In "Cultural Reproduction and Social Reproduction" (1977), Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-
Claude Passeron presented cultural capital to conceptually explain the differences
among the levels of performance and
academic
achievement of
children within the educational system
of France in the 1960s; and further developed the
concept in the essay "The Forms of Capital" (1985) and in the book The State Nobility:
Élite Schools in the Field of Power (1996).
Types of Capital
In the sociological essay, "The Forms of Capital" (1985), Pierre Bourdieu identifies three
categories of capital:
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Types
1. Economic Capital: command of economic resources (money, assets, property).
2. Social Capital: actual and potential resources linked to the possession of a
durable network of institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and
recognition.
3. Cultural Capital: A person's education (knowledge and intellectual skills) that
provides advantage in achieving a higher social-status in society.
There are three types of cultural capital: (i) Embodied capital; (ii) Objectified capital; and
(iii) Institutionalised capital:
1. Embodied Cultural Capital comprises the knowledge that is consciously
acquired and the passively inherited, by socialization to culture and tradition.
Unlike property, cultural capital is not transmissible, but is acquired over time, as
it is impressed upon the person's habitus (character and way of thinking), which,
in turn, becomes more receptive to similar cultural influences. Linguistic
cultural capital is the mastery of language and its relations; the embodied
cultural capital, which is a person's means of communication and selfpresentation,
acquired from the national culture. [7]
2. Objectified Cultural Capital comprises the person's property (e.g. a work of art,
scientific instruments, etc.) that can be transmitted for economic profit (buyingand-selling)
and for symbolically conveying the possession of cultural capital
facilitated by owning such things. Yet, whilst possessing a work of art (objectified
cultural-capital) the person can consume the art (understand its cultural meaning)
only with the proper conceptual and historical foundations of prior cultural-capital.
As such, cultural capital is not transmitted in the sale of the work of art, except by
coincidental and independent causation, when the seller explains the artwork's
significance to the buyer.
3. Institutionalized Cultural Capital comprises an institution's formal recognition
of a person's cultural capital, usually academic credentials or professional
qualifications. The greatest social role of institutionalized cultural-capital is in the
labor market (a job), wherein it allows the expression of the person's array of
cultural capital as qualitative and quantitative measurements (which are
compared against the measures of cultural capital of other people). The
institutional recognition facilitates the conversion of cultural capital into economic
capital, by serving as a heuristic (practical solution) with which the seller can
describe his or her cultural capital to the buyer.
Habitus and Field
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The cultural capital of a person is linked to his or her habitus (embodied disposition and
tendencies) and field (social positions), which are configured as a social-relation
structure. The field is the place of social position that is constituted by the conflicts that
occur when social groups endeavour to establish and define what is cultural capital,
within a given social space; therefore, depending upon the social field, one type of
cultural capital can simultaneously be legitimate and illegitimate. In that way, the
legitimization (societal recognition) of a type of cultural capital can be arbitrary and
derived from symbolic capital.
The habitus of a person is composed of the intellectual dispositions inculcated to him or
her by family and the familial environment, and are manifested according to the nature
of the person. As such, the social formation of a person's habitus is influenced by family,
by objective changes in social class, and by social interactions with other people in daily
life; moreover, the habitus of a person also changes when he or she changes social
positions within the field.
Theoretical Research
The concept of cultural capital has received widespread attention all around the world,
from theorists and researchers alike. It is mostly employed in relation to the education
system, but on the odd occasion has been used or developed in other discourses. Use
of Bourdieu's cultural capital can be broken up into a number of basic categories. First,
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are those who explore the theory as a possible means of explanation or employ it as the
framework for their research. Second, are those who build on or expand Bourdieu's
theory. Finally, there are those who attempt to disprove Bourdieu's findings or to
discount them in favour of an alternative theory. The majority of these works deal with
Bourdieu's theory in relation to education, only a small number apply his theory to other
instances of inequality in society.
Traditional Application
Those researchers and theorists who explore or employ Bourdieu's theory use it in a
similar way as it was articulated by Bourdieu. They usually apply it uncritically, and
depending on the measurable indicators of cultural capital and the fields within which
they measure it, Bourdieu's theory either works to support their argument totally, or in a
qualified way. These works to help portray the usefulness of Bourdieu's concept in
analysing (mainly educational) inequality but they do not add anything to the theory.
One work which does employ Bourdieu's work in an enlightening way is that of
Emirbayer & Williams (2005) who use Bourdieu's notion of fields and capital to examine
the power relations in the field of social services, particularly homeless shelters. The
authors talk of the two separate fields that operate in the same geographic location (the
shelter) and the types of capital that are legitimate and valued in each. Specifically they
show how homeless people can possess "staff-sanctioned capital" or "client-sanctioned
capital" (2005:92) and show how in the shelter, they are both at the same time,
desirable and undesirable, valued and disparaged, depending on which of the two fields
they are operating in. Although the authors do not clearly define staff-sanctioned and
client-sanctioned capital as cultural capital, and state that usually the resources that
form these two capitals are gathered from a person's life as opposed to their family, it
can be seen how Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital can be a valuable theory in
analyzing inequality in any social setting.
Expansion
A number of works expand Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital in a beneficial manner,
without deviating from Bourdieu's framework of the different forms of capital. In fact,
these authors can be seen to explore unarticulated areas of Bourdieu's theory as
opposed to constructing a new theory. For instance, Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch
(1995:121) examine how those people with the desired types of cultural (and linguistic)
capital in a school transform this capital into "instrumental relations" or social capital
with institutional agents who can transmit valuable resources to the person, furthering
their success in the school. They state that this is simply an elaboration of Bourdieu's
theory. Similarly, Dumais (2002) introduces the variable of gender to determine the
ability of cultural capital to increase educational achievement. The author shows how
gender and social class interact to produce different benefits from cultural capital. In fact
in Distinction (1984:107), Bourdieu states "sexual properties are as inseparable from
class properties as the yellowness of lemons is inseparable from its acidity". He simply
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did not articulate the differences attributable to gender in his general theory of
reproduction in the education system.
On the other hand, two authors have introduced new variables into Bourdieu's concept
of cultural capital. Emmison & Frow's (1998) work centers on an exploration of the
ability of Information Technology to be considered a form of cultural capital. The authors
state that "a familiarity with, and a positive disposition towards the use of bourgeoisie
technologies of the information age can be seen as an additional form of cultural capital
bestowing advantage on those families that possess them". Specifically computers are
"machines" (Bourdieu, 1986:47) that form a type of objectified cultural capital, and the
ability to use them is an embodied type of cultural capital. This work is useful because it
shows the ways in which Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital can be expanded and
updated to include cultural goods and practices which are progressively more important
in determining achievement both in the school and without.
Hage uses Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital to explore multiculturalism and racism in
Australia. His discussion around race is distinct from Bourdieu's treatment of migrants
and their amount of linguistic capital and habitus. Hage actually conceives of
"whiteness" (in Dolby, 2000:49) as being a form of cultural capital. 'White' is not a
stable, biologically determined trait, but a "shifting set of social practices" (Dolby,
2000:49). He conceptualizes the nation as a circular field, with the hierarchy moving
from the powerful center (composed of 'white' Australians) to the less powerful
periphery (composed of the 'others'). The 'others' however are not simply dominated,
but are forced to compete with each other for a place closer to the centre. This use of
Bourdieu's notion of capital and fields is extremely illuminating to understand how
people of non-Anglo ethnicities may try and exchange the cultural capital of their ethnic
background with that of 'whiteness' to gain a higher position in the hierarchy. It is
especially useful to see it in these terms as it exposes the arbitrary nature of what is
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"Australian", and how it is determined by those in the dominant position (mainly 'white'
Australians). In a path-breaking study, Bauder (2006) uses the notions of habitus and
cultural capital to explain the situation of migrants in the labor market and society.
In the article "Against School" (2003), the retired teacher John Taylor Gatto addresses
education in modern schooling. The relation of cultural capital can be linked to
Principles of Secondary Education (1918), by Alexander Inglis, which indicates how
American schooling is what like Prussian schooling in the 1820s. The objective was to
divide children into sections, by distributing them by subject, by age, and by test score.
Inglis introduces six basic functions for modern schooling; functions three, four, and five
are related to cultural capital, and describe the manner in which schooling enforces the
cultural capital of each child, from a young age. Functions three, four, and five are: 3.
Diagnosis and direction: School is meant to determine the proper social role of each
student, by logging mathematic and anecdotal evidence into cumulative records. 4.
Differentiation: Once the social role of a student is determined, the children are sorted
by role and trained only as merited for his or her social destination. 5. Selection: This
refers to Darwin's theory of natural selection applied to "the favored races".
The idea is to help American society, by consciously attempting to improve the breeding
stock. Schools are meant to tag the socially unfit with poor grades, remedial-schooling
placement, and other notable social punishments that their peers will then view and
accept them as intellectually inferior, and effectively bar them from the reproductive
(sexual, economic, and cultural) sweepstakes of life. That was the purpose of petty
humiliation in school: "It was the dirt down the drain." The three functions are directly
related to cultural capital, because through schooling children are discriminated by
social class and cognitively placed into the destination that will make them fit to sustain
that social role. That is the path leading to their determined social class; and, during the
fifth function, they will be socially undesirable to the privileged children, and so kept in a
low social stratum.
Paul DiMaggio expands on Bourdieu's view on cultural capital and its influence on
education saying: "Following Bourdieu, I measure high school students' cultural capital
using self-reports of involvement in art, music, and literature." In his journal article titled
Cultural Capital and School Success: The Impact of Status Culture Participation on the
Grades of U.S. High School Students in the American Sociological Review.
In the US, Richard A. Peterson and A Simkus (1992) extended the cultural capital
theory, exclusively on (secondary) analysis of survey data on Americans, in 'How
musical tastes mark occupational status groups', with the term "cultural omnivores" as a
particular higher status section in the US that has broader cultural engagements and
tastes spanning an eclectic range from highbrow arts to popular culture. Originally, it
was Peterson (1992) who coined the term 'cultural omnivore' to address an anomaly
observed in the evidence revealed by his work with Simkus (Peterson and Simkus,
1992) which showed that people of higher social status, contrary to elite-mass models
of cultural taste developed by French scholars with French data, were not averse to
participation in activities associated with popular culture. The work rejected the
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universal adaptation of the cultural capital theory, especially in the 20th century in
advanced post-industrialist societies like the United States.
In the UK, Louise Archer and colleagues (2015) developed the concept of science
capital. The concept of science capital draws from the work of Bourdieu, in particular his
studies focusing on the reproduction of social inequalities in society. Science capital is
made up of science related cultural capital and social capital as well as habitus. It
encapsulates the various influences that a young person's life experiences can have on
their science identity and participation in science-related activities. The empirical work
on science capital builds from a growing body of data into students' aspirations and
attitudes to science, including ASPIRES and Enterprising Science. The concept of
science capital was developed as a way to understand why these science-related
resources, attitudes and aspirations led some children to pursue science, while others
did not. The concept provides policy makers and practitioners with a useful framework
to help understand what shapes young people's engagement with (and potential
resistance to) science.
Criticism
Criticisms of Bourdieu's concept have been made on many grounds, including a lack of
conceptual clarity. Perhaps due to this lack of clarity, researchers have operationalised
the concept in diverse ways, and have varied in their conclusions. While some
researchers may be criticised for using measures of cultural capital which focus only on
certain aspects of 'highbrow' culture, this is a criticism which could also be leveled at
Bourdieu's own work. Several studies have attempted to refine the measurement of
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cultural capital, in order to examine which aspects of middle-class culture actually have
value in the education system.
It has been observed that Bourdieu's theory, and in particular his notion of habitus, is
entirely deterministic, leaving no place for individual agency or even individual
consciousness. Although Bourdieu claimed to have transcended the dichotomy of
structure and agency, this is not necessarily convincing. For example, the Oxford
academic John Goldthorpe has long argued that:
Bourdieu's view of the transmission of cultural capital as a key process in social
reproduction is simply wrong. And the more detailed findings of the research, as noted
above, could then have been taken as helping to explain just why it is wrong. That is,
because differing class conditions do not give rise to such distinctive and abiding forms
of habitus as Bourdieu would suppose; because even within more disadvantaged
classes, with little access to high culture, values favouring education may still prevail
and perhaps some relevant cultural resources exist; and because, therefore, schools
and other educational institutions can function as important agencies of re-socialisation
– that is, can not only underwrite but also in various respects complement, compensate
for or indeed counter family influences in the creation and transmission of "cultural
capital", and not just in the case of Wunderkinder but in fact on a mass scale.
Bourdieu has also been criticised for his lack of consideration of gender. Kanter (in
Robinson & Garnier, 1986) point out the lack of interest in gender inequalities in the
labour market in Bourdieu's work. However, Bourdieu addressed the topic of gender
head-on in his 2001 book Masculine Domination. Bourdieu stated on the first page of
the prelude in this book that he considered masculine domination to be a prime example
of symbolic violence.
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IV. Cultural Economics
Cultural Economics is the branch of economics that studies the relation of
culture to economic outcomes. Here, 'culture' is defined by shared beliefs and
preferences of respective groups. Programmatic issues include whether and how much
culture matters as to economic outcomes and what its relation is to institutions. As a
growing field in behavioral economics, the role of culture in economic behavior is
increasingly being demonstrate to cause significant differentials in decision-making and
the management and valuation of assets.
Applications include the study of religion, social norms. social identity, fertility, beliefs in
redistributive justice, ideology, hatred, terrorism, trust, and the culture of economics. A
general analytical theme is how ideas and behaviors are spread among individuals
through the formation of social capital, social networks and processes such as social
learning, as in the theory of social evolution and information cascades. Methods include
case studies and theoretical and empirical modeling of cultural transmission within and
across social groups. In 2013 Said E. Dawlabani added the value systems approach to
the cultural emergence aspect of macroeconomics.
Development
Cultural economics develops from how wants and tastes are formed in society. This is
partly due to nurture aspects, or what type of environment one is raised in, as it is the
internalization of one’s upbringing that shapes their future wants and tastes. Acquired
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tastes can be thought of as an example of this, as they demonstrate how preferences
can be shaped socially.
A key thought area that separates the development of cultural economics from
traditional economics is a difference in how individuals arrive at their decisions. While a
traditional economist will view decision making as having both implicit and explicit
consequences, a cultural economist would argue that an individual will not only arrive at
their decision based on these implicit and explicit decisions but based on trajectories.
These trajectories consist of regularities, which have been built up throughout the years
and guide individuals in their decision-making process.
Combining Value Systems and Systems Thinking
Economists have also started to look at cultural economics with a systems thinking
approach. In this approach, the economy and culture are each viewed as a single
system where "interaction and feedback effects were acknowledged, and where in
particular the dynamic were made explicit". In this sense, the interdependencies of
culture and the economy can be combined and better understood by following this
approach.
Said E. Dawlabani's book MEMEnomics: The Next-Generation Economic System
combines the ideas of value systems (see value (ethics)) and systems thinking to
provide one of the first frameworks that explores the effect of economic policies on
culture. The book explores the intersections of multiple disciplines such as cultural
development, organizational behavior, and memetics all in an attempt to explore the
roots of cultural economics.
Growth
The advancing pace of new technology is transforming how the public consumes and
shares culture. The cultural economic field has seen great growth with the advent of
online social networking which has created productivity improvements in how culture is
consumed. New technologies have also lead to cultural convergence where all kinds of
culture can be accessed on a single device. Throughout their upbringing, younger
persons of the current generation are consuming culture faster than their parents ever
did, and through new mediums. The smartphone is a blossoming example of this where
books, music, talk, artwork and more can all be accessed on a single device in a matter
of seconds. This medium and the culture surrounding it is beginning to have an effect
on the economy, whether it be increasing communication while lowering costs, lowering
the barriers of entry to the technology economy, or making use of excess capacity.
This field has also seen growth through the advent of new economic studies that have
put on a cultural lens. For example, a recent study on Europeans living with their
families into adulthood was conducted by Paola Sapienza, a professor at Northwestern
University. The study found that those of Southern European descent tend to live at
home with their families longer than those of Northern European descent. Sapienza
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added cultural critique to her analysis of the research, revealing that it is Southern
European culture to stay at home longer and then related this to how those who live at
home longer have fewer children and start families later, thus contributing to Europe's
falling birthrates. Sapienza's work is an example of how the growth of cultural
economics is beginning to spread across the field.
Sustainable Development
An area that cultural economics
has a strong presence in is
sustainable development. Sustainable development has
been defined as "...development that
meets the needs of the present
without
compromising
the ability of
future
generations
to meet their
own
needs...".
Culture plays an important
role in this as it can
determine how people view
preparing for these future
generations.
Delayed
gratification is a cultural
economic issue that
developed countries are
currently dealing with.
Economists argue that to
ensure that the future
is better than today,
certain measures must be
taken such as collecting taxes
or "going green" to protect the
environment. Policies such as
these are hard for today's
politicians to promote who
want to win the vote of today's voters who are
concerned with the present
and not the future. People
want to see the benefits
now, not in the future.
Economist David Throsby has
proposed the idea of culturally
sustainable development which compasses both the cultural
industries (such as the arts) and culture (in the societal sense). He has created a set of
criteria in regards to for which policy prescriptions can be compared to in order to
ensure growth for future generations. The criteria are as follows:
1. Advancement of material and non-material well-being: implies balance amongst
economic, social, and cultural forces
2. Intergenerational equity and the maintenance of cultural capital: current
generation must recognize their responsibility to future generations
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3. Equity within the present generation: distribution of cultural resources must be
fair
4. Recognition of interdependence: policy must understand the connections
between economic, cultural and other variables within an overall system.
With these guidelines, Throsby hopes to spur the recognition between culture and
economics, which is something he believes has been lacking from popular economic
discussions.
Cultural Finance
As a growing field in behavioral economics, the role of culture in financial behavior is
increasingly being demonstrate to cause highly significant differentials in the
management and valuation of assets. Using the dimensions of culture identified by
Shalom Schwartz, it has been proved that corporate dividend payments are determined
largely by the dimensions of Mastery and Conservatism. Specifically, higher degrees of
conservatism are associated with greater volumes and values of dividend payments,
and higher degrees of mastery are associated with the total opposite. A different study
assessed the role of culture on earnings management using Geert Hofstede’s cultural
dimensions and the index of earnings management developed by Christian Leutz; which
includes the use of accrual alteration to reduce volatility in reported earnings, the use of
accrual alteration to reduce volatility in reported operating cash flows, use of accounting
discretion to mitigate the reporting of small losses, and the use of accounting discretion
when reporting operating earnings. It was found that Hofstede's dimension of
Individualism was negatively correlated with earnings management, and that
Uncertainty Avoidance was positively correlated. Behavioral economist Michael Taillard
demonstrated that investment behaviors are caused primarily by behavioral factors,
largely attributed to the influence of culture on the psychological frame of the investors
in different nations, rather than rational ones by comparing the cultural dimensions used
both by Geert Hofstede and Robert House, identifying strong and specific influences in
risk aversion behavior resulting from the overlapping cultural dimensions between them
that remained constant over a 20-year period.
In regards to investing, it has been confirmed by multiple studies that greater
differences between the cultures of various nations reduces the amount of investment
between those countries. It was proven that both cultural differences between nations
as well as the amount of unfamiliarity investors have with a culture not their own greatly
reduces their willingness to invest in those nations, and that these factors have a
negative impact with future returns, resulting in a cost premium on the degree of
foreignness of an investment. Despite this, equity markets continue to integrate as
indicated by equity price comovements, of which the two largest contributing factors are
the ratio of trade between nations and the ratio of GDP resulting from foreign direct
investment. Even these factors are the result of behavioral sources, however. The UN
World Investment Report (2013) shows that regional integration is occurring at a more
rapid rate than distant foreign relations, confirming an earlier study concluding that
nations closer to each other tend to be more integrated. Since increased cultural
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distance reduces the amount of foreign direct investment, this results in an accelerating
curvilinear correlation between financial behavior and cultural distance.
Culture also influences which factors are useful when predicting stock valuations. In
Jordan, it was found that 84% of variability in stock returns were accounted for by using
money supply, interest rate term structure, industry productivity growth, and risk
premium; but were not influenced at all by inflation rates or dividend yield. In Nigeria,
both real GDP and Consumer Price Index were both useful predictive factors, but
foreign exchange rate was not. In Zimbabwe, only money supply and oil prices were
found to be useful predictors of stock market valuations. India identified exchange rate,
wholesale price index, gold prices, and market index as being useful factors. A
comprehensive global study out of Romania attempted to identify if any factors of stock
market valuation were culturally universal, identifying interest rates, inflation, and
industrial production, but found that exchange rate, currency exchange volume, and
trade were all unique to Romania.
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V. Paradigm Shifting
A Paradigm Shift (also radical theory change), a concept identified by the
American physicist and philosopher Thomas Kuhn (1922–1996), is a fundamental
change in the basic concepts and experimental practices of a scientific discipline. Kuhn
contrasted these shifts, which characterize a scientific revolution, to the activity
of normal science, which he described as scientific work done within a prevailing
framework (or paradigm). In this context, the word "paradigm" is used in its
original Greek meaning, as "example".
The nature of scientific revolutions has been studied by modern
philosophy since Immanuel Kant used the phrase in the preface to his Critique of Pure
Reason (1781). He referred to Greek mathematics and Newtonian physics. In the 20th
century, new developments in the basic concepts of mathematics, physics,
and biology revitalized interest in the question among scholars. It was against this active
background that Kuhn published his work.
Kuhn used the duck-rabbit optical
illusion, made famous by Wittgenstein,
to demonstrate the way in which a
paradigm shift could cause one to see
the same information in an entirely
different way.
Kuhn presented his notion of a paradigm shift in his influential book The Structure of
Scientific Revolutions (1962). As one commentator summarizes:
Kuhn acknowledges having used the term "paradigm" in two different meanings. In the
first one, "paradigm" designates what the members of a certain scientific community
have in common, that is to say, the whole of techniques, patents and values shared by
the members of the community. In the second sense, the paradigm is a single element
of a whole, say for instance Newton’s Principia, which, acting as a common model or an
example... stands for the explicit rules and thus defines a coherent tradition of
investigation. Thus the question is for Kuhn to investigate by means of the paradigm
what makes possible the constitution of what he calls "normal science". That is to say,
the science which can decide if a certain problem will be considered scientific or not.
Normal science does not mean at all a science guided by a coherent system of rules, on
the contrary, the rules can be derived from the paradigms, but the paradigms can guide
the investigation also in the absence of rules. This is precisely the second meaning of
the term "paradigm", which Kuhn considered the most new and profound, though it is in
truth the oldest.
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Since the 1960s, the concept of a paradigm shift has also been used in numerous nonscientific
contexts to describe a profound change in a fundamental model or perception
of events, even though Kuhn himself restricted the use of the term to the physical
sciences.
Kuhnian Paradigm Shifts
An epistemological paradigm shift was called a "scientific revolution" by epistemologist
and historian of science Thomas Kuhn in his book The Structure of Scientific
Revolutions.
A scientific revolution occurs, according to Kuhn, when scientists encounter anomalies
that cannot be explained by the universally accepted paradigm within which scientific
progress has thereto been made. The paradigm, in Kuhn's view, is not simply the
current theory, but the entire worldview in which it exists, and all of the implications
which come with it. This is based on features of landscape of knowledge that scientists
can identify around them.
There are anomalies for all paradigms, Kuhn maintained, that are brushed away as
acceptable levels of error, or simply ignored and not dealt with (a principal argument
Kuhn uses to reject Karl Popper's model of falsifiability as the key force involved in
scientific change). Rather, according to Kuhn, anomalies have various levels of
significance to the practitioners of science at the time. To put it in the context of early
20th century physics, some scientists found the problems with calculating Mercury's
perihelion more troubling than the Michelson-Morley experiment results, and some the
other way around. Kuhn's model of scientific change differs here, and in many places,
from that of the logical positivists in that it puts an enhanced emphasis on the individual
humans involved as scientists, rather than abstracting science into a purely logical or
philosophical venture.
When enough significant anomalies have accrued against a current paradigm, the
scientific discipline is thrown into a state of crisis, according to Kuhn. During this crisis,
new ideas, perhaps ones previously discarded, are tried. Eventually a new paradigm is
formed, which gains its own new followers, and an intellectual "battle" takes place
between the followers of the new paradigm and the hold-outs of the old paradigm.
Again, for early 20th century physics, the transition between
the Maxwellian electromagnetic worldview and the Einsteinian relativistic worldview was
neither instantaneous nor calm, and instead involved a protracted set of "attacks," both
with empirical data as well as rhetorical or philosophical arguments, by both sides, with
the Einsteinian theory winning out in the long run. Again, the weighing of evidence and
importance of new data was fit through the human sieve: some scientists found the
simplicity of Einstein's equations to be most compelling, while some found them more
complicated than the notion of Maxwell's aether which they banished. Some
found Arthur Eddington's photographs of light bending around the sun to be compelling,
while some questioned their accuracy and meaning. Sometimes the convincing force is
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just time itself and the human toll it takes, Kuhn said, using a quote from Max Planck: "a
new scientific truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see
the light, but rather because its opponents eventually die, and a new generation grows
up that is familiar with it."
After a given discipline has changed from one paradigm to another, this is called, in
Kuhn's terminology, a scientific revolution or a paradigm shift. It is often this final
conclusion, the result of the long process, that is meant when the term paradigm shift is
used colloquially: simply the (often radical) change of worldview, without reference to
the specificities of Kuhn's historical argument.
In a 2015 retrospective on Kuhn, the philosopher Martin Cohen describes the notion of
the "Paradigm Shift" as a kind of intellectual virus – spreading from hard science to
social science and on to the arts and even everyday political rhetoric today. Cohen
claims that Thomas Kuhn himself had only a very hazy idea of what it might mean and,
in line with the American philosopher of science, Paul Feyerabend, accuses Kuhn of
retreating from the more radical implications of his theory, which are that scientific facts
are never really more than opinions, whose popularity is transitory and far from
conclusive.
Science and Paradigm Shift
A common misinterpretation of paradigms is the belief that the discovery of paradigm
shifts and the dynamic nature of science (with its many opportunities for subjective
judgments by scientists) are a case for relativism: the view that all kinds of belief
systems are equal. Kuhn vehemently denies this interpretation and states that when a
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scientific paradigm is replaced by a new one, albeit through a complex social process,
the new one is always better, not just different.
These claims of relativism are, however, tied to another claim that Kuhn does at least
somewhat endorse: that the language and theories of different paradigms cannot be
translated into one another or rationally evaluated against one another—that they
are incommensurable.
This gave rise to much talk of different peoples and cultures having radically different
worldviews or conceptual schemes—so different that whether or not one was better,
they could not be understood by one another. However, the philosopher Donald
Davidson published a highly regarded essay in 1974, "On the Very Idea of a Conceptual
Scheme" (Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association, Vol.
47, (1973–1974), pp. 5–20) arguing that the notion that any languages or theories could
be incommensurable with one another was itself incoherent. If this is correct, Kuhn's
claims must be taken in a weaker sense than they often are.
Furthermore, the hold of the Kuhnian analysis on social science has long been tenuous
with the wide application of multi-paradigmatic approaches in order to understand
complex human behavior (see for example John Hassard, Sociology and Organization
Theory: Positivism, Paradigm and Postmodernity. Cambridge University Press,
1993, ISBN 0521350344.)
Paradigm shifts tend to be most dramatic in sciences that appear to be stable and
mature, as in physics at the end of the 19th century. At that time, physics seemed to be
a discipline filling in the last few details of a largely worked-out system. In 1900, Lord
Kelvin famously told an assemblage of physicists at the British Association for the
Advancement of Science, "There is nothing new to be discovered in physics now. All
that remains is more and more precise measurement." [veracity of this quote challenged
in Lord Kelvin article] Five years later, Albert Einstein published his paper on special
relativity, which challenged the very simple set of rules laid down by Newtonian
mechanics, which had been used to describe force and motion for over two hundred
years.
In The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Kuhn wrote, "Successive transition from one
paradigm to another via revolution is the usual developmental pattern of mature
science." (p. 12) Kuhn's idea was itself revolutionary in its time, as it caused a major
change in the way that academics talk about science. Thus, it could be argued that it
caused or was itself part of a "paradigm shift" in the history and sociology of science.
However, Kuhn would not recognise such a paradigm shift. In the social sciences,
people can still use earlier ideas to discuss the history of science.
Philosophers and historians of science, including Kuhn himself, ultimately accepted a
modified version of Kuhn's model, which synthesizes his original view with the gradualist
model that preceded it.
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Examples of Paradigm Shifts
Natural Sciences
Some of the "classical cases" of Kuhnian paradigm shifts in science are:
1543 – The transition in cosmology from a Ptolemaic cosmology to
a Copernican one.
1543 – The acceptance of the work of Andreas Vesalius, whose work De humani
corporis fabrica corrected the numerous errors in the previously-held system
created by Galen.
1687 – The transition in mechanics from Aristotelian mechanics to classical
mechanics.
1783 – The acceptance of Lavoisier's theory of chemical reactions and
combustion in place of phlogiston theory, known as the chemical revolution.
The transition in optics from geometrical optics to physical optics with Augustin-
Jean Fresnel's wave theory.
1826 – The discovery of hyperbolic geometry.
1859 – The revolution in evolution from goal-directed change to Charles
Darwin's natural selection.
1880 - The germ theory of disease began overtaking Galen's miasma theory.
1905 – The development of quantum mechanics, which replaced classical
mechanics at microscopic scales.
1887 to 1905 – The transition from the luminiferous aether present
in space to electromagnetic radiation in spacetime.
1919 – The transition between the worldview of Newtonian gravity and
the Einsteinian General Relativity.
Social Sciences
In Kuhn's view, the existence of a single reigning paradigm is characteristic of the
natural sciences, while philosophy and much of social science were characterized by a
"tradition of claims, counterclaims, and debates over fundamentals." Others have
applied Kuhn's concept of paradigm shift to the social sciences.
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The movement known as the cognitive revolution moved away
from behaviorist approaches to psychological study and the acceptance
of cognition as central to studying human behaviour.
The Keynesian revolution is typically viewed as a major shift
in macroeconomics. According to John Kenneth Galbraith, Say's Law dominated
economic thought prior to Keynes for over a century, and the shift to
Keynesianism was difficult. Economists who contradicted the law, which implied
that underemployment and underinvestment (coupled with oversaving) were
virtually impossible, risked losing their careers. In his magnum opus, Keynes
cited one of his predecessors, John A. Hobson, who was repeatedly denied
positions at universities for his heretical theory.
Later, the movement for monetarism over Keynesianism marked a second
divisive shift. Monetarists held that fiscal policy was not effective for
stabilizing inflation, that it was solely a monetary phenomenon, in contrast to
the Keynesian view of the time was that both fiscal and monetary policy were
important. Keynesians later adopted much of the monetarists' view of the quantity
theory of money and shifting Phillips curve, theories they initially rejected.
First proposed by Ferdinand de Saussure in 1879, the laryngeal theory in Indo-
European linguistics postulated the existence of "laryngeal" consonants in
the Proto-Indo-European language (PIE), a theory that was confirmed by the
discovery of the Hittite language in the early 20th century. The theory has since
been accepted by the vast majority of linguists, paving the way for the internal
reconstruction of the syntax and grammatical rules of PIE and is considered one
of the most significant developments in linguistics since the initial discovery of
the Indo-European language family.
Applied Sciences
More recently, paradigm shifts are also recognisable in applied sciences:
In medicine, the transition from "clinical judgment" to evidence-based medicine
In software engineering, the transition from the Rational Paradigm to the
Empirical Paradigm
Marketing
In the later part of the 1990s, 'paradigm shift' emerged as a buzzword, popularized
as marketing speak and appearing more frequently in print and publication. In his
book Mind The Gaffe, author Larry Trask advises readers to refrain from using it, and to
use caution when reading anything that contains the phrase. It is referred to in several
articles and books as abused and overused to the point of becoming meaningless.
Other uses[edit]
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The term "paradigm shift" has found uses in other contexts, representing the notion of a
major change in a certain thought-pattern—a radical change in personal beliefs,
complex systems or organizations, replacing the former way of thinking or organizing
with a radically different way of thinking or organizing:
M. L. Handa, a professor of sociology in education at O.I.S.E. University of
Toronto, Canada, developed the concept of a paradigm within the context of
social sciences. He defines what he means by "paradigm" and introduces the
idea of a "social paradigm". In addition, he identifies the basic component of any
social paradigm. Like Kuhn, he addresses the issue of changing paradigms, the
process popularly known as "paradigm shift". In this respect, he focuses on the
social circumstances which precipitate such a shift. Relatedly, he addresses how
that shift affects social institutions, including the institution of education.
The concept has been developed for technology and economics in the
identification of new techno-economic paradigms as changes in technological
systems that have a major influence on the behavior of the entire economy
(Carlota Perez; earlier work only on technological paradigms by Giovanni Dosi).
This concept is linked to Joseph Schumpeter's idea of creative destruction.
Examples include the move to mass production and the introduction of
microelectronics.
Two photographs of the Earth from space, "Earthrise" (1968) and "The Blue
Marble" (1972), are thought to have helped to usher in
the environmentalist movement which gained great prominence in the years
immediately following distribution of those images.
Hans Küng applies Thomas Kuhn's theory of paradigm change to the entire
history of Christian thought and theology. He identifies six historical
"macromodels": 1) the apocalyptic paradigm of primitive Christianity, 2) the
Hellenistic paradigm of the patristic period, 3) the medieval Roman Catholic
paradigm, 4) the Protestant (Reformation) paradigm, 5) the modern
Enlightenment paradigm, and 6) the emerging ecumenical paradigm. He also
discusses five analogies between natural science and theology in relation to
paradigm shifts. Küng addresses paradigm change in his books, Paradigm
Change in Theology and Theology for the Third Millennium: An Ecumenical View.
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VI. Conspiracy Theory
A Conspiracy Theory is an explanation of an event or situation that invokes an
unwarranted conspiracy, generally one involving an illegal or harmful act carried out by
government or other powerful actors. Conspiracy theories often produce hypotheses
that contradict the prevailing understanding of history or simple facts. The term is often
a derogatory one.
According to the political scientist Michael Barkun, conspiracy theories rely on the view
that the universe is governed by design, and embody three principles: nothing happens
by accident, nothing is as it seems, and everything is connected. Another common
feature is that conspiracy theories evolve to incorporate whatever evidence exists
against them, so that they become, as Barkun writes, a closed system that
is unfalsifiable, and therefore "a matter of faith rather than proof". Skeptics are among
their outspoken critics.
The Eye of Providence, or the all-seeing eye of God, seen here on the US $1 bill, has been
taken by some to be evidence of a conspiracy involving the founders of the United
States and the Illuminati.
Etymology
The Oxford English Dictionary defines conspiracy theory as "the theory that an event or
phenomenon occurs as a result of a conspiracy between interested parties; spec. a
belief that some covert but influential agency (typically political in motivation and
oppressive in intent) is responsible for an unexplained event". It cites a 1909 article
in The American Historical Review as the earliest usage example, although it also
appears in journals as early as April 1870. The word "conspiracy" derives from the
Latin con- ("with, together") and spirare ("to breathe").
According to John Ayto, the phrase conspiracy theory was originally a neutral term and
acquired a pejorative connotation only in the 1960s, with an implication that the theorist
is paranoid. Lance deHaven-Smith has suggested that the term was deployed in the
1960s by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to discredit John F. Kennedy
assassination conspiracy theories. Robert Blaskiewicz rejects such claims, asserting
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instead that the term has always been derogatory and pointing to examples
demonstrating that this has been so since the nineteenth century.
Examples
A conspiracy theory may take any matter as its subject, but certain subjects attract
greater interest than others. Favored subjects include famous deaths, government
activities, new technologies, terrorism and questions of alien life. Among the longeststanding
and most widely recognized conspiracy theories are notions concerning the
assassination of John F. Kennedy, the 1969 Apollo moon landings and the 9/11 terrorist
attacks, as well as numerous theories pertaining to alleged plots for world domination by
various groups both real and imaginary.
Popularity
Some scholars argue that conspiracy theories once limited to fringe audiences have
become commonplace in mass media, contributing to conspiracism emerging as
a cultural phenomenon in the United States of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.
According to anthropologists Todd Sanders and Harry G. West, evidence suggests that
a broad cross-section of Americans today gives credence to at least some conspiracy
theories. Belief in conspiracy theories has therefore become a topic of interest for
sociologists, psychologists and experts in folklore.
Conspiracy theories are widely present on the Web in the form
of blogs and YouTube videos, as well as on social media. Whether the Web has
increased the prevalence of conspiracy theories or not is an open research
question. The presence and representation of conspiracy theories in search
engine results has been monitored and studied, showing significant variation across
different topics, and a general absence of reputable, high-quality links in the results.
Types of conspiracy theory
Walker's Five Kinds
Jesse Walker (2013) has identified five kinds of conspiracy theories:
The "Enemy Outside" refers to theories based on figures alleged to be scheming
against a community from without.
The "Enemy Within" finds the conspirators lurking inside the nation,
indistinguishable from ordinary citizens.
The "Enemy Above" involves powerful people manipulating events for their own
gain.
The "Enemy Below" features the lower classes working to overturn the social
order.
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The "Benevolent Conspiracies" are angelic forces that work behind the scenes to
improve the world and help people.
Barkun's Three Types
Barkun has identified three classifications of conspiracy theory:
Event conspiracy theories. This refers to limited and well-defined events.
Examples may include such conspiracies theories as those concerning
the Kennedy assassination, 9/11, and the spread of AIDS.
Systemic conspiracy theories. The conspiracy is believed to have broad goals,
usually conceived as securing control of a country, a region, or even the entire
world. The goals are sweeping, whilst the conspiratorial machinery is generally
simple: a single, evil organization implements a plan to infiltrate and subvert
existing institutions. This is a common scenario in conspiracy theories that focus
on the alleged machinations of Jews, Freemasons, Communism, or the Catholic
Church.
Superconspiracy theories. For Barkun, such theories link multiple alleged
conspiracies together hierarchically. At the summit is a distant but all-powerful
evil force. His cited examples are the ideas of David Icke and Milton William
Cooper.
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Rothbard: Shallow vs. Deep
Murray Rothbard argues in favor of a model that contrasts "deep" conspiracy theories to
"shallow" ones. According to Rothbard, a "shallow" theorist observes an event and
asks Cui bono? ("Who benefits?"), jumping to the conclusion that a posited beneficiary
is responsible for covertly influencing events. On the other hand, the "deep" conspiracy
theorist begins with a hunch, and then seeks out evidence. Rothbard describes this
latter activity as a matter of confirming with certain facts one's initial paranoia.
Evidence vs. Conspiracy Theory
Theories involving multiple conspirators that are proven to be correct, such as
the Watergate scandal, are usually referred to as "investigative journalism" or "historical
analysis" rather than conspiracy theory. By contrast, the term "Watergate conspiracy
theory" is used to refer to a variety of hypotheses in which those convicted in the
conspiracy were in fact the victims of a deeper conspiracy.
Noam Chomsky contrasts conspiracy theory to institutional analysis which focuses
mostly on the public, long-term behavior of publicly known institutions, as recorded in,
for example, scholarly documents or mainstream media reports. Conspiracy theory
conversely posits the existence of secretive coalitions of individuals and speculates on
their alleged activities.
Clare Birchall at King's College London describes conspiracy theory as a "form of
popular knowledge or interpretation". The use of the word 'knowledge' here suggests
ways in which conspiracy theory may be considered in relation to legitimate modes of
knowing. The relationship between legitimate and illegitimate knowledge, Birchall
claims, is closer than common dismissals of conspiracy theory contend.
Conspiracism As A World View
The historian Richard Hofstadter addressed the role of paranoia and conspiracism
throughout American history in his 1964 essay "The Paranoid Style in American
Politics". Bernard Bailyn's classic The Ideological Origins of the American
Revolution (1967) notes that a similar phenomenon could be found in America during
the time preceding the American Revolution. Conspiracism labels people's attitudes as
well as the type of conspiracy theories that are more global and historical in proportion.
The term "conspiracism" was further popularized by academic Frank P. Mintz in the
1980s. According to Mintz, conspiracism denotes "belief in the primacy of conspiracies
in the unfolding of history":
Conspiracism serves the needs of diverse political and social groups in America and
elsewhere. It identifies elites, blames them for economic and social catastrophes, and
assumes that things will be better once popular action can remove them from positions
of power. As such, conspiracy theories do not typify a particular epoch or ideology.
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Justin Fox of Time magazine has noted that Wall Street traders are among the most
conspiracy-minded group of people, and ascribes this to the reality of some financial
market conspiracies, and to the ability of conspiracy theories to provide necessary
orientation in the market's day-to-day movements. According to Fox, most good
investigative reporters are also conspiracy theorists.
United States
Harry G. West and others have noted that while conspiracy theorists may often be
dismissed as a fringe minority, certain evidence suggests that a wide range of the
American population maintains a belief in conspiracy theories. West also compares
those theories to hypernationalism and religious fundamentalism.
Specific events and trends within US history have been cited as causes of the popularity
of conspiratorial thinking in the US.
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Theologian Robert Jewett and philosopher John Shelton Lawrence attribute the
enduring popularity of conspiracy theories in the US to the Cold War, McCarthyism,
and counterculture rejection of authority. They state that among both the left-wing and
right-wing there remains a willingness to use real events, such as Soviet plots,
inconsistencies in the Warren Report, and the 9/11 attacks, to support the existence of
unverified ongoing large-scale conspiracies.
The Watergate scandal has also been used to bestow legitimacy to other conspiracy
theories, with Nixon himself commenting that it served as a "Rorschach ink blot" which
invited others to fill-in the underlying pattern.
Historian Kathryn S Olmstead cites three reasons why Americans are prone to believing
in government conspiracies theories:
1. Genuine government overreach and secrecy during the Cold War, listing as
examples Watergate, the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, Project MKUltra, and
the CIA collaborating with Mobsters to attempt to assassinate Fidel Castro.
2. The precedent set by official government-sanctioned conspiracy theories for
propaganda, such as claims of German infiltration of the US during World War II
or the debunked claim that Saddam Hussein played a role in 9/11.
3. The distrust fostered by the government's spying and harassment of dissenters,
such as the Sedition Act of 1918, COINTELPRO, and as part of various Red
Scares.
Middle East
Matthew Gray has noted that conspiracy theories are a prevalent feature of Arab culture
and politics. Variants include conspiracies involving colonialism, Zionism, superpowers,
oil, and the war on terrorism, which may be referred to as a War against Islam. For
example, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, an infamous hoax document purporting to
be a Jewish plan for world domination, is commonly read and promoted in the Muslim
world. Roger Cohen has suggested that the popularity of conspiracy theories in the
Arab world is "the ultimate refuge of the powerless". Al-Mumin Said has noted the
danger of such theories, for they "keep us not only from the truth but also from
confronting our faults and problems".
Psychological Interpretations
The widespread belief in conspiracy theories has become a topic of interest for
sociologists, psychologists, and experts in folklore since at least the 1960s, when a
number of conspiracy theories arose regarding the assassination of U.S. President John
F. Kennedy. Sociologist Türkay Salim Nefes underlines the political nature of conspiracy
theories. He suggests that one of the most important characteristics of these accounts
is their attempt to unveil the "real but hidden" power relations in social groups.
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The Attractions of Conspiracy Theory
The political scientist Michael Barkun, discussing the usage of "conspiracy theory" in
contemporary American culture, holds that this term is used for a belief that explains an
event as the result of a secret plot by exceptionally powerful and cunning conspirators
to achieve a malevolent end. According to Barkun, the appeal of conspiracism is
threefold:
"First, conspiracy theories claim to explain what institutional analysis cannot.
They appear to make sense out of a world that is otherwise confusing.
Second, they do so in an appealingly simple way, by dividing the world sharply
between the forces of light, and the forces of darkness. They trace all evil back to
a single source, the conspirators and their agents.
Third, conspiracy theories are often presented as special, secret
knowledge unknown or unappreciated by others. For conspiracy theorists, the
masses are a brainwashed herd, while the conspiracy theorists in the know can
congratulate themselves on penetrating the plotters' deceptions."
Humanistic psychologists argue that even if a posited cabal behind an alleged
conspiracy is almost always perceived as hostile, there often remains an element of
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eassurance for theorists. This is because it is a consolation to imagine that difficulties
in human affairs are created by humans, and remain within human control. If a cabal
can be implicated, there may be a hope of breaking its power or of joining it. Belief in
the power of a cabal is an implicit assertion of human dignity — an unconscious
affirmation that man is responsible for his own destiny.
People formulate conspiracy theories to explain, for example, power relations in social
groups and the perceived existence of evil forces. Proposed psychological origins of
conspiracy theorising include projection; the personal need to explain "a significant
event [with] a significant cause;" and the product of various kinds and stages of thought
disorder, such as paranoid disposition, ranging in severity to diagnosable mental
illnesses. Some people prefer socio-political explanations over the insecurity of
encountering random, unpredictable, or otherwise inexplicable events.
According to Berlet and Lyons, "Conspiracism is a particular narrative form of
scapegoating that frames demonized enemies as part of a vast insidious plot against
the common good, while it valorizes the scapegoater as a hero for sounding the alarm".
Psychological Origins
Some psychologists believe that a search for meaning is common in conspiracism.
Once cognized, confirmation bias and avoidance of cognitive dissonance may reinforce
the belief. In a context where a conspiracy theory has become popular within a social
group, communal reinforcement may equally play a part. Research carried out at
the University of Kent suggested people may be influenced by conspiracy theories
without being aware that their attitudes have changed. After reading popular conspiracy
theories about the death of Princess Diana, participants in the study correctly estimated
how much their peers' attitudes had changed, but significantly underestimated how
much their own attitudes had grown to favor conspiracy theories.
A study published in 2012 also found that conspiracy theorists frequently believe in
multiple conspiracies, even when one conspiracy contradicts the other. For example,
the study found that people who believe Osama Bin Laden was captured alive by
Americans are also likely to believe that Bin Laden was actually killed prior to the 2011
raid on his home in Pakistan.
Projection
Some historians have argued that there is an element of psychological projection in
conspiracism. This projection, according to the argument, is manifested in the form of
attribution of undesirable characteristics of the self to the conspirators. Historian Richard
Hofstadter stated that:
... it is hard to resist the conclusion that this enemy is on many counts the projection of
the self; both the ideal and the unacceptable aspects of the self are attributed to him. The
enemy may be the cosmopolitan intellectual, but the paranoid will outdo him in the
apparatus of scholarship ... the Ku Klux Klan imitated Catholicism to the point of donning
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priestly vestments, developing an elaborate ritual and an equally elaborate hierarchy.
The John Birch Society emulates Communist cells and quasi-secret operation through
"front" groups, and preaches a ruthless prosecution of the ideological war along lines
very similar to those it finds in the Communist enemy. Spokesmen of the various
fundamentalist anti-Communist "crusades" openly express their admiration for the
dedication and discipline the Communist cause calls forth.
Hofstadter also noted that "sexual freedom" is a vice frequently attributed to the
conspiracist's target group, noting that "very often the fantasies of true believers reveal
strong sadomasochistic outlets, vividly expressed, for example, in the delight of anti-
Masons with the cruelty of Masonic punishments." A 2011 study found that
highly Machiavellian people are more likely to believe in conspiracy theories, since they
themselves would be more willing to engage in a conspiracy when placed in the same
situation as the alleged conspirators.
Epistemic Bias
According to the British Psychological Society, it is possible that certain basic
human epistemic biases are projected onto the material under scrutiny. One study cited
by the group found that humans apply a rule of thumb by which we expect a significant
event to have a significant cause. The study offered subjects four versions of events, in
which a foreign president (a) was successfully assassinated, (b) was wounded but
survived, (c) survived with wounds but died of a heart attack at a later date, and (d) was
unharmed. Subjects were significantly more likely to suspect conspiracy in the case of
the major events—in which the president died—than in the other cases, despite all other
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evidence available to them being equal. Connected with apophenia, the genetic
tendency of human beings to find patterns in coincidence, this allows the discovery of
conspiracy in any significant event.
Clinical Psychology
For some individuals, an obsessive compulsion to believe, prove, or re-tell a conspiracy
theory may indicate one or a combination of well-understood psychological conditions,
and other hypothetical ones: paranoia, denial, schizophrenia, mean world syndrome.
Sociological Interpretations
Christopher Hitchens described conspiracy theory as the "exhaust fumes of
democracy": the unavoidable result of a large amount of information circulating among a
large number of people.
Conspiracy theories may be emotionally satisfying, by assigning blame to a group to
which the theorist does not belong and so absolving the theorist of moral or political
responsibility in society. Likewise, Roger Cohen writing for The New York Times has
said that, "captive minds; ... resort to conspiracy theory because it is the ultimate refuge
of the powerless. If you cannot change your own life, it must be that some greater force
controls the world."
Sociological historian Holger Herwig found in studying German explanations for the
origins of World War I, "Those events that are most important are hardest to
understand, because they attract the greatest attention from myth makers and
charlatans."
Influence of Critical Theory
French sociologist Bruno Latour suggests that the widespread popularity of conspiracy
theories in mass culture may be due, in part, to the pervasive presence of Marxistinspired
critical theory and similar ideas in academia since the 1970s.
Latour notes that about 90% of contemporary social criticism in academia displays one
of two approaches, which he terms "the fact position and the fairy position". The fairy
position is anti-fetishist, arguing that "objects of belief" (e.g., religion, arts) are merely
concepts onto which power is projected; Latour contends that those who use this
approach show biases towards confirming their own dogmatic suspicions as most
"scientifically supported". While the complete facts of the situation and correct
methodology are ostensibly important to them, Latour proposes that the scientific
process is instead laid on as a patina to one's pet theories to lend a sort of reputation
high ground. The "fact position" argues that individuals are dominated, often covertly
and without their awareness, by external forces (e.g., economics, gender). Latour
concludes that each of these two approaches in Academia has led to a polarized,
inefficient atmosphere highlighted (in both approaches) by its causticness. "Do you see
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now why it feels so good to be a critical mind?" asks Latour: no matter which position
you take, "You're always right!"
Latour notes that such social criticism has been appropriated by those he describes as
conspiracy theorists, including climate change denialists and the 9/11 Truth movement:
"Maybe I am taking conspiracy theories too seriously, but I am worried to detect, in
those mad mixtures of knee-jerk disbelief, punctilious demands for proofs, and free use
of powerful explanation from the social neverland, many of the weapons of social
critique."
Fusion Paranoia
Michael Kelly, a Washington Post journalist and critic of anti-war movements on both
the left and right, coined the term "fusion paranoia" to refer to a political convergence of
left-wing and right-wing activists around anti-war issues and civil liberties, which he said
were motivated by a shared belief in conspiracism or shared anti-government views.
Barkun has adopted this term to refer to how the synthesis of paranoid conspiracy
theories, which were once limited to American fringe audiences, has given them mass
appeal and enabled them to become commonplace in mass media, thereby
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inaugurating an unrivaled period of people actively preparing
for apocalyptic or millenarian scenarios in the United States of the late 20th and early
21st centuries. Barkun notes the occurrence of lone-wolf conflicts with law enforcement
acting as proxy for threatening the established political powers.
Viability of conspiracies
The physicist David Robert Grimes published in the PLOS ONE journal an estimation of
the time it would take for a conspiracy to be exposed, based on the number of people
involved. His calculations used data from verified events such as The National Security
Agency (NSA) PRISM affair, Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment and the FBI forensic
scandal.
Moon landing hoax would require the involvement of 411,000 people and would
be exposed within 3.68 years;
Climate-change fraud would require 405,000 people and would be exposed
within 3.70 years;
Vaccination conspiracy would require a minimum of 22,000 people (without drug
companies) and would be exposed within at least 3.15 years and at most 34.78
years depending on the number involved;
Suppressed cancer cure conspiracy would require 714,000 people and would be
exposed within 3.17 years.
Political Use
In his book The Open Society and Its Enemies, the philosopher Karl Popper used the
term "conspiracy theory" to criticize the ideologies driving historicism. Popper argued
that totalitarianism was founded on "conspiracy theories" which drew on imaginary plots
driven by paranoid scenarios predicated on tribalism, chauvinism, or racism. Popper
acknowledged that genuine conspiracies do exist, but noted how infrequently
conspirators have been able to achieve their goal.
The historian Bruce Cumings similarly rejects the notion that history is controlled by
conspiracies, stating that where real conspiracies have appeared they have usually had
little effect on history and have had unforeseen consequences for the conspirators.
Cumings concludes that history is instead "moved by the broad forces and large
structures of human collectivities".
In a 2009 article, the legal scholars Cass Sunstein and Adrian Vermeule considered a
number of possible government responses to conspiracy theories, including censorship
and taxation, and concluding that the authorities ought to engage in counter-speech and
dialogue, which they termed "cognitive infiltration".
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VII. Zeitgeist Theory
The Zeitgeist (/ˈzaɪtɡaɪst/;) is a concept from 18th to 19th-century German
philosophy, translated as "spirit of the age" or "spirit of the times". It refers to an invisible
agent or force dominating the characteristics of a given epoch in world history.
The term is now mostly associated with Hegel, contrasting with Hegel's use
of Volksgeist "national spirit" and Weltgeist "world-spirit", but its coinage and
popularization precedes Hegel, and is mostly due to Herder and Goethe.
Other philosophers who were associated with such ideas
include Spencer and Voltaire. The term as used contemporarily may more pragmatically
refer to a fashion or fad which prescribes what is acceptable or tasteful, e.g. in the field
of architecture.
Hegel
Hegel in Phenomenology of the Spirit (1807) uses both Weltgeist and Volksgeist but
prefers the phrase Geist der Zeiten "spirit of the times" over the compound Zeitgeist.
The Hegelian concept does not necessarily contrast with the Great Man theory as
by Thomas Carlyle, which sees history as the result of the actions of heroes and
geniuses, as Hegel perceived such "great men", specifically Napoleon, as the
"embodiment of the world-spirit" (Die Weltseele zu Pferde "the world-soul on
horseback")
Hegel believed that art reflected, by its very nature, the culture of the time in which it is
created. Culture and art are inextricable because an individual artist is a product of his
or her time and therefore brings that culture to any given work of art. Furthermore, he
believed that in the modern world it was impossible to produce classical art, which he
believed represented a "free and ethical culture", which depended more on
the philosophy of art and theory of art, rather than a reflection of the social construct,
or Zeitgeist in which a given artist lives.
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Theory of Leadership
In Self-Help and Business Models
A "zeitgeist theory of leadership" has been contrasted with Thomas Carlyle’s great man
theory by Forsyth (2009). In his theory, Carlyle stresses that leaders do not become
leaders by fate or accident. Instead, these individuals possess characteristics of great
leaders and these characteristics allow them to obtain positions of power.
According to Forsyth, Leo Tolstoy disagreed with Carlyle’s perspective, instead
believing that leadership, like other things, was a product of the "zeitgeist", the social
circumstances at the time.
Great man theory and zeitgeist theory can be included in two main areas of thought
in psychology. For instance, great man theory is very similar to the trait approach. Trait
researchers are interested in identifying the various personality traits that underline
human behaviors such as conformity, leadership or other social behaviors. Thus, they
agree that leadership is primarily a quality of an individual and that some people are
pre-dispositioned to be a leader whereas others are born to follow these leaders. In
contrast, situationistresearchers believe that social behavior is a product of society. That
is, social influence is what determines human behaviors. Therefore, situationism is of
the same opinion as zeitgeist theory—leaders are created from the social environment
and are molded from the situation. The concept of zeitgeist also relates to the
sociological tradition that stems from Émile Durkheim and recently developed into social
capital theory as exemplified by the work of Patrick Hunout.
These two perspectives have been combined to create what is known as
the interactional approach to leadership. This approach asserts that leadership is
developed through the mixing of personality traits and the situation. Further, this
approach was expressed by social psychologist, Kurt Lewin, by the equation B = f(P, E)
where behavior (B) is a function (f) of the person (P) and the environment (E).
Examples of Models in Business
Executives, venture capitalists, journalists and authors have argued that the idea of a
zeitgeist is useful in understanding the emergence of industries, simultaneous invention
and evaluating the relative value of innovations. Malcolm Gladwell argued in his
book Outliers that entrepreneurs who succeeded often share similar characteristics—
early personal or significant exposure to knowledge and skills in the early stages of a
nascent industry. He proposed that the timing of involvement in an industry and often in
sports as well affected the probability of success. In Silicon Valley, a number of people
(Peter Thiel, Alistair Davidson, Mac Levchin, Nicholas G. Carr, Vinod Khosla) have
argued that much innovation has been shaped by easy access to the Internet, open
source software, component technologies for both hardware and software (e.g.,
software libraries, software as a service), and the ability to reach narrow markets across
a global market. Peter Thiel has commented: "There is so much incrementalism now."
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In a zeitgeist market, the number of new entrants is high, differentiation in high value
products (the strongest predictor of new product success) is more difficult to achieve,
and business models emphasizing service and solution over product and process will
enhance success. Examples include innovation in product experience, legal rights and
bundling, privacy rights, and agency (where businesses act on behalf of customers).
Intellectual Fashion
Zeitgeist in the sense intellectual or aesthetic fashion or fad:
Research from empirical aesthetics investigated the relation between zeitgeist as
temporal context and the evaluation of creative works. In a study of the musical
originality of 15,618 classical music themes, the importance of objective
characteristics and zeitgeist for popularity was examined. Both the musical
originality of a theme relative to its contemporary works (the zeitgeist), as well as
its "absolute" originality influenced in similar magnitude the popularity of a
theme. Similarly, objective features and temporal context both influenced the
evaluation of linguistic originality.
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Errors of illusion are
not readily apparent
because the shared
beliefs
and
assumptions of a
particular era that
support them come
from the zeitgeist. An
example can be seen
with Henry H.
Goddard and Lewis
Terman. The
consensus in the 20th
century was that
existing psychology
tests adequately
measured basic
intelligence in diverse
groups of people. The
more
recent
consensus is that
"culture-fair" tests
need to be developed -
which may or may not
be true. But because
of the zeitgeist, in those times, the cross-cultural validity of existing tests was not
questioned.
Failure to question research findings that agree with prevailing political and
philosophical ideology represents one of the effects of the zeitgeist.
The zeitgeist does not always have negative effects. It can stimulate new ideas
and creative solutions to problems. An example is seen in the different models
and metaphors chosen to describe behavior and consciousness.
Charles Darwin's proposition that evolution occurs by natural selection has been
cited as a case of the zeitgeist, since his contemporary, Alfred Russel Wallace,
was outlining similar models to Darwin during the same period (ideas that were
jointly presented to the public). This view is disputed, however, by accounts that
emphasize the relative simplicity of Wallace's model, and which highlight a
supposed novelty within Darwin's likewise simplistic contribution.
The zeitgeist of the 1920s revolved around logical positivism. Due to this, the
great men and women of that time were able to impact psychology, such as
Watson, Tolman, and Guthrie. This is important because their work on behavioral
psychology was able to work against eugenics. Before this time behavioral
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psychology was not able to impact the field since it did not fit with the spirit of the
times. For example, Twitmyer Edwin B. Twitmyer wrote a paper on the patellar
reflex in 1902, but it came too early to have the impact it deserved.
B F Skinner being unseated during the cognitive revolution is another example of
the zeitgeist in psychology. The zeitgeist was changing during this time, people
wanted to show more interest in humans, and more people were becoming
interested in personality psychology. However, in the 1950s his new
experimental approach to psychology using inductive reasoning and descriptive
behaviorism was seen as novel and practical. Especially in contrast with
psychoanalysts, whose assertions and interpretations were largely immune to
rigorous, empirical inquiry, thus making validation a rather problematic task.
In medical practice clinicians should be aware of the current zeitgeist when
making a decision regarding a patients care or treatment.
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VIII. The Illuminati
The Illuminati (plural of Latin illuminatus, "enlightened") is a name given to several
groups, both real and fictitious. Historically, the name usually refers to the Bavarian
Illuminati, an Enlightenment-era secret society founded on 1 May 1776. The society's
goals were to oppose superstition, obscurantism, religious influence over public life, and
abuses of state power. "The order of the day," they wrote in their general statutes, "is to
put an end to the machinations of the purveyors of injustice, to control them without
dominating them." The Illuminati—along with Freemasonry and other secret societies—
were outlawed through edict by the Bavarian ruler Charles Theodore with the
encouragement of the Catholic Church, in 1784, 1785, 1787, and 1790. In the several
years following, the group was vilified by conservative and religious critics who claimed
that they continued underground and were responsible for the French Revolution.
Many influential intellectuals and progressive politicians counted themselves as
members, including Ferdinand of Brunswick and the diplomat Xavier von Zwack, who
was the Order's second-in-command. It attracted literary men such as Johann Wolfgang
von Goethe and Johann Gottfried Herder and the reigning dukes of Gotha and Weimar.
In subsequent use, "Illuminati" refers to various organisations which claim or are
purported to have links to the original Bavarian Illuminati or similar secret societies,
though these links are unsubstantiated. They are often alleged to conspire to control
world affairs, by masterminding events and planting agents
in government and corporations, in order to gain political power and influence and to
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establish a New World Order. Central to some of the most widely known and
elaborate conspiracy theories, the Illuminati have been depicted as lurking in the
shadows and pulling the strings and levers of power in dozens of novels, films,
television shows, comics, video games, and music videos.
Adam Weishaupt (1748–1830), founder of the Bavarian Illuminati
Origins
History
Adam Weishaupt (1748–1830) was a professor of Canon Law and practical
philosophy at the University of Ingolstadt. He was the only non-clerical professor at an
institution run by Jesuits, whose order had been dissolved in 1773. The Jesuits of
Ingolstadt, however, still retained the purse strings and some power at the University,
which they continued to regard as their own.
Constant attempts were made to frustrate and discredit non-clerical staff, especially
when course material contained anything they regarded as liberal or Protestant.
Weishaupt became deeply anti-clerical, resolving to spread the ideals of
the Enlightenment (Aufklärung) through some sort of secret society of like-minded
individuals.
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Finding Freemasonry to be expensive, and not open to his ideas, he founded his own
society which was to have a gradal system based on Freemasonry, but his own
agenda. His original name for the new order was Bund der Perfektibilisten, or Covenant
of Perfectibility (Perfectibilists), later changing it because it sounded too strange. On 1
May 1776 Weishaupt and four students formed the Perfectibilists, taking the Owl of
Minerva as their symbol. The members were to use aliases within the society.
Weishaupt became Spartacus. Law students Massenhausen, Bauhof, Merz and Sutor
became respectively Ajax, Agathon, Tiberius and Erasmus Roterodamus. Weishaupt
later expelled Sutor for indolence. It was not until April 1778 that the order became
the Illuminatenorden, or Order of Illuminati, after Weishaupt had seriously contemplated
the Bee order.
Massenhausen was initially the most active in expanding the society. Significantly, while
studying in Munich shortly after the formation of the order, he recruited Xavier von
Zwack, a former pupil of Weishaupt at the beginning of a significant administrative
career. (At the time, he was in charge of the Bavarian National Lottery.)
Massenhausen's enthusiasm soon became a liability in the eyes of Weishaupt, often
attempting to recruit unsuitable candidates. Later, his erratic love-life made him
neglectful, and as Weishaupt passed control of the Munich group to Zwack, it became
clear that Massenhausen had misappropriated subscriptions and intercepted
correspondence between Weishaupt and Zwack. In 1778, Massenhausen graduated
and took a post outside Bavaria, taking no further interest in the order. At this time, the
order had a nominal membership of twelve.
With the departure of Massenhausen, Zwack immediately applied himself to recruiting
more mature and important recruits. Most prized by Weishaupt was Hertel, a childhood
friend and a canon of the Munich Frauenkirche. By the end of summer 1778 the order
had 27 members (still counting Massenhausen) in 5 commands; Munich (Athens),
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Ingolstadt (Eleusis), Ravensberg (Sparta), Freysingen (Thebes), and Eichstaedt
(Erzurum).
During this early period, the order had three grades of Novice, Minerval, and Illuminated
Minerval, of which only the Minerval grade involved a complicated ceremony. In this the
candidate was given secret signs and a password. A system of mutual espionage kept
Weishaupt informed of the activities and character of all his members, his favourites
becoming members of the ruling council, or Areopagus. Some novices were permitted
to recruit, becoming Insinuants. Christians of good character were actively sought, with
Jews and pagans specifically excluded, along with women, monks, and members of
other secret societies. Favoured candidates were rich, docile, willing to learn, and aged
18–30.
Transition
Having, with difficulty, dissuaded some of his members from joining the Freemasons,
Weishaupt decided to join the older order to acquire material to expand his own ritual.
He was admitted to lodge "Prudence" of the Rite of Strict Observance early in February
1777. His progress through the three degrees of "blue lodge" masonry taught him
nothing of the higher degrees he sought to exploit, but in the following year a priest
called Abbé Marotti informed Zwack that these inner secrets rested on knowledge of the
older religion and the primitive church. Zwack persuaded Weishaupt that their own order
should enter into friendly relations with Freemasonry, and obtain the dispensation to set
up their own lodge. At this stage (December 1778), the addition of the first three
degrees of Freemasonry was seen as a secondary project.
With little difficulty, a warrant was obtained from the Grand Lodge of Prussia called the
Royal York for Friendship, and the new lodge was called Theodore of the Good Council,
with the intention of flattering Charles Theodore, Elector of Bavaria. It was founded in
Munich on 21 March 1779, and quickly packed with Illuminati. The first master, a man
called Radl, was persuaded to return home to Baden, and by July Weishaupt's order ran
the lodge.
The next step involved independence from their Grand Lodge. By establishing masonic
relations with the Union lodge in Frankfurt, affiliated to the Premier Grand Lodge of
England, lodge Theodore became independently recognized, and able to declare its
independence. As a new mother lodge, it could now spawn lodges of its own. The
recruiting drive amongst the Frankfurt masons also obtained the allegiance of Adolph
Freiherr Knigge.
Adolph Knigge
Reform
Knigge was recruited late in 1780 at a convention of the Rite of Strict Observance by
Costanzo Marchese di Costanzo, an infantry captain in the Bavarian army and a fellow
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Freemason. Knigge, still in his twenties, had already reached the highest initiatory
grades of his order, and had arrived with his own grand plans for its reform.
Disappointed that his scheme found no support, Knigge was immediately intrigued
when Costanzo informed him that the order that he sought to create already existed.
Knigge and three of his friends expressed a strong interest in learning more of this
order, and Costanzo showed them material relating to the Minerval grade. The teaching
material for the grade was "liberal" literature which was banned in Bavaria, but common
knowledge in the Protestant German states. Knigge's three companions became
disillusioned and had no more to do with Costanzo, but Knigge's persistence was
rewarded in November 1780 by a letter from Weishaupt. Knigge's connections, both
within and outside of Freemasonry, made him an ideal recruit. Knigge, for his own part,
was flattered by the attention, and drawn towards the order's stated aims of education
and the protection of mankind from despotism. Weishaupt managed to acknowledge,
and pledge to support, Knigge's interest in alchemy and the "higher sciences". Knigge
replied to Weishaupt outlining his plans for the reform of Freemasonry as the Strict
Observance began to question its own origins.
Weishaupt set Knigge the task of recruiting before he could be admitted to the higher
grades of the order. Knigge accepted, on the condition that he be allowed to choose his
own recruiting grounds. Many other masons found Knigge's description of the new
masonic order attractive, and were enrolled in the Minerval grade of the Illuminati.
Knigge appeared at this time to believe in the "Most Serene Superiors" which
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Weishaupt claimed to serve. His inability to articulate anything about the higher degrees
of the order became increasingly embarrassing, but in delaying any help, Weishaupt
gave him an extra task. Provided with material by Weishaupt, Knigge now produced
pamphlets outlining the activities of the outlawed Jesuits, purporting to show how they
continued to thrive and recruit, especially in Bavaria. Meanwhile, Knigge's inability to
give his recruits any satisfactory response to questions regarding the higher grades was
making his position untenable, and he wrote to Weishaupt to this effect. In January
1781, faced with the prospect of losing Knigge and his masonic recruits, Weishaupt
finally confessed that his superiors and the supposed antiquity of the order were
fictions, and the higher degrees had yet to be written.
If Knigge had expected to learn the promised deep secrets of Freemasonry in the higher
degrees of the Illuminati, he was surprisingly calm about Weishaupt's revelation.
Weishaupt promised Knigge a free hand in the creation of the higher degrees, and also
promised to send him his own notes. For his own part, Knigge welcomed the
opportunity to use the order as a vehicle for his own ideas. His new approach would, he
claimed, make the Illuminati more attractive to prospective members in the Protestant
kingdoms of Germany. In November 1781 the Areopagus advanced Knigge 50 florins to
travel to Bavaria, which he did via Swabia and Franconia, meeting and enjoying the
hospitality of other Illuminati on his journey.
Internal Problems
The order had now developed profound internal divisions. The Eichstaedt command
had formed an autonomous province in July 1780, and a rift was growing between
Weishaupt and the Areopagus, who found him stubborn, dictatorial, and inconsistent.
Knigge fitted readily into the role of peacemaker.
In discussions with the Areopagus and Weishaupt, Knigge identified two areas which
were problematic. Weishaupt's emphasis on the recruitment of university students
meant that senior positions in the order often had to be filled by young men with little
practical experience. Secondly, the anti-Jesuit ethos of the order at its inception had
become a general anti-religious sentiment, which Knigge knew would be a problem in
recruiting the senior Freemasons that the order now sought to attract. Knigge felt keenly
the stifling grip of conservative Catholicism in Bavaria, and understood the anti-religious
feelings that this produced in the liberal Illuminati, but he also saw the negative
impression these same feelings would engender in Protestant states, inhibiting the
spread of the order in greater Germany.
Both the Areopagus and Weishaupt felt powerless to do anything less than give Knigge
a free hand. He had the contacts within and outside of Freemasonry that they needed,
and he had the skill as a ritualist to build their projected gradal structure, where they had
ground to a halt at Illuminatus Minor, with only the Minerval grade below and the merest
sketches of higher grades. The only restrictions imposed were the need to discuss the
inner secrets of the highest grades, and the necessity of submitting his new grades for
approval.
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Meanwhile, the scheme to propagate Illuminatism as a legitimate branch of
Freemasonry had stalled. While Lodge Theodore was now in their control, a chapter of
"Elect Masters" attached to it only had one member from the order, and still had a
constitutional superiority to the craft lodge controlled by the Illuminati. The chapter
would be difficult to persuade to submit to the Areopagus, and formed a very real barrier
to Lodge Theodore becoming the first mother-lodge of a new Illuminated Freemasonry.
A treaty of alliance was signed between the order and the chapter, and by the end of
January 1781 four daughter lodges had been created, but independence was not in the
chapter's agenda.
Costanza wrote to the Royal York pointing out the discrepancy between the fees
dispatched to their new Grand Lodge and the service they had received in return. The
Royal York, unwilling to lose the revenue, offered to confer the "higher" secrets of
Freemasonry on a representative that their Munich brethren would dispatch to Berlin.
Costanza accordingly set off for Prussia on 4 April 1780, with instructions to negotiate a
reduction in Theodore's fees while he was there. On the way, he managed to have an
argument with a Frenchman on the subject of a lady with whom they were sharing a
carriage. The Frenchman sent a message ahead to the king, some time before they
reached Berlin, denouncing Costanza as a spy. He was only freed from prison with the
help of the Grand Master of Royal York, and was expelled from Prussia having
accomplished nothing.
New System
Knigge's initial plan to obtain a constitution from London would, they realised, have
been seen through by the chapter. Until such time as they could take over other
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masonic lodges that their chapter could not control, they were for the moment content to
rewrite the three degrees for the lodges which they administered.
On 20 January 1782 Knigge tabulated his new system of grades for the order. These
were arranged in three classes:
Class I – The nursery, consisting of the Noviciate, the Minerval, and Illuminatus
minor.
Class II – The Masonic grades. The three "blue lodge" grades of Apprentice,
Companion, and Master were separated from the higher "Scottish" grades of
Scottish Novice and Scottish Knight.
Class III – The Mysteries. The lesser mysteries were the grades of Priest and
Prince, followed by the greater mysteries in the grades of Mage and King. It is
unlikely that the rituals for the greater mysteries were ever written.
Attempts at Expansion
Knigge's recruitment from German Freemasonry was far from random. He targeted the
masters and wardens, the men who ran the lodges, and were often able to place the
entire lodge at the disposal of the Illuminati. In Aachen, Baron de Witte, master of
Constancy lodge, caused every member to join the order. In this way, the order
expanded rapidly in central and southern Germany, and obtained a foothold in Austria.
Moving into the Spring of 1782, the handful of students that had started the order had
swelled to about 300 members, only 20 of the new recruits being students.
In Munich, the first half of 1782 saw huge changes in the government of Lodge
Theodore. In February, Weishaupt had offered to split the lodge, with the Illuminati
going their own way and the chapter taking any remaining traditionalists into their own
continuation of Theodore. At this point, the chapter unexpectedly capitulated, and the
Illuminati had complete control of lodge and chapter. In June, both lodge and chapter
sent letters severing relations with Royal York, citing their own faithfulness in paying for
their recognition, and Royal York's failure to provide any instruction into the higher
grades. Their neglect of Costanza, failure to defend him from malicious charges or
prevent his expulsion from Prussia, were also cited. They had made no effort to provide
Costanza with the promised secrets, and the Munich masons now suspected that their
brethren in Berlin relied on the mystical French higher grades which they sought to
avoid. Lodge Theodore was now independent.
The Rite of Strict Observance was now in a critical state. Its nominal leader was Prince
Carl of Södermanland (later Charles XIII of Sweden), openly suspected of trying to
absorb the rite into the Swedish Rite, which he already controlled. The German lodges
looked for leadership to Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel. Suspicion turned to
open contempt when it transpired that Carl regarded the Stuart heir to the British throne
as the true Grand Master, and the lodges of the Strict Observance all but ignored their
Grand Master. This impasse led to the Convent of Wilhelmsbad.
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Convent of Wilhelmsbad
Delayed from 15 October 1781, the last convention of the Strict Observance finally
opened on 16 July 1782 in the spa town of Wilhelmsbad on the outskirts of (now part
of) Hanau. Ostensibly a discussion of the future of the order, the 35 delegates knew that
the Strict Observance in its current form was doomed, and that the Convent of
Wilhelmsbad would be a struggle over the pieces between the German mystics,
under Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel and their host Prince Charles of
Hesse-Kassel, and the Martinists, under Jean-Baptiste Willermoz. The only dissenting
voices to mystical higher grades were Johann Joachim Christoph Bode, who was
horrified by Martinism, but whose proposed alternatives were as yet unformed, and
Franz Dietrich von Ditfurth, a judge from Wetzlar and master of the Joseph of the Three
Helmets lodge there, who was already a member of the Illuminati. Ditfurth publicly
campaigned for a return to the basic three degrees of Freemasonry, which was the least
likely outcome of the convention. The mystics already had coherent plans to replace the
higher degrees.
The lack of a coherent alternative to the two strains of mysticism allowed the Illuminati
to present themselves as a credible option. Ditfurth, prompted and assisted by Knigge,
who now had full authority to act for the order, became their spokesman. Knigge's
original plan to propose an alliance between the two orders was rejected by Weishaupt,
who saw no point in an alliance with a dying order. His new plan was to recruit the
masons opposed to the "Templar" higher degree of the Strict Observance.
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At the convent, Ditfurth blocked the attempts of Willermoz and Hesse to introduce their
own higher grades by insisting that full details of such degrees be revealed to the
delegates. The frustration of the German mystics led to their enrolling Count Kollowrat
with the Illuminati with a view to later affiliation. Ditfurth's own agenda was to replace all
of the higher degrees with a single fourth degree, with no pretensions to further masonic
revelations. Finding no support for his plan, he left the convent prematurely, writing to
the Areopagus that he expected nothing good of the assembly.
In an attempt to satisfy everybody, the Convent of Wilhelmsbad achieved little. They
renounced the Templar origins of their ritual, while retaining the Templar titles, trappings
and administrative structure. Charles of Hesse and Ferdinand of Brunswick remained at
the head of the order, but in practice the lodges were almost independent. The
Germans also adopted the name of the French order of Willermoz, les Chevaliers
bienfaisants de la Cité sainte (Good Knights of the Holy City), and some Martinist
mysticism was imported into the first three degrees, which were now the only essential
degrees of Freemasonry. Crucially, individual lodges of the order were now allowed to
fraternise with lodges of other systems. The new "Scottish Grade" introduced with the
Lyon ritual of Willermoz was not compulsory, each province and prefecture was free to
decide what, if anything, happened after the three craft degrees. Finally, in an effort to
show that something had been achieved, the convent regulated at length on etiquette,
titles, and a new numbering for the provinces.
Aftermath of Wilhelmsbad
What the Convent of Wilhelmsbad actually achieved was the demise of the Strict
Observance. It renounced its own origin myth, along with the higher degrees which
bound its highest and most influential members. It abolished the strict control which had
kept the order united, and alienated many Germans who mistrusted Martinism. Bode,
who was repelled by Martinism, immediately entered negotiations with Knigge, and
finally joined the Illuminati in January 1783. Charles of Hesse joined the following
month.
Knigge's first efforts at an alliance with the intact German Grand Lodges failed, but
Weishaupt persisted. He proposed a new federation where all of the German lodges
would practise an agreed, unified system in the essential three degrees of
Freemasonry, and be left to their own devices as to which, if any, system of higher
degrees they wished to pursue. This would be a federation of Grand Lodges, and
members would be free to visit any of the "blue" lodges, in any jurisdiction. All lodge
masters would be elected, and no fees would be paid to any central authority
whatsoever. Groups of lodges would be subject to a "Scottish Directorate", composed of
members delegated by lodges, to audit finances, settle disputes, and authorise new
lodges. These in turn would elect Provincial Directorates, who would elect inspectors,
who would elect the national director. This system would correct the current imbalance
in German Freemasonry, where masonic ideals of equality were preserved only in the
lower three "symbolic" degrees. The various systems of higher degrees were dominated
by the elite who could afford researches in alchemy and mysticism. To Weishaupt and
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Knigge, the proposed federation was also a vehicle to propagate Illuminism throughout
German Freemasonry. Their intention was to use their new federation, with its emphasis
on the fundamental degrees, to remove all allegiance to Strict Observance, allowing the
"eclectic" system of the Illuminati to take its place.
The circular announcing the new federation outlined the faults of German freemasonry,
that unsuitable men with money were often admitted on the basis of their wealth, that
the corruption of civil society had infected the lodges. Having advocated the deregulation
of the higher grades of the German lodges, the Illuminati now announced
their own, from their "unknown Superiors". Lodge Theodore, newly independent from
Royal York, set themselves up as a provincial Grand Lodge. Knigge, in a letter to all the
Royal York lodges, now accused that Grand Lodge of decadence. Their Freemasonry
had allegedly been corrupted by the Jesuits. Strict Observance was now attacked as a
creation of the Stuarts, devoid of all moral virtue. The Zinnendorf rite of the Grand
Landlodge of the Freemasons of Germany was suspect because its author was in
league with the Swedes. This direct attack had the opposite effect to that intended by
Weishaupt, it offended many of its readers.
The Grand Lodge of the Grand Orient of Warsaw, which controlled Freemasonry in
Poland and Lithuania, was happy to participate in the federation only as far as the first
three degrees. Their insistence on independence had kept them from the Strict
Observance, and would now keep them from the Illuminati, whose plan to annex
Freemasonry rested on their own higher degrees. By the end of January 1783 the
Illuminati's masonic contingent had seven lodges.
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It was not only the clumsy appeal of the Illuminati that left the federation short of
members. Lodge Theodore was recently formed and did not command respect like the
older lodges. Most of all, the Freemasons most likely to be attracted to the federation
saw the Illuminati as an ally against the mystics and Martinists, but valued their own
freedom too highly to be caught in another restrictive organisation. Even Ditfurth, the
supposed representative of the Illuminati at Wilhelmsbad, had pursued his own agenda
at the convent.
The non-mystical Frankfurt lodges created an "Eclectic Alliance", which was almost
indistinguishable in constitution and aims from the Illuminati's federation. Far from
seeing this as a threat, after some discussion the Illuminati lodges joined the new
alliance. Three Illuminati now sat on the committee charged with writing the new
masonic statutes. Aside from strengthening relations between their three lodges, the
Illuminati seem to have gained no advantage from this manoeuvre. Ditfurth, having
found a masonic organisation that worked towards his own ambitions for Freemasonry,
took little interest in the Illuminati after his adherence to the Eclectic Alliance. In reality,
the creation of the Eclectic Alliance had undermined all of the subtle plans of the
Illuminati to spread their own doctrine through Freemasonry.
Zenith
Although their hopes of mass recruitment through Freemasonry had been frustrated, the
Illuminati continued to recruit well at an individual level. In Bavaria, the succession
of Charles Theodore initially led to a liberalisation of attitudes and laws, but the clergy
and courtiers, guarding their own power and privilege, persuaded the weak willed
monarch to reverse his reforms, and Bavaria's repression of liberal thought returned.
This reversal led to a general resentment of the monarch and the church among the
educated classes, which provided a perfect recruiting ground for the Illuminati. A
number of Freemasons from Prudence lodge, disaffected by the Martinist rites of
the Chevaliers Bienfaisants, joined lodge Theodore, who set themselves up in a
gardened mansion which contained their library of liberal literature.
Illuminati circles in the rest of Germany expanded. While some had only modest gains,
the circle in Mainz almost doubled from 31 to 61 members. Reaction to state
Catholicism led to gains in Austria, and footholds were obtained
in Warsaw, Pressburg (Bratislava), Tyrol, Milan and Switzerland.
The total number of verifiable members at the end of 1784 is around 650. Weishaupt
and Hertel later claimed a figure of 2,500. The higher figure is largely explained by the
inclusion of members of masonic lodges that the Illuminati claimed to control, but it is
likely that the names of all the Illuminati are not known, and the true figure lies
somewhere between 650 and 2,500. The importance of the order lay in its successful
recruitment of the professional classes, churchmen, academics, doctors and lawyers,
and its more recent acquisition of powerful benefactors. Karl August, Grand Duke of
Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach, Ernest II, Duke of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg with his brother and
later successor August, Karl Theodor Anton Maria von Dalberg governor of Erfurt, Duke
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Ferdinand of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel(already mentioned), his chief assistant in masonic
matters, Johann Friedrich von Schwarz, and Count Metternich of Koblenz were all
enrolled. In Vienna, Count Brigido, governor of Galicia, Count Leopold Kolowrat,
chancellor of Bohemia with his vice-chancellor Baron Kressel, Count Pálffy von Erdöd,
chancellor of Hungary, Count Banffy, governor and provincial Grand Master of
Transylvania, Count Stadion, ambassador to London, and Baron von Swieten, minister
of public education, also joined.
There were notable failures. Johann Kaspar Lavater, the Swiss poet and theologian,
rebuffed Knigge. He did not believe the order's humanitarian and rationalist aims were
achievable by secret means. He further believed that a society's drive for members
would ultimately submerge its founding ideals. Christoph Friedrich Nicolai, the Berlin
writer and bookseller, became disillusioned after joining. He found its aims chimeric,
and thought that the use of Jesuit methods to achieve their aims was dangerous. He
remained in the order, but took no part in recruitment.
Conflict with Rosicrucians
At all costs, Weishaupt wished to keep the existence of the order secret from
the Rosicrucians, who already had a considerable foothold in German Freemasonry.
While clearly Protestant, the Rosicrucians were anything but anticlerical, pro-monarchic,
and held views clearly conflicting with the Illuminati vision of a rationalist state run by
philosophers and scientists. The Rosicrucians were not above promoting their own
brand of mysticism with fraudulent séances. A conflict became inevitable as the
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existence of the Illuminati became more evident, and as prominent Rosicrucians, and
mystics with Rosicrucian sympathies, were actively recruited by Knigge and other overenthusiastic
helpers. Kolowrat was already a high ranking Rosicrucian, and the mystic
Prince Charles of Hesse-Kassel had a very low opinion of the rationalist higher grades
of the Illuminati.
The Prussian Rosicrucians, under Johann Christoph von Wöllner, began a sustained
attack on the Illuminati. Wöllner had a specially engineered room in which he convinced
potential patrons of the effectiveness of Rosicrucian "magic", and his order had
acquired effective control of the "Three Globes" and its attached lodges. Through this
mouthpiece, the Illuminati were accused of atheism and revolutionary tendencies. In
April 1783 Frederick the Great informed Charles of Hesse that the Berlin lodges had
documents belonging to the Minervals or Illuminati which contained appalling material,
and asked if he had heard of them. All Berlin masons were now warned against the
order, which was now accused of Socinianism, and of using the liberal writings of
Voltaire and others, alongside the tolerance of Freemasonry, to undermine all religion.
In November 1783 the Three Globes described the Illuminati as a masonic sect which
sought to undermine Christianity and turn Freemasonry into a political system. Their
final anathema, in November 1784, refused to recognise any Illuminati as Freemasons.
In Austria, the Illuminati were blamed for anti-religious pamphlets that had recently
appeared. The Rosicrucians spied on Joseph von Sonnenfels and other suspected
Illuminati, and their campaign of denunciation within Freemasonry completely shut down
Illuminati recruitment in Tyrol.
The Bavarian Illuminati, whose existence was already known to the Rosicrucians from
an informant, were further betrayed by the reckless actions of Ferdinand Maria Baader,
an Areopagite who now joined the Rosicrucians. Shortly after his admission it was made
known to his superiors that he was one of the Illuminati, and he was informed that he
could not be a member of both organizations. His letter of resignation stated that the
Rosicrucians did not possess secret knowledge, and ignored the truly Illuminated,
specifically identifying Lodge Theodore as an Illuminati Lodge.
Internal Dissent
As the Illuminati embraced Freemasonry and expanded outside Bavaria, the council of
the Areopagites was replaced by an ineffective "Council of Provincials". The
Areopagites, however, remained as powerful voices within the Order, and began again
to bicker with Weishaupt as soon as Knigge left Munich. Weishaupt responded by
privately slandering his perceived enemies in letters to his perceived friends.
More seriously, Weishaupt succeeded in alienating Knigge. Weishaupt had ceded
considerable power to Knigge in deputising him to write the ritual, power he now sought
to regain. Knigge had elevated the Order from a tiny anti-clerical club to a large
organization, and felt that his work was under-acknowledged. Weishaupt's continuing
anti-clericalism clashed with Knigge's mysticism, and recruitment of mystically inclined
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Freemasons was a cause of friction with Weishaupt and other senior Illuminati, such as
Ditfurth. Matters came to a head over the grade of Priest. The consensus among many
of the Illuminati was that the ritual was florid and ill-conceived, and the regalia puerile
and expensive. Some refused to use it, others edited it. Weishaupt demanded that
Knigge rewrite the ritual. Knigge pointed out that it was already circulated, with
Weishaupt's blessing, as ancient. This fell on deaf ears. Weishaupt now claimed to
other Illuminati that the Priest ritual was flawed because Knigge had invented it.
Offended, Knigge now threatened to tell the world how much of the Illuminati ritual he
had made up. Knigge's attempt to create a convention of the Areopagites proved
fruitless, as most of them trusted him even less than they trusted Weishaupt. In July
1784 Knigge left the order by agreement, under which he returned all relevant papers,
and Weishaupt published a retraction of all slanders against him. In forcing Knigge out,
Weishaupt deprived the order of its best theoretician, recruiter, and apologist.
Decline
The final decline of the Illuminati was brought about by the indiscretions of their own
Minervals in Bavaria, and especially in Munich. In spite of efforts by their superiors to
curb loose talk, politically dangerous boasts of power and criticism of monarchy caused
the "secret" order's existence to become common knowledge, along with the names of
many important members. The presence of Illuminati in positions of power now led to
some public disquiet. There were Illuminati in many civic and state governing bodies. In
spite of their small number, there were claims that success in a legal dispute depended
on the litigant's standing with the order. The Illuminati were blamed for several antireligious
publications then appearing in Bavaria. Much of this criticism sprang from
vindictiveness and jealousy, but it is clear that many Illuminati court officials gave
preferential treatment to their brethren. In Bavaria, the energy of their two members of
the Ecclesiastical Council had one of them elected treasurer. Their opposition
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to Jesuits resulted in the banned order losing key academic and church positions. In
Ingolstat, the Jesuit heads of department were replaced by Illuminati.
Alarmed, Karl Theodor and his government banned all secret societies including the
Illuminati. A government edict dated 2 March 1785 "seems to have been deathblow to
the Illuminati in Bavaria". Weishaupt had fled and documents and internal
correspondence, seized in 1786 and 1787, were subsequently published by the
government in 1787. Von Zwack's home was searched and much of the group's
literature was disclosed.
Barruel and Robison
Between 1797 and 1798, Augustin Barruel's Memoirs Illustrating the History of
Jacobinism and John Robison's Proofs of a Conspiracy publicised the theory that the
Illuminati had survived and represented an ongoing international conspiracy. This
included the claim that it was behind the French Revolution. Both books proved to be
very popular, spurring reprints and paraphrases by others. A prime example of this
is Proofs of the Real Existence, and Dangerous Tendency, Of Illuminism by Reverend
Seth Payson, published in 1802. Some of the response to this was critical, for example
Jean-Joseph Mounier's On the Influence Attributed to Philosophers, Free-Masons, and
to the Illuminati on the Revolution of France.
The works of Robison and Barruel made their way to the United States, and across New
England, Reverend Jedidiah Morse and others gave sermons against the Illuminati.
Their sermons were printed and the matter was followed in newspapers. Concern died
down in the first decade of the 1800s, although it revived from time to time in the Anti-
Masonic movement of the 1820s and 30s.
Modern Illuminati
Several recent and present-day fraternal organisations claim to be descended from the
original Bavarian Illuminati and openly use the name "Illuminati". Some of these groups
use a variation on the name "The Illuminati Order" in the name of their own
organisations, while others, such as the Ordo Templi Orientis, have "Illuminati" as a
level within their organisation's hierarchy. However, there is no evidence that these
present-day groups have amassed significant political power or influence, and most,
rather than trying to remain secret, promote unsubstantiated links to the Bavarian
Illuminati as a means of attracting membership.
In Conspiracy Theories
In Popular Culture
The Illuminati did not long survive their suppression in Bavaria, and their further
mischief and plottings in the work of Barruel and Robison must be considered as the
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invention of the writers. Conspiracy theorists and writers such as Mark Dice have
argued that the Illuminati have survived to this day.
Many conspiracy theories propose that world events are being controlled and
manipulated by a secret society calling itself the Illuminati. Conspiracy theorists have
claimed that many notable people were or are members of the Illuminati. Presidents of
the United States are a common target for such claims.
Other theorists contend that a variety of historical events were orchestrated by the
Illuminati, from the French Revolution, the Battle of Waterloo and the assassination of
U.S. President John F. Kennedy, to an alleged communist plot to hasten the "New
World Order" by infiltrating the Hollywood film industry.
In Fiction
The Illuminati play a central role in the plots of many novels and movies such as Angels
& Demons by Dan Brown, The Illuminatus! Trilogy by Robert Shea and Robert Anton
Wilson and Foucault's Pendulum by Umberto Eco.
References to the Illuminati are made in several video games, such as the Assassin's
Creed franchise.
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IX. The Star Chamber
The Star Chamber (Latin: Camera stellata) was an English court of law which sat
at the royal Palace of Westminster, from the late 15th century to the mid-17th century
(c.1641), and was composed of Privy Councillorsand common-law judges, to
supplement the judicial activities of the common-law and equity courts in civil and
criminal matters. The Star Chamber was originally established to ensure the fair
enforcement of laws against socially and politically prominent people so powerful that
ordinary courts would probably hesitate to convict them of their crimes. However, it
became synonymous with social and political oppression through the arbitrary use and
abuse of the power it wielded.
In modern usage, legal or administrative bodies with strict, arbitrary rulings and
secretive proceedings are sometimes called, metaphorically or poetically, "star
chambers". This is a pejorative term and intended to cast doubt on the legitimacy of the
proceedings. "Star Chamber" can also, rarely, be used in its original meaning, for
instance when a politician uses parliamentary privilege to examine and then exculpate
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or condemn a powerful organization or person. Due to the constitutional separation of
powers and the ceasing of the Star Chamber, the main powers of select committees are
to enhance the public debate — politicians are deemed to no longer wield powers in the
criminal law, which belongs to the courts.
Origin of The Name
The first reference to the "star chamber" is in 1398, as the Sterred chambre; the more
common form of the name appears in 1422 as le Sterne-chamere. Both forms recur
throughout the fifteenth century, with Sterred Chambre last attested as appearing in
the Supremacy of the Crown Act 1534. The origin of the name has usually been
explained as first recorded by John Stow, writing in his Survey of London (1598), who
noted "this place is called the Star Chamber, at the first all the roofe thereof was decked
with images of starres gilted". Gold stars on a blue background were a common
medieval decoration for ceilings in richly decorated rooms, as still to be seen
at Leasowe Castle, Wirral, the Scrovegni Chapel in Padua, and elsewhere.
Alternatively, William Blackstone, a notable English jurist writing in 1769, speculated
that the name may have derived from the legal word "starr" meaning the contract or
obligation to a Jew (from the Hebrew שטר (shetar) meaning 'document'). This term was
in use until 1290, when Edward I had all Jews expelled from England. Blackstone
thought the "Starr Chamber" might originally have been used for the deposition and
storage of such contracts. However, the Oxford English Dictionary gives this etymology
"no claim to consideration".
Other etymological theories mentioned by Blackstone on the use of star include the
derivation from Old English steoran (steer) meaning "to govern"; as a court used to
punish (crimen stellionatus) (cozenage); or that the chamber was full of windows.
History
Under the Plantagenets and Tudors
The Court evolved from meetings of the King's Council, with its roots going back to the
medieval period. Contrary to popular belief, the so-called "Star Chamber Act" of King
Henry VII's second Parliament (1487) did not actually empower the Star Chamber, but
rather created a separate tribunal distinct from the King's general Council.
Initially well regarded because of its speed and flexibility, Star Chamber was regarded
as one of the most just and efficient courts of the Tudor era. Sir Edward Coke once
described Star Chamber as "The most honorable court (Our Parliament excepted) that
is in the Christian world. Both in respect of the judges in the court and its honourable
proceeding."
The Star Chamber was made up of Privy Counsellors, as well as common-law judges,
and it supplemented the activities of the common-law and equity courts in
both civil and criminal matters. In a sense, the court was a court of appeal, a
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supervisory body, overseeing the operation of the lower courts, although it could hear
cases by direct appeal as well. The court was set up to ensure the fair enforcement of
laws against the English upper class, those so powerful that ordinary courts could never
convict them of their crimes.
Another function of the Court of Star Chamber was to act like a court of equity, which
could impose punishment for actions which were deemed to be morally reprehensible
but were not in violation of the letter of the law. This gave the Star Chamber great
flexibility, as it could punish defendants for any action which the court felt should be
unlawful, even when in fact it was technically lawful.
However, this meant that the justice meted out by the Star Chamber could be
very arbitrary and subjective, and it enabled the court to be used later on in its history as
an instrument of oppression rather than for the purpose of justice for which it was
intended. Many crimes which are now commonly prosecuted, such
as attempt, conspiracy, criminal libel, and perjury, were originally developed by the
Court of Star Chamber, along with its more common role of dealing
with riots and sedition.
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The cases decided in those sessions enabled both the very powerful and those without
power to seek redress. Thus King Henry VII used the power of Star Chamber to break
the power of the landed gentry which had been such a cause of problems in the Wars of
the Roses. Yet, when local courts were often clogged or mismanaged, the Court of Star
Chamber also became a site of remittance for the common people against the excesses
of the nobility.
In the reign of King Henry VIII, the court was under the leadership of Cardinal
Wolsey (the Archbishop of York and Lord Chancellor) and Thomas
Cranmer (the Archbishop of Canterbury) (1515–1529). From this time forward, the Court
of Star Chamber became a political weapon for bringing actions against opponents to
the policies of King Henry VIII, his Ministers and his Parliament.
Although it was initially a court of appeal, King Henry, Wolsey and Cranmer
encouraged plaintiffs to bring their cases directly to the Star Chamber, bypassing the
lower courts entirely.
The Court was used extensively to control Wales, after the Laws in Wales Acts 1535–
1542 (sometimes referred to as the "Acts of Union"). The Tudor-era gentry in Wales
turned to the Chamber to evict Welsh landowners and protect themselves, and in
general protect the English advantages of the Laws in Wales Acts.
One of the weapons of the Star Chamber was the ex officio oath where, because of
their positions, individuals were forced to swear to answer truthfully all questions that
might be asked. Faced by hostile questioning, this then gave them the "cruel trilemma"
of having to incriminate themselves, face charges of perjury if they gave unsatisfactory
answers to their accusers, or be held in contempt of court if they gave no answer.
Under the Stuarts
The power of the Court of Star Chamber grew considerably under the House of Stuart,
and by the time of King Charles I, it had become synonymous with misuse and abuse of
power by the King and his circle. King James I and his son Charles used the court to
examine cases of sedition, which meant that the court could be used to suppress
opposition to royal policies. It came to be used to try nobles too powerful to be brought
to trial in the lower court.
King Charles I used the Court of Star Chamber as Parliamentary substitute during the
eleven years of Personal Rule, when he ruled without a Parliament. King Charles made
extensive use of the Court of Star Chamber to prosecute dissenters, including
the Puritans who fled to New England. This was also one of the causes of the English
Civil War.
On 17 October 1632, the Court of Star Chamber banned all "news books" because of
complaints from Spanish and Austrian diplomats that coverage of the Thirty Years'
War in England was unfair. As a result, newsbooks pertaining to this matter were often
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printed in Amsterdam and then smuggled into the country, until control of the press
collapsed with the developing ideological conflict of 1640–41.
The Star Chamber became notorious for judgments favourable to the king. Archbishop
Laud had William Prynne branded on both cheeks through its agency in 1637
for seditious libel.
In 1571 Elizabeth I had set up an equivalent Court in Ireland, the Court of Castle
Chamber, to deal with cases of riot and offences against public order. Although it was
initially popular with private litigants, under the Stuarts it developed the same reputation
for harsh and arbitrary proceedings as its parent Court, and during the political
confusion of the 1640s it simply disappeared.
In the early 1900s, American
poet,
biographer
and dramatist Edgar Lee
Masters, 1868–1950,
commented:
In the Star Chamber the
council could inflict any
punishment short of death,
and frequently sentenced
objects of its wrath to
the pillory, to whipping and to
the cutting off of ears. ... With
each embarrassment to
arbitrary power the Star
Chamber
became
emboldened to undertake
further usurpation. ... The
Star Chamber finally
summoned juries before it for
verdicts disagreeable to the
government, and fined and
imprisoned them. It spread terrorism among those who were called to do constitutional
acts. It imposed ruinous fines. It became the chief defense of Charles against assaults
upon those usurpations which cost him his life.
Abolition and Aftermath
In 1641, the Long Parliament, led by John Pym and inflamed by the severe treatment
of John Lilburne, as well as that of other religious dissenters such as William
Prynne, Alexander Leighton, John Bastwick and Henry Burton, abolished the Star
Chamber with an Act of Parliament: the Habeas Corpus Act 1640.
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The Chamber itself stood until demolished in 1806, when its materials were salvaged.
The door now hangs in the nearby Westminster School and the historic Star Chamber
ceiling, with its bright gold stars, was brought to Leasowe Castle on the Wirral
Peninsula in Cheshire from the Court of Westminster, along with four tapestries
depicting the four seasons.
Recent History
In the late 20th century, the expression was revived in reference to ways resolving
internal high-level questions within the government, usually relating to budget
appropriations. The press and some civil servants under the Premiership of Margaret
Thatcher (1979–90) revived the term for private ministerial meetings at which disputes
between the Treasury and high-spending departments were resolved.
The term was again revived by the popular press to describe a panel set up by the
Labour party's National Executive Committee to review expenses claims by Labour MPs
in May 2009. In 2010, the press employed the term for a committee established by
the Cameron ministry to plan spending cuts to reduce public debt.
Influence on the U.S. Constitution
The historical abuses of the Star Chamber are considered a primary motivating force
behind the protections against compelled self-incrimination embodied in the Fifth
Amendment to the United States Constitution. The meaning of "compelled testimony"
under the Fifth Amendment – i.e., the conditions under which a defendant is allowed to
"plead the Fifth" to avoid self-incrimination – is thus often interpreted via reference to
the inquisitorial methods of the Star Chamber.
As the U.S. Supreme Court described it, "the Star Chamber has, for centuries,
symbolized disregard of basic individual rights. The Star Chamber not merely allowed,
but required, defendants to have counsel. The defendant's answer to an indictment was
not accepted unless it was signed by counsel. When counsel refused to sign the
answer, for whatever reason, the defendant was considered to have confessed."
Page 100 of 134

X. References
1. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Culture_change
2. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Behavioral_economics
3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_capital
4. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_economics
5. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paradigm_shift
6. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conspiracy_theory
7. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zeitgeist
8. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Illuminati
9. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Star_Chamber
10. https://www.valuescentre.com/sites/default/files/uploads/2010-07-20/Fundamentals.pdf
11. http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hub/109601/file-1712448665-
pdf/downloads/White_Papers/Culture_Transformation_White_Paper_0914.pdf?t=14406121390
94
12. file:///C:/Users/tuh41865/Downloads/Liu_et_al-2014-
Asian_Journal_of_Social_Psychology.pdf
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Page 104 of 134

Attachment A
Fundamentals of Cultural Transformation
Page 105 of 134

Fundamentals of Cultural
Transformation
Implementing whole system change
By Richard Barrett
Abstract
This paper explores the concept of whole system change. It identifies the four principles
necessary for whole system change, and provides a nine step process for implementing
cultural transformation.
Whole system change
As the title of this paper suggests, for cultural transformation to occur the wholesystem
has to change. I can best explain what is meant by the term “whole system” by
referring to Figure 1. The four quadrants in this figure represent the four different
perspectives of a human system. 1
• The perspective as viewed from inside an individual—personal values and
beliefs (top left quadrant)
• The perspective as viewed from outside of an individual—personal actions and
behaviours (top right quadrant)
• The perspective as viewed from inside of a collective—cultural values and
beliefs (the bottom left)
• The perspective as viewed from outside of a collective—social structures,
systems, processes, actions and behaviours (bottom right quadrant).
1 Ken Wilbur. A Brief History of Everything. New York: Shambala, 1996; p. 71.
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Internal
External
Individual
Values and
beliefs of the
individual
Actions and
behaviours of
the individual
Collective
Values and
beliefs of the
collective
Actions and
behaviours of
the collective
The four quadrants are linked in the following way. When individuals change their
values and beliefs (top left quadrant), their behaviours change (top right). When
sufficient numbers of people change their values, beliefs and behaviors, then a shift in
the collective values and beliefs occurs (bottom left). This results in a change in the
behaviours of the whole group (bottom right).
Figure 1: The four quadrants of human systems
In an organisational setting, the values, beliefs (top left quadrant), and behaviours (top
right quadrant) of the leader and the leadership group significantly influence the
values and beliefs of the collective (bottom left quadrant) and the behaviours of the
collective (bottom right quadrant). In other words, the leaders’ values, beliefs and
behaviours significantly influence the culture of the organisation.
To be even more precise, the culture of an organisation is a reflection of the values and
beliefs of the present leaders and the instutionalised legacy of the values and beliefs of
past leaders as reflected in the structures, systems, processes, policies and procedures
of the organisation.
Four conditions must be met for whole system change to occur. These are described
below and shown in Figure 2.
• Personal alignment: There must be an alignment between the values and beliefs
of individuals and their words, actions, and behaviours. This is particularly
important for the leadership group. It is important that leaders are authentic—
that they walk their talk.
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• Structural alignment: There must be an alignment between the stated values of
the organisation, and the behaviours of the organisation, as institutionalised in
the structures, systems, processes, policies, incentives and procedures. It is
important that the values of the organisation are fully reflected in all the
structures, systems, processes, policies, incentives and procedures of the
organisation to institutionalise the culture.
• Values alignment: There must be an alignment between the personal values of
employees and the stated values of the organisation. It is important that all
employees feel at home in the organisation and can bring their whole selves to
work.
• Mission alignment: There must be an alignment between sense of motivation
and purpose of all employees, and the mission and vision of the organisation. It
is important that every employee, manager and leader has a clear line of sight
between the work they do each day and the mission or vision of the
organisation, so they know how they make a difference.
Every culture change or transformation initiative must aim at satisfying all four of
these conditions if it is to be successful: it will fail if the whole system doesn’t change.
Internal
External
Individual
Personal Alignment
Values
Alignment
Mission
Alignment
Collective
Structural Alignment
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Figure 2: The four conditions for whole system change
The process of whole system change
With this background and understanding we can now delineate the key steps in
implementing a cultural transformation process.
Step 1: Commitment and ownership
The process of whole system change begins with the personal commitment of the
leader and the leadership team to their own personal transformation. This is necessary
because the culture of the organisation is a reflection of leadership consciousness. If
you want transform the culture of your organisation, the leaders must transform or
the leaders must change. Organisational transformation begins with the personal
transformation of the leaders.
If there is no commitment by the leader and his or her leadership team to personal
behaviour change it will be pointless embarking on any form of cultural transformation
process.
A culture change initiative must be owned and personally supervised by the leader of
an organisation, and fully supported by the leadership team. Cultural transformation is
not something that can be delegated: nor can it be handed off to a team of outside
consultants. It is something that the organisation has to do for itself, and it is always
ongoing: it is not a project, it is a process!
At this stage it will be important, if he or she has not already done so, for the leader to
hand pick his leadership team. Getting the right people on the bus and sitting in the
right seats is extremely important.
It is quite usual for there to be one or two naysayers in the leadership team who are
not willing to sign up for personal transformation. They are happy for others to do it,
but they are not interested themselves. This is the point where they have to decide to
either get on or off the bus. There is no room on the bus for anyone who is not a
willing participant and committed to the process. It is usually at this point that the
naysayers start looking for alternative employment. It is important that the leader be
aware that this might happen, and is willing to go ahead for the good of the company.
Step 2: Baseline measurement
After the leader and the leadership team have committed to the process, begin by
carrying out a cultural values assessment of the whole organisation, and, at the same
time build a scorecard of the organisation’s current levels of performance—revenues,
employee engagement, customer satisfaction, cultural entropy, values alignment, etc.
The idea here is develop a set of baseline measurements from which you can measure
the progress of your cultural transformation initiative.
Step 3: Vision and mission
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After you have completed your baseline measurements, the next step is to define
where the company is going and how it is going to get there. It is time to develop an
internal and external vision and mission for the organisation using the Four Why’s
process described in Liberating the Corporate Soul. 2
If the organisation already has a vision and mission, it will be important to revisit it,
especially if there are new people in the leadership team. Setting the vision is the job
of the leadership team. This task cannot be delegated. The direct reports of the
leadership team (the teams of the members of the leadership team) should be asked
for their inputs and comments once the leadership team is comfortable with the vision
statements they have produced.
The vision statements should be:
• Short and easily memorable
• Inspire people in the organisation to make a difference
Step 4: Values and behaviours
As part of the process of the developing a vision and mission for the organisation it will
be important also to define the organisation’s values and behaviours. The results of
the cultural values assessment will be useful in this regard. To the extent possible, all
employees should be involved in this process. The values should:
• Be single words or small phrases that are easily memorable
• Support the vision and mission
• Be four, and not more than five
• Include relationship values as well as organisational values— i.e. trust and
continuous improvement
Once the organisation’s espoused values have been identified, two or three behaviour
statements should be developed for each value. The purpose of developing behaviour
statements is twofold:
• To give clarity to what each espoused value means in the context of the day‐today
operations of the organisation
• To provide a way of evaluating executive and employee performance.
Because behaviours are always contextual, it is not unusual for different behaviours to
be used for the same espoused values in different parts of the organisation. The
behaviour statements should:
• Be short, memorable, one‐sentence statements
2 Richard Barrett. Liberating the Corporate Soul: Building a Visionary Organisation. Boston: Butterworth
Heinemann, 1998; pp. 103‐123.
5 | P age

• Describe the actions that support the value they represent
• Be appropriate for the context of the work unit
Step 5: Compelling reasons for change
There must be a clear understanding among the executive population about why the
organisation is embarking on a whole system change process. The change process
must be grounded in reality, and driven by realistic optimism that provides the
employee and executive populations with hope for success. People want to be
associated with success. In companies that are suffering from low performance, the
compelling reasons for change are usually obvious. The issues that underlie the poor
performance can easily be identified from the results of the cultural values
assessment.
For high performing companies, the compelling reasons for change should focus on
three factors—how the company can stay adaptable, positioning itself for the future,
and building its long‐term resilience.
Step 6: Personal alignment
Personal alignment should begin with the leadership team. To this end, it will be
important for all members of the leadership team, and the extended leadership group,
to focus on their own personal mastery by seeking feedback and, if necessary, receive
coaching, using a 360 0 instrument such as the Leadership Values Assessment (LVA).
Once the leadership team has embarked on a process of personal mastery to enhance
their emotional intelligence, the direct reports of the leadership team should follow
suit. Eventually, everyone in the organisation that has a management or supervisory
role should participate in some form of personal mastery process.
Step 7: Structural alignment
The purpose of the structural alignment programme is to reconfigure the structures,
systems, processes, policies, incentives and procedures so that they fully reflect the
desired vision, mission, values and behaviours of the organisation, thereby
institutionalising them into the culture of the organisation. The systems and processes
that may need to be reconfigured include:
• New employee/executive selection
• New employee/executive orientation
• Employee/executive performance evaluation
• Employee/executive promotion criteria
• Selecting talented performers for fast track development
• Leadership development programmes
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• Management training programmes
• Values awareness programmes.
In large organisations, structural alignment can take up to 2 to 3 years to implement.
The responsibility for this usually falls to the Human Resource function. This step is the
one that is most frequently forgotten in cultural transformation initiatives.
Step 8: Values alignment
The purpose of the values alignment programme is to inculcate the espoused values
and behaviours of the organisation into the executive and employee population. Apart
from the informational content, the programme should give participants the
opportunity to explore their own values, and understand and practice the concept of
values‐based decision‐making. We use values‐based decision‐making so that we can
consciously create the future we want to experience. For example, if we value trust,
then we make decisions that allow us to display trust. If we value accountability, then
we make decisions that allow us to display accountability.
Step 9: Mission alignment
The purpose of the mission alignment programme is to inculcate the vision and mission
of the organisation into the executive and employee population. Apart from the
informational content, the programme should give participants the opportunity to
explore their own sense of mission and vision, and see how their role supports the
vision or mission of the organisation. It is very important that everyone in the
organisation has a clear line of sight between the work they do each day and the vision
and/or mission of the organisation. Without a clear line of sight, people are not able to
value their contribution and understand how they make a difference.
Frequent Mistakes
The three most frequent mistakes that are made in cultural transformation initiatives
are as follows:
Mistake # 1: Focus on personal alignment only
Many organisations focus on personal alignment without doing anything about
structural alignment. This serves only to aggravate discontent and disillusionment in
the executive and employee population. When employees return from personal
mastery programmes, they usually come back with a higher personal awareness about
how to interact with their colleagues. They quickly become disillusioned when they
realise that although they have changed, the organisation has not changed. The new
behaviours they have learned are not practiced by their superiors and are not
rewarded.
Mistake # 2: Focus on group cohesion only
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Another frequent mistake is focusing on team building without first carrying out a
personal alignment programme that involves personal mastery. This limits the
potential for success because people enter these programmes without the selfknowledge
and interpersonal skills necessary to make the team building exercise a
success. For maximum impact, team building or group cohesion programmes should be
preceded by a personal alignment programme.
Mistake # 3: Failure to customise the transformation programmes
Change agents and consultants frequently make the mistake of using “off‐the‐shelf”
personal alignment or team building programmes which have not been tailored to the
specific needs of the organisation, the division, or the business unit with which they
are working. When you carry out a cultural values assessment of your organisation,
you immediately know what issues need to be tackled and what topics your personal
alignment and team building programme should focus on.
Richard Barrett
February 2010
www.valuescentre.com
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Page 106 of 134

Attachment B
Culture Transformation
An Executive View
Page 107 of 134

CULTURE
TRANSFORMATION
AN EXECUTIVE VIEW
BY PHIL GELDART
CEO, EAGLE’S FLIGHT

ABOUT
EAGLE’S FLIGHT
WHAT WE DO
Eagle’s Flight is an innovative leader in the development and delivery of practical training programs
for the global business community. Through the use of experiential learning, we assist organizations
of all sizes in gaining a competitive edge by significantly strengthening their workforce.
Our offering of training programs includes team and training experiences as well as leadership
development and learning, all supported by our significant expertise in optimizing relevance and
impact. Within each of these business segments, our point of difference remains the same – a focus
on results, driven by our unique experiential approach and brought to life by our dynamic people.
Globally, our programs are offered in more than 25 languages and represented by international
licensees in over 45 countries. Our worldwide team is consistently rated as exceeding client
expectations, delivering more than 200 programs per month to groups ranging in size from
10 to over 2,000 participants. Our global structure also enables us to work with large multinational
companies to provide them with consistent training messages and methods around the world.

Powerful, Yet Difficult
Culture Transformation
An Executive View, by Phil Geldart, CEO, Eagle’s Flight
Culture Transformation is powerful once achieved, and yet difficult to achieve.
It’s powerful because, if done effectively, it results in the whole organization being
aligned around a common direction, with a common language, and clearly defined
standards. As a result, much of the typical waste evaporates. There is less wasted effort
and energy, fewer wasted resources, and far fewer wasted opportunities.
It’s difficult to achieve for two distinct reasons. Firstly, it must be leader led, and reflect
organizational will to stay the course until the transformation is achieved. Secondly,
once under way successfully there is a natural human tendency towards “chasing the next
fat rabbit.” As a result the required effort is not sustained long enough for the Culture
Transformation to take root, and bear fruit.
The Difference Between Culture, Mission and Values
Organizations begin with a Mission, or Vision. These terms are often used
interchangeably, which is fine. Essentially the mission, or vision, states the organization's
reason for being. It is a summary which clearly captures the "charter" under which the
leadership of the company operates; it's a statement of the "why" the organization exists.
The culture of a company is how the organization brings that mission to life.
Culture is the sum total of all the behaviors of the individuals working within that
organization. It reflects how they solve problems, how they interact with each other, and
how they simply get things done. The operative word here is "how". A culture defines
what I'd feel if I joined that organization and had to work there. The things people do (the
"how's") create in me a sense of "how I feel things are done here".
Culture is sometimes easy to articulate ("here everyone works long hours"), and
sometimes not so easy ("here we just seem to rely a lot on one another"). Either way,
those working in that environment get a "feel" for how things are done. They may like it,
or not; but either way, they are clear on what it is, and can describe it in some fashion.
Values, on the other hand, often provide the basis on which a culture is built. The "value"
of "everyone is important" drives an empowering culture. The "value" of "trust
experienced leadership above all" drives a more hierarchical culture. The "value" of
"integrity" will drive an accountable culture; the value of "respect for individuals' worth"
will drive a culture of greater freedom of action.
Clearly an organization's culture is far more complex than just one or two principles,
1

driven by one or two values. Rather it is the sum total of many factors, all in varying
degrees. The key thing, though, is to distinguish between mission, culture and values.
They are different, but mutually dependent, and yet all facets of an organization's
identity,
Mission sets the direction, culture describes how the mission is achieved, and values
define what that culture will be.
When the focus becomes the transformation of a culture, it's important to consider each
of these aspects of the organization, and the relative weight of each; and then from that
perspective determine how best, and what, to alter in order to ensure the newly
transformed culture is what's wanted, sustainable, and carrying no unforeseen
consequences.
The Hourglass Analogy
Every organization has a culture. Sometimes it’s well defined, promoted, and celebrated.
Sometimes it has just evolved, unintentionally, over time; and sometimes it’s the result of
an amalgamation of several different cultures.
Whatever the situation, a “Culture Transformation” begins with something. It is
transforming from one culture to another; or it may only be transforming a small
component of a larger culture.
For example, an organization may have a strong culture in every area except “customer
service.” They wish to keep the current culture, but transform around customer
centricity. In this case the “transformation” is not of the entire culture, but only of one
aspect. Regardless, to transform is to move from one set of behaviors, to another.
This is like an initially stable hourglass, with each grain of sand nestled peacefully in the
bottom half of the hourglass. A Culture Transformation turns the hourglass upside down,
and the sand must react. Employees affected by a Culture Transformation are like those
grains of sand.
Some – the early adopters – move quickly to the bottom, embrace the change, and move
on; others cling to the sides, much slower to move, but ultimately get there. Lastly,
some, usually those who feel the transformation affects them least – they’re further away
from it – are the last to participate.
A successful Culture Transformation seeks to widen the neck of the hourglass as quickly
as possible and to as large a degree as possible.
2

The 3 Non-Negotiables of Culture Transformation
1. Executive Leadership must be seen to be leading it
2. A clear line of sight to the foreseen benefit must remain top of mind.
3. What to stop, start, and continue doing, must be clear for everyone at the
individual level.
The 3 Pitfalls to avoid when Implementing a Culture Transformation
1. It being seen as a “program” rather than a “DNA exchange” will cause it to fail.
2. Failing to include everyone, including unions if they exist, will send the message that it’s
only temporary, and not here to stay.
3. Lacking the will to stay the course, and keeping it a priority, until the
transformation is complete, will not give it time to truly take root, and so not be
truly permanent.
Guaranteeing Success
Consequently, for a Culture Transformation to achieve optimal success a number of
components are crucial.
1. Leadership by Example
This leadership must occur at every level, from the front line to the corner office.
The nature of this leadership must be such that all employees can confidently say
their own leaders are walking the talk of the new culture, are there to coach and
help, and demonstrate that the behaviors of the new culture are not optional.
2. Clarity on Behavior
It’s one thing to know what the new culture looks like, but it’s quite another to
know, in very practical terms, how it should affect day to day priorities,
decisions, and relationships. This needs to be clearly spelled out for each
function, and then supported by line management.
3. Capture Hearts as well as Minds and Skills
People learn by doing. People engage when vision is caught, not just taught.
People move best when there is a desire, or passion, to change; only then do they
truly look to embrace the facts or the skills of the new way.
Consequently, each Culture Transformation must include as a component an
approach that engages people’s hearts, not just their will. Done well, this ensures
the transformation will in fact occur, then be sustained in the near term, and
ultimately retained over the long term.
3

4. An Experienced Partner
Given the many components affecting a successful Culture Transformation,
and the need to do so within the additional priorities of day to day urgencies, an
Experienced Partner can be very helpful.
This Partner is typically an organization who’s successfully partnered numerous
times with other organizations, and who can bring the necessary disciplines to
bear. Included in this must be the methodology to capture hearts, the skill to
engage the intellect, and the tools to teach the new behaviors…and clarity to do
this through company leaders, already busy.
20 frequently asked Questions…and the Answers
1. Q: How long does it take?
A: Two to four years. Two years if it’s a transformation within a culture (e.g.
Innovation); four if it’s organizational (e.g. Accountability and Compliance).
2. Q: What does it cost?
A: Hard costs: usually an average of $2 million, depending on population size,
geography, and what needs to be changed. Soft costs: an average of ½ day per
month per employee.
3. Q: Should we be in a hurry?
A: No. It takes time to change behavior, which is what a culture transformation
requires. New skills (e.g. process improvement) can be learned quickly, but
behavior change is much longer because it needs to be applied effectively in
many different situations before it becomes the norm.
4. Q: How much of this should be led by senior people?
A: Without senior people being seen front and center, clearly owning the
transformation, it will not take hold. Within a division, it must be the leader
of that division, within a company, the leader of the company and the
executive team.
5. Q: How involved should HR be?
A: HR can coordinate, interface with an outside expert like Eagle’s Flight
brought in to help, and take a pivotal “back room” role, but must not be seen
to lead it. It must be led by line management.
4

6. Q: How fast will it take effect?
A: The first results are usually seen within two to four months of launch, if done
properly. There are always the “early adopters". From there, the rest of the
population will come on board, so at the end of one year some good
momentum should be seen.
7. Q: What do I do with people who don’t buy into it?
A: Give them time. Not everyone learns, adapts, or applies at the same pace. If,
after 18 months or so they still show clear resistance (vs. just a slow “get it”
factor) they should be asked to leave. They need to find an organization with
a culture they can fully support.
8. Q: Do I tie it to compensation and performance appraisal?
A: Some aspects of culture transformation will have either discrete measurable,
or assessable, components (e.g. enhanced leadership competencies). These
could, and should be linked to performance management. Similarly the
recruitment and succession planning decisions should reflect the behaviors
expected from the culture transformation.
9. Q: Should I involve customers? Suppliers?
A: Absolutely. They will be affected (presumably positively!) by it, and would
probably greatly appreciate being included. By so doing, they may also be
able to contribute to its success, as well as gain some valuable insights for
their own organization.
10. Q: How does it impact new hires and the onboarding process?
A: For new hires, this is not a “culture transformation”, but the “cultural reality”.
The more clearly they can understand the desired behavior, the faster they will
model and demonstrate it. They can often add immediately and effectively to
the group that “get it”.
11. Q: Who measures the impact?
A: The culture transformation should ultimately improve shareholder value, either
directly (e.g. focus on safety) or indirectly (e.g. focus on customers). As such
that portion is measured by the CFO. The more behavior focused aspects
should be measured by HR.
5

12. Q: Should I measure the impact?
A: Without doubt the impact of the culture transformation efforts should be
measured. Doing so provides a yardstick to track progress, creates a winning
spirit as progress is made, and provides an excellent basis for a Recognition
program.
13. Q: What relative priority should it receive?
A: Any activity or initiative must be prioritized based on the impact that will be
felt once it’s completed. Culture transformation is judged the same way – the
priority it receives should be directly proportional to the foreseen impact an
effective transformation will have on the business.
14. Q: Should everyone be involved?
A: A company, or division, culture is the sum total of behaviors demonstrated by
the individuals within that organization. If true culture transformation is to
occur then every single individual must be included, involved, and expected to
learn, and then grow into the new cultural norm.
15. Q: Does the CEO have to buy in?
A: The CEO as the leader of the company should be clearly seen to be a
champion of this transformation, if it’s company-wide; and strongly
supportive if it’s divisional. The body follows the head, so if the “head” has
not fully “bought in” this will become apparent, and significantly weaken any
transformation efforts.
16. Q: Is it worth doing?
A: If the outcome (e.g. dramatically improved customer centricity) is crucial to a
corporate strategic priority, it’s very definitely worth doing. This foreseen
impact must be kept top of mind, as the effort required for true culture
transformation is substantial, and often demanding over a considerable period
of time.
17. Q: When is the best time to start?
A: As soon as the need is recognized, the first steps should be undertaken. It’s
often felt that something else “needs to be finished, or done, before we begin”.
There is never an “easy” time to start, and since it’s a cultural shift being
made, it will positively influence any ongoing initiatives, so the earlier that
benefit is realized, the better.
6

18. Q: Is there a finish line?
A: Absolutely. Once the transformation has occurred (2-4 years), then it’s done,
and the new culture is in place. The true test of any transformation is “Will
the new behaviors remain after the senior champions of the transformation
have moved on?” If yes, then the finish line has been crossed.
19. Q: Will it be painful?
A: If done right, any culture transformation will be embraced by the vast
majority of employees. It will lead to a more fulfilling work environment, and
improved shareholder value. Change is always challenging, but need not be
“painful” if done properly. It should be rewarding.
20. Q: Will everybody ultimately get here?
A: There is typically a very small number who will not ever get there, for various
reasons. They should be encouraged to leave to find a culture which matches
their needs. However, the rest will, ultimately, get there. Like a just turned
hourglass – some grains of sand will fall sooner than others; but eventually it
all slides down.
A quick “Quiz,” and my Suggested Answers
1. In your opinion, whose role is most important in an enterprise wide culture
transformation initiative?
1. CEO and Executive Team…The body follows the head.
2. Senior Management immediately below Executive level
3. Middle Management
4. Front Line Leaders
2. In your opinion, who has the greatest influence in the culture transformation
initiative?
1. CEO and Executive Team
2. Senior Management immediately below Executive level
3. Middle Management
4. Front Line Leaders…To the majority of employees this is the level
where leadership in action is really seen.
7

3. As the culture transformation begins to be implemented, regular “pulse checks”
on progress are important. Whose input on progress is most important?
1. Customers
2. Employee Population…Each individual contributes to a
company’s culture so the combined impact and attitude of that
group determines what the culture really is. “Customers” is often
a frequent response, but actually customers are the beneficiaries
of a culture, rather than the authors.
3. Shareholders
4. Executive Management
5. Company Leaders
4. Which aspect of the culture transformation communication package is most
crucial to get right?
1. What it means to each person
2. What’s coming next
3. Why we’re doing this…Personal conviction is the most powerful
influence on behaviors change; so the “why” is more important
that the “what”.
4. Progress made along the journey
5. Which component to implementing a sustained culture transformation do you feel
is the most essential?
1. Top down leadership, consistently demonstrated
2. Widespread training showing what to stop, start, and continue
doing
3. Equipping all line managers with the skills to lead the
transformation at every level
4. Gaining and maintaining employee conviction for the foreseen
benefit of a successful transformation…All of these are important
but this level of conviction will ensure the transformation
remains for years to come.
5. A measurement and communication strategy that shares progress
and celebrates success
8

A Summary of the Top 10 Specific Steps Required for Successful Culture
Transformation
1. Engage Executive Management
2. Involve every line manager
3. Monitor progress frequently
4. Regularly reinforce the anticipated benefit
5. Provide specific training on what to stop, start, and continue
6. Build conviction, no just skill and knowledge, around the transformation
7. Celebrate success
8. Maintain the focus and intensity for 2 to 3 years
9. Include every employee, including any unionized groups
10. Ensure HR practices are integrated and aligned
The Result
A Culture Transformation carefully thought out, with a clear goal or vision in
mind, and one that accelerates performance, not disrupt it, can bring great value to
the organization. However, it takes time. Usually a Culture Transformation is a
two to four year process, depending on the desired outcome.
Hence, patience, organizational will, clarity, and an experienced partner all need
to be in place before beginning. If done well a Culture Transformation can
harness corporate energy, individuals’ desire to help, and existing leadership
strength; and then leverage these to accelerate organizational performance, and
customer benefit.
and © Eagle’s Flight Creative Training Excellence Inc. Not to be copied without written permission. 1013
9

CONTACT US
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licensees around the world. Within the United States, our main office is located in Minnesota.
Within Canada our main office is located in Ontario.
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SOCIAL NETWORKING

Page 108 of 134

Attachment C
Intercultural Interactions
and Cultural Transformation
Page 109 of 134

s_bs_bannerAsian Journal
of Social Psychology
Asian Journal of Social Psychology (2014), 17, 100–103
DOI: 10.1111/ajsp.12047
Intercultural interactions and cultural transformation
Zhi Liu and Michael W. Morris
Columbia University, New York, USA
Increasingly psychologists are going beyond the study of
cultural differences to study cultural dynamics, the formation,
maintenance, and transformation of cultural representations
over time (Kashima, 2008). At the vanguard of this
movement, Kashima (2014, this issue) elucidates how communication
pragmatics involving ‘common ground’ work
to create and then perpetuate cultural representations and
identities. Common ground is ‘a set of meanings that are
mutually known, believed, presupposed, or taken for
granted by the participants of a joint activity’ (Kashima,
2014, this issue). People form common ground in an interaction
not only through what is explicitly said but also
through what they infer from the other’s affiliations and
histories. In a conversational process called grounding, one
interactant checks his or her interpretation of the other’s
words and the other confirms this interpretation. As a result,
both interactants are left with the perception that the other
shares the belief.
Similar results follow from broader forms of ingroup
communications. When someone speaks in a way that
assumes some belief (a comedian’s inside jokes, a politician’s
use of coded rhetoric) and the audience acknowledges
the point (laughs at the joke, claps at the political
reference), everyone comes away with the sense that this
belief is shared. Similarly, Anderson (2006) analyzed how
mass media (nationally broadcast radio, widely circulated
newspapers) contribute to citizens forming a notion of
national common ground. In sum, perceptions of belief
consensus (i.e. cultural representations) are the precipitate
of ingroup interactions. These perceptions of belief consensus
then contribute to people’s notions of what distinguishes
their group from others (i.e. ingroup identities or
prototypes).
Speakers use assumed common ground to tailor communication
and to craft statements that are easily interpretable
but not obvious (Clark, 1996). Audiences also use it to
disambiguate and interpret a speaker’s utterances (Sperber
& Wilson, 1986). Every act of using common ground
increases the sharedness of a given belief (and the mutual
perception of its sharedness). In sum, everyday ingroup
communication exploits shared beliefs and also perpetuates
them.
Correspondence: Michael W. Morris, Columbia University, 3022
Broadway, 718 Uris, New York, NY 10027. Email: mwm82
@columbia.edu
Received 9 December 2013; accepted 19 January 2014.
Although cultural formation and maintenance are
underexplored problems, cultural transformation is an even
greater challenge. Ultimately a science of cultural dynamics
ought to strive to identify a common set of mechanisms
that underlie both cultural persistence and cultural transformation.
In this essay, we argue that some important forces
for cultural transformation come from intercultural interactions
– communicating, interacting and coping with other
cultures. Kashima (2014, this issue) focuses on withinculture
communication. This comes in a tradition of
explaining a culture as internal to a discrete population, a
view that Sperber (1996) summarized as ‘culture is the
precipitate of cognition and communication in a human
population.’ However, no culture is unaffected by its
neighbors; cultures influence each other through the individuals
who span them. So a given culture is shaped not
only by within-group interactions but also by interactions
across cultures.
Here we analyze how some of the same processes that
Kashima (2014, this issue) describes in within-group interactions
play out in across-group interactions. The same
communication processes that work toward cultural maintenance
in within-group interactions become springs for
cultural transformation in across-group interactions. First
we focus on how motives relevant to common ground
distort people’s retelling of stories. While they perpetuate
stereotypes in communication within a cultural group, they
produce stereotype-challenging messages in communication
across cultural groups. Second, we review findings
from several literatures on how cross-cultural interactions
affect cultural identities. As social identity research has
found, people construct an image of the prototypical
ingroup member in part by contrasting against salient
outgroups. Recent cultural psychology research explores
how inflows of foreign groups give rise, under some
conditions, to cultural closure – defensive psychological
processes and social movements that narrow ingroup
identities.
Story transmission biases
and outgroups
The classic work of Bartlett (1932) on communication
chains found that as students retell stories to their peers, the
story content becomes increasingly conventionalized. If the
original story corresponds to a culturally conventional plot
© 2014 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and the Japanese Group Dynamics Association

Story transmissions and cultural change 101
in some respects but not in others, stereotype-inconsistent
details drop out with each retelling. This conventionalization
process contributes to the maintenance of cultural
representations, as it converts a novel story into a conventional
story.
While the common ground within any given group is
ever evolving, two kinds of communicated information
can be defined according to their congruence with the
current common ground. Kashima (2014, this issue) proposes
that these two kinds of information differentially
serve two goals of communication – social connectivity and
informativeness. Common ground consistent information
in a message helps with interpersonal bonding because it is
easily comprehensible, but it does not help the message be
informative or newsworthy. Common ground inconsistent
information is less useful for bonding but it raises the newsworthiness
of the message. Hence, speakers are faced with
an informativeness-connectivity dilemma. They choose
how much common ground consistent information to
include based on how much bonding is needed. Much everyday
communication among neighbours or acquaintances
is done in service of building or maintaining relationships,
suggesting that the connectivity goal looms large. Consistent
with this, Kashima’s studies of communication chains
find that as stories about a stereotyped character, such as a
politician or football player, are retold, transmissions
become more and more biased toward stereotype consistent
detail (Clark & Kashima, 2007; Lyons & Kashima, 2006).
The shared stereotype serves as common ground within
ingroup audiences, and the goal of connectivity favours
common ground consistent detail. Ultimately the stereotype
is perpetuated by the conventionalized retellings that
result. [Not only the audience but also the communicator
would be more likely to believe the stereotype after the
telling (Echterhoff, Higgins & Levine, 2009).]
Kashima notes some findings about conditions under
which common ground inconsistent detail is transmitted,
conditions where communication transforms rather than
maintains shared cultural representations. Not surprisingly,
stereotype-inconsistencies survive when their informativeness
is emphasized – when the theme of the story is the
falsity of the stereotype (Goodman, Webb & Stewart, 2009)
or when the inconsistencies are explained in the story
(Simpson & Kashima, 2013). More interestingly, inconsistencies
survive when interactants are connected by a strong
tie (friendship) rather than a weak tie (acquaintanceship),
presumably because less bonding is needed (Ruscher,
Santuzzi & Hammer, 2003).
We propose that communication with cultural outgroups
is another condition that fosters the survival of stereotypeinconsistent
details. With an outgroup audience, the goal of
social connectivity does not imply a bias toward stereotypeconsistent
detail, because the stereotype would not serve as
common ground with this audience. The freedom and creativity
made possible by outgroup interactions is a classic
sociological theme. Simmel (1908/1950) observed that
when interacting with a stranger as opposed to an acquaintance,
people are more likely to shed their inhibitions and
express unconventional ideas. Park (1931) described the
immigrant or ethnic minority as a ‘marginal man’ whose
communications and interactions span two cultural communities,
potentially leading to ideas that transcend the
conventions of these communities.
Research in our lab (Liu & Morris, 2014) used
Kashima’s story retelling paradigm to test this by comparing
chains of story retellings to ingroup members and
outgroup members. Participants were given a written story
describing a typically image-conscious, instrumental politician
(adapted from the politician story used by Lyons &
Kashima, 2006). The story consisted of equal amounts of
details consistent with the politician stereotype and details
inconsistent with this stereotype. Upon finishing some filler
tasks after reading the story, participants unexpectedly were
asked to retell the story to a purported audience so that he
or she would be able to retell it to someone else. Participants
were randomly assigned to either an ingroup audience,
who was described as ‘a person from Washington D.
C., the capital of the United States. The person grew up,
studied, and currently works in that city,’ or an outgroup
audience, who was described as ‘a person from a tribe in
KwaZulu-Natal, which is a province of South Africa under
the reign of its own king. People there maintain the pastoral
lifestyles of their ancestors, raising goats.’ The retellings of
the original story were passed to participants in the second
position of the chain to read, and their retellings were then
passed to those in the third position of the chain to read.
In the ingroup condition, results replicated Kashima’s
standard finding. Participants included more stereotypeconsistent
information than stereotype-inconsistent information
in their retellings of the original story. In the
outgroup condition, however, this bias disappeared; participants
included equal proportions of stereotype-consistent
and inconsistent information from the original story.
This finding suggests that intercultural interfaces will be
sites of cultural transformation. People who speak to
outgroup audiences regularly will be less prone to the
conventionalization bias in the serial transmission of
information, a mechanism for cultural maintenance. These
cosmopolitan circles, then, may be sites where observations
that contradict conventional beliefs survive retellings
and therefore have more chance of changing people’s
stereotypes.
Identities and outgroups
While our argument that intergroup communication
transforms cultural beliefs is relatively novel, the role of
© 2014 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and the Japanese Group Dynamics Association

102 Zhi Liu and Michael W. Morris
intergroup interaction in the construction of ingroup identities
has been explored in several literatures. Social identity
research delineated how social perceivers make use of a
salient outgroup in constructing perceptions of the
ingroup’s characteristics (Brewer, 1991; Tajfel & Turner,
1986; Turner, 1987). A particularly important representation
of the ingroup identity is the image of the prototypical
ingroup member, and this is determined in part by maximizing
difference to members of the salient outgroup
(Hogg & Terry, 2000). For instance, after Hong Kong was
handed over as a territory from England to China, many of
its denizens shifted from identifying as ‘Chinese’ (a contrast
to the salient outgroup ‘English’) to identifying as
‘HongKonger’ (a contrast to the new salient outgroup
‘Mainlander’) (Chiu & Hong, 1999).
While social identity research explores effects of
changes in the salient outgroup category, other research
programs examine how exposure to artefacts and ideas
from other cultures can spark cultural change. Globalization
refers to the increased flow of people, organizations,
products and images across national lines in recent
decades enabled by changes in communication and transportation
technology (Appadurai, 1996). People respond
to inflows of foreign cultures in several ways. One way
involves learning the second culture as stock of frames and
practices. This produces changes in behaviour as individuals
blend practices from two cultures in creative hybrid
behaviours (Chiu, Gries, Torelli & Cheng, 2011; Leung &
Chiu, 2010). Or individuals who have become bicultural
can respond to cues of the foreign culture by adhering to
its norms (Hong, Morris, Chiu & Benet-Martinez, 2000)
or defying them (Mok & Morris, 2013). Some of the novel
practices borrowed from immigrant communities diffuse
widely enough to become the new mainstream, changing
the common ground and transforming the culture (e.g.
curry in England).
Another way that people respond to foreign cultural
inflows that can change the ingroup culture is construing
them as threats. Individuals low in openness to other cultures
respond to displays of cultural mixing with heightened
need for cognitive closure (Morris, Mok & Mor, 2011)
as well as judgments that exaggerate cultural differences
and stereotype individuals (Chiu, Mallorie, Keh & Law,
2009). These changed judgments can become a new
common ground. Political theorists have documented that
reactionary social movements, whether fascist or fundamentalist,
feature a narrowing of shared collective identities
in response to perceived threats of foreign influx or contamination
(see Morris et al., 2011).
Conclusion
In sum, the role of common ground in communication and
identification provides a basis for a more dynamic cultural
psychology. Here we have advocated extending Kashima’s
analysis of these processes to communication and interaction
across cultural groups as well as that within groups. In
this era of globalization, cross-cultural interactions occur
more frequently than ever before. Hence, cultures may also
be transforming more than ever before, in ways that are
important to understand. We have tried to sketch some
mechanisms that can underlie both cultural maintenance
and cultural transformation.
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Q-2 2029
Q-3 2029
LXVII Part IV – Solutions for Homelessness Q-4 2029
LXVIII
The Strategic Home Mortgage
Initiative
Bonus
Vol. XVI 2030 Sustainability
LXVIII Social Program Sustainability Q-1 2030
LXIX
The Advocacy Foundation
Endowments Initiative
Q-2 2030
LXX Capital Gains Q-3 2030
LXXI Sustainability Investments Q-4 2030
Vol. XVII 2031 The Justice Series
LXXII Distributive Justice Q-1 2031
LXXIII Retributive Justice Q-2 2031
LXXIV Procedural Justice Q-3 2031
LXXV (75) Restorative Justice Q-4 2031
LXXVI Unjust Legal Reasoning Bonus
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Vol. XVIII 2032 Public Policy
LXXVII Public Interest Law Q-1 2032
LXXVIII Reforming Public Policy Q-2 2032
LXXVIX ... Q-3 2032
LXXVX ... Q-4 2032
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The e-Advocate Monthly Review
2018
Transformational Problem Solving January 2018
The Advocacy Foundation February 2018
Opioid Initiative
Native-American Youth March 2018
In the Juvenile Justice System
Barriers to Reducing Confinement April 2018
Latino and Hispanic Youth May 2018
In the Juvenile Justice System
Social Entrepreneurship June 2018
The Economic Consequences of
Homelessness in America S.Ed – June 2018
African-American Youth July 2018
In the Juvenile Justice System
Gang Deconstruction August 2018
Social Impact Investing September 2018
Opportunity Youth: October 2018
Disenfranchised Young People
The Economic Impact of Social November 2018
of Social Programs Development
Gun Control December 2018
2019
The U.S. Stock Market January 2019
Prison-Based Gerrymandering February 2019
Literacy-Based Prison Construction March 2019
Children of Incarcerated Parents April 2019
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African-American Youth in The May 2019
Juvenile Justice System
Racial Profiling June 2019
Mass Collaboration July 2019
Concentrated Poverty August 2019
De-Industrialization September 2019
Overcoming Dyslexia October 2019
Overcoming Attention Deficit November 2019
The Gift of Adversity December 2019
2020
The Gift of Hypersensitivity January 2020
The Gift of Introspection February 2020
The Gift of Introversion March 2020
The Gift of Spirituality April 2020
The Gift of Transformation May 2020
…
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The e-Advocate Quarterly
Special Editions
Crowdfunding Winter-Spring 2017
Social Media for Nonprofits October 2017
Mass Media for Nonprofits November 2017
The Opioid Crisis in America: January 2018
Issues in Pain Management
The Opioid Crisis in America: February 2018
The Drug Culture in the U.S.
The Opioid Crisis in America: March 2018
Drug Abuse Among Veterans
The Opioid Crisis in America: April 2018
Drug Abuse Among America’s
Teens
The Opioid Crisis in America: May 2018
Alcoholism
The Economic Consequences of June 2018
Homelessness in The US
The Economic Consequences of July 2018
Opioid Addiction in America
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The e-Advocate Journal
of Theological Jurisprudence
Vol. I - 2017
The Theological Origins of Contemporary Judicial Process
Scriptural Application to The Model Criminal Code
Scriptural Application for Tort Reform
Scriptural Application to Juvenile Justice Reformation
Vol. II - 2018
Scriptural Application for The Canons of Ethics
Scriptural Application to Contracts Reform
& The Uniform Commercial Code
Scriptural Application to The Law of Property
Scriptural Application to The Law of Evidence
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Legal Missions International
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Issue Title Quarterly
Vol. I 2015
I
II
God’s Will and The 21 st Century
Democratic Process
The Community
Engagement Strategy
Q-1 2015
Q-2 2015
III Foreign Policy Q-3 2015
IV
Public Interest Law
in The New Millennium
Q-4 2015
Vol. II 2016
V Ethiopia Q-1 2016
VI Zimbabwe Q-2 2016
VII Jamaica Q-3 2016
VIII Brazil Q-4 2016
Vol. III 2017
IX India Q-1 2017
X Suriname Q-2 2017
XI The Caribbean Q-3 2017
XII United States/ Estados Unidos Q-4 2017
Vol. IV 2018
XIII Cuba Q-1 2018
XIV Guinea Q-2 2018
XV Indonesia Q-3 2018
XVI Sri Lanka Q-4 2018
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Vol. V 2019
XVII Russia Q-1 2019
XVIII Australia Q-2 2019
XIV South Korea Q-3 2019
XV Puerto Rico Q-4 2019
Issue Title Quarterly
Vol. VI 2020
XVI Trinidad & Tobago Q-1 2020
XVII Egypt Q-2 2020
XVIII Sierra Leone Q-3 2020
XIX South Africa Q-4 2020
XX Israel Bonus
Vol. VII 2021
XXI Haiti Q-1 2021
XXII Peru Q-2 2021
XXIII Costa Rica Q-3 2021
XXIV China Q-4 2021
XXV Japan Bonus
Vol VIII 2022
XXVI Chile Q-1 2022
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The e-Advocate Juvenile Justice Report
______
Vol. I – Juvenile Delinquency in The US
Vol. II. – The Prison Industrial Complex
Vol. III – Restorative/ Transformative Justice
Vol. IV – The Sixth Amendment Right to The Effective Assistance of Counsel
Vol. V – The Theological Foundations of Juvenile Justice
Vol. VI – Collaborating to Eradicate Juvenile Delinquency
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The e-Advocate Newsletter
Genesis of The Problem
Family Structure
Societal Influences
Evidence-Based Programming
Strengthening Assets v. Eliminating Deficits
2012 - Juvenile Delinquency in The US
Introduction/Ideology/Key Values
Philosophy/Application & Practice
Expungement & Pardons
Pardons & Clemency
Examples/Best Practices
2013 - Restorative Justice in The US
2014 - The Prison Industrial Complex
25% of the World's Inmates Are In the US
The Economics of Prison Enterprise
The Federal Bureau of Prisons
The After-Effects of Incarceration/Individual/Societal
The Fourth Amendment Project
The Sixth Amendment Project
The Eighth Amendment Project
The Adolescent Law Group
2015 - US Constitutional Issues In The New Millennium
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2018 - The Theological Law Firm Academy
The Theological Foundations of US Law & Government
The Economic Consequences of Legal Decision-Making
The Juvenile Justice Legislative Reform Initiative
The EB-5 International Investors Initiative
2017 - Organizational Development
The Board of Directors
The Inner Circle
Staff & Management
Succession Planning
Bonus #1 The Budget
Bonus #2 Data-Driven Resource Allocation
2018 - Sustainability
The Data-Driven Resource Allocation Process
The Quality Assurance Initiative
The Advocacy Foundation Endowments Initiative
The Community Engagement Strategy
2019 - Collaboration
Critical Thinking for Transformative Justice
International Labor Relations
Immigration
God's Will & The 21st Century Democratic Process
The Community Engagement Strategy
The 21st Century Charter Schools Initiative
2020 - Community Engagement
Page 129 of 134

Extras
The Nonprofit Advisors Group Newsletters
The 501(c)(3) Acquisition Process
The Board of Directors
The Gladiator Mentality
Strategic Planning
Fundraising
501(c)(3) Reinstatements
The Collaborative US/ International Newsletters
How You Think Is Everything
The Reciprocal Nature of Business Relationships
Accelerate Your Professional Development
The Competitive Nature of Grant Writing
Assessing The Risks
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Page 131 of 134

About The Author
John C (Jack) Johnson III
Founder & CEO
Jack was educated at Temple University, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and Rutgers
Law School, in Camden, New Jersey. In 1999, he moved to Atlanta, Georgia to pursue
greater opportunities to provide Advocacy and Preventive Programmatic services for atrisk/
at-promise young persons, their families, and Justice Professionals embedded in the
Juvenile Justice process in order to help facilitate its transcendence into the 21 st Century.
There, along with a small group of community and faith-based professionals, “The Advocacy Foundation, Inc." was conceived
and developed over roughly a thirteen year period, originally chartered as a Juvenile Delinquency Prevention and Educational
Support Services organization consisting of Mentoring, Tutoring, Counseling, Character Development, Community Change
Management, Practitioner Re-Education & Training, and a host of related components.
The Foundation’s Overarching Mission is “To help Individuals, Organizations, & Communities Achieve Their Full Potential”, by
implementing a wide array of evidence-based proactive multi-disciplinary "Restorative & Transformative Justice" programs &
projects currently throughout the northeast, southeast, and western international-waters regions, providing prevention and support
services to at-risk/ at-promise youth, to young adults, to their families, and to Social Service, Justice and Mental
Health professionals” everywhere. The Foundation has since relocated its headquarters to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and been
expanded to include a three-tier mission.
In addition to his work with the Foundation, Jack also served as an Adjunct Professor of Law & Business at National-Louis
University of Atlanta (where he taught Political Science, Business & Legal Ethics, Labor & Employment Relations, and Critical
Thinking courses to undergraduate and graduate level students). Jack has also served as Board President for a host of wellestablished
and up & coming nonprofit organizations throughout the region, including “Visions Unlimited Community
Development Systems, Inc.”, a multi-million dollar, award-winning, Violence Prevention and Gang Intervention Social Service
organization in Atlanta, as well as Vice-Chair of the Georgia/ Metropolitan Atlanta Violence Prevention Partnership, a state-wide
300 organizational member, violence prevention group led by the Morehouse School of Medicine, Emory University and The
Original, Atlanta-Based, Martin Luther King Center.
Attorney Johnson’s prior accomplishments include a wide-array of Professional Legal practice areas, including Private Firm,
Corporate and Government postings, just about all of which yielded significant professional awards & accolades, the history and
chronology of which are available for review online. Throughout his career, Jack has served a wide variety of for-profit
corporations, law firms, and nonprofit organizations as Board Chairman, Secretary, Associate, and General Counsel since 1990.
www.TheAdvocacyFoundation.org
Clayton County Youth Services Partnership, Inc. – Chair; Georgia Violence Prevention Partnership, Inc – Vice Chair; Fayette
County NAACP - Legal Redress Committee Chairman; Clayton County Fatherhood Initiative Partnership – Principal
Investigator; Morehouse School of Medicine School of Community Health Feasibility Study - Steering Committee; Atlanta
Violence Prevention Capacity Building Project – Project Partner; Clayton County Minister’s Conference, President 2006-2007;
Liberty In Life Ministries, Inc. – Board Secretary; Young Adults Talk, Inc. – Board of Directors; ROYAL, Inc - Board of
Directors; Temple University Alumni Association; Rutgers Law School Alumni Association; Sertoma International; Our
Common Welfare Board of Directors – President)2003-2005; River’s Edge Elementary School PTA (Co-President); Summerhill
Community Ministries; Outstanding Young Men of America; Employee of the Year; Academic All-American - Basketball;
Church Trustee.
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www.TheAdvocacyFoundation.org
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