Conflict, Legitimacy and Government Reform: Equitable Allocation of ...

Conflict, Legitimacy and Government Reform: 

Equitable Allocation of Resources in Thai Society

The Supplementary document for the 11 th 

academic congress of King Prajadhipok’s Insitute 

for the year 2009. 

“Conflict, Legitimacy and Government Reform: 

Equitable Allocation of Resources in Thai Society”

KPI Congress XI 


Equitable Allocation of Resources in Thai Society 

Copyright © 2009 by King Prajadhipok’s Institute 

ISBN: 978-974-449-508-2 

KPI 52-67-300.0 

Number of copies: 400 

Proof Reader Wendell Katerenchuk 

Saiphone Suthikool 

Apinya Dissaman 

Natthakarn Sukolratanametee 

Support team The College of Politics and Governance 

The Office for Peace and Govemance 

Publisher: King Prajadhipok’s Institute 

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permission of the publisher.

Conflict, Legitimacy and Government Reform: Equitable Allocation of Resources in Thai Society 

Introduction 

The King Prajadhipok’s Institute is set to 

organize the 11 th academic congress for 

2009 (KPI Congress) entitled “Conflict, 

Legitimacy and Government Reform: Equitable 

Allocation of Resources in Thai Society”. The 

objective of the congress is to create a public stage 

to present academic works and invite thinkers and 

practitioners including interested parties from 

local and abroad to express views and outlooks 

and exchange experiences over the state systems, 

conflicts and justice in society. The congress will 

also provide recommendations and take part in 

drafting national policies that fairly allocate 

resources for all Thais. 

This document is made as a supplementary 

document for an academic seminar held by the 

King Prajadhipok’s Institute, if the document is 

found to be incomplete or carry any mistake; the 

institute would like to extend an apology to all 

participants. After the seminar is ended, the 

institute will provide another document which 

includes the results of the congress to be 

disseminated to concerned agencies and general 

public. 

5

6 KPI Congress XI 

CONTENTS 

Pages 

Introduction 5 

Conflict, Legitimacy and Government Reform: 11 


KPI Congress XI Program 21 


Equitable Allocation of Resources in Thai Society” 

Exhibition program 21 



His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn 31 

on the Occasion of KPI Congress XI Program 

Panel Discussion on 



Towards an Acceptable Fair Society 37 

Pasuk Phongpaichit 

Origin of public policies 69 

Nithi Eawsriwong 

Conflicts, Legitimacy, and Government Reform: 75 

The Role of Civic Education 

Richard A. Nuccio, Ph.D.


Equitable Allocation of Resources, Governance and Reform: 89 

Introducing IDG-Net 

Kathleen Lauder 

Group discussions on 



Group 1: Government and political legitimacy 

Political Legitimacy, Rules, Mechanisms, Enforcement and Morality 117 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Niyom Rathamarit 

The Right Parliamentary System for Thailand 123 

Prof. Dr. Nantawat Boramanand 

Performing Governmental Development Policies with 127 

Societal Conflict Problems and Solutions 

Supamit Pitipat 

Conceptual Framework on the Implementation of Human Rights: 129 

A Case Study from Human Rights Violations During 

the War against Drugs of 2003 

Suchart Wongsinnak 

Thai Government and Legitimacy 131 

Wira Lertsomporn 

A Study on “The Parliament System and Suitable 133 

Processes for Recruiting senators in Thailand” 

Dr. Somboon Tosborvorn 

Group 2: Reform of economic policy for reducing conflicts 

and promoting political legitimacy 

Thailand ,s Reformation of Economic and Social Development Policy 137 

for Social Welfare and Legitimization of Capitalistic Regimes. 

Akarin Wongtirayandet 

7


Group 3: Judicial review and judicial activism 

Judicial Power and Judicial Governance 141 

Dr. Udom Rathamarit 

Judicial Activism 145 

Prasit Piwawattanapanich 

Buddhist Approach to Negotiation 147 

Chalakorn Thiansongjai 

The Roles of Monks in Dealing with Local Political Conflict 149 

Monk-Professor, Abbot Wat Nong Payom Chumsangsongkram 

Group 4: Innovation for political conflict resolution through 

Thai local wisdom and socio-cultural capital 

Innovation for political conflict resolution through 153 



Conflicts in the Southern Border Provinces: 155 

Causes and Sustainable Solutions 

Group 5: Citizen politics in checking of state power for 

equitable allocation of resources 

Thais have their duties to check the state’s use of power. 163 

Veera Somkwamkid 

Civil Politics: Institutional aspect, after the Promulgation of 165 

2550 Constitution 

Prapas Pintoptaeng 

How can we advocate public policy and 167 

evaluate government performance? 

Nattanan Siricharoen


Group 6: The strategy of public administration system reform 

Strategies for improvement of the public sector management system 173 

Mr. Jadun Aphichartbutra 

Bureaucratic Reform 175 

Dr. Pheeraphon Trthasawit 

Group 7: Reforming local government for the achievement of 

fairness in Thai society 

Reform of local administrative organization for creation of 179 

equity Innovation of public services and network-based operation 

Direk Pattamasiriwat 

Assuming Local Administrator and Council Member Positions 183 

Assoc. Prof. Trakoon Meechai 

From Conflict to Innovation: 189 

Participatory Budgeting in Suanmon Tambon 

Administrative Organization, Khonkaen 

Phavinee Chauyprakhong 

Biographical Information 

Prof Bovornsak Uwanno Ph D 193 

Professor Pasuk Phongpaichit 197 

Professor Nithi Eawsriwong 200 

Dr. Porametee Vimolsiri 201 

Dr Sompop Chareonkul 204 

9


Conflict, Legitimacy and 

Government Reform: 

Equitable Allocation of Resources in 

Thai Society 

5-7 November 2009 

United Nations Conference Center, 

Rajdamnoen Avenue, Bangkok

12 KPI Congress XI


Principles and Rationales 

Over the years there have been ongoing 

conflicts in Thai society. Political crises 

have disrupted the democratic system. 

Groups with opposing political views clash, often 

with all sides citing civil rights and personal 

freedoms to legitimize their acts. People disobey 

laws they deem unethical, using only their 

personal notions as a guide. The result has been 

polarization and deep rifts among Thai people. 

Unrest continues in the southernmost provinces, 

causing loss of life and damage to property. All 

over the country, local communities and state 

agencies battle over allocation of natural resources. 

All these conflicts have taken a heavy toll on Thai 

society, the economy and politics, and thus have 

inevitably affected Thai people’s lives. 

Conflicts that have escalated into violence are 

just a tip of the iceberg, revealing a larger mass of 

lingering and profoundly intertwined systemic 

problems such as corruption, abuse of political 

power, misconduct of public officials, unfair 

allocation of resources, unequal access to 

education opportunities, elections intimately 

linked to the patronage system, militar y 

intervention in political crises and so forth. 

13


All these constitute a chain of problems that are profoundly 

intertwined with political and bureaucratic structures that have brought 

about inequities in the society for decades. Most destitute people face a 

host of problems and have only limited channels through which their 

plights and grievances can be heard and remedied. 

Various political reform measures prescribed under the 1997 

constitution and the current constitution have rectified shortcomings in 

the channels through which politicians ascend to power and improved 

the various methods of inspecting politicians’ conduct. However, such 

measures have not addressed reform of government systems. There 

should be ways of incorporating the general public’s needs and 

resentments (inputs) in decision-making processes in order to formulate 

policies (outputs) that will lead to concrete implementation. Also, 

evaluation systems and management efficiency are needed, so that 

reforms will culminate in a fair distribution of benefits and social 

harmony (just peace). Since the government system has not been 

transformed, numerous conflicts are still embedded in political, 

economic, and social and cultural fabrics, bringing about legitimacy 

issues concerning the government’s administration. 

Reform of the government system, including political structures 

and public administration, to ensure fair allocation of resources and 

benefits for the people and resolve conflicts in society by peaceful means 

would supposedly lead to greater legitimacy of the government’s 

administration in the democratic system and thus has become a great 

challenge for all Thais. It is imperative that we create a comprehensive 

analytical system and mobilize resources from all sectors, including 

public and private sectors, civil society, and individuals, to seek models 

to help us comprehend the problems and develop a suitable structure for 

the country’s administration and achievement of social equity and 

harmony. 

However, we should agree that a good state administrative structure 

alone is not something that can solve every problem within a short 

period of time. Such an administrative structure must open political 

space for different groups of people in the society and deal with


problems by tolerance rather than a resort to authoritarianism. At the 

same time, we must not abandon democratic principles, or neglect civil 

rights, freedoms and the people’s responsibilities. Such a structure must 

be built on a foundation of good governance principles that promote 

accountability, transparency, integrity, rule of law and equity. To respond 

to the needs of the people, who truly own sovereign power, political aims 

must address resource allocation in society to foster social equity and 

harmony. 

Hence, the King Prajadhipok’s Institute, whose key mission is 

concerned with democratic development, is organizing KPI Congress XI 

for the year 2009 under the theme “Conflicts, Legitimacy and 

Government Reform: Equitable Allocation of Resources in Thai Society” 

as a public forum for sharing learning and scrutinizing practical 

approaches to foster social equity and harmony in every sector of the 

society, with a government system that would be suitable to the context 

of Thai society. 

Objectives 

1. To serve as a public forum for presentation of academic papers 

concerning reform of the government system to facilitate 

equitable allocation of resources and promote peace and 

harmony in society. 

2. To exchange knowledge and comparative perspectives about 

relevant issues and share experiences of local and foreign 

academics and interested parties. 

3. To provide suggestions and collectively formulate a suitable 

structure for the government system that would ensure equitable 

allocation of resources and promote peace and harmony in 

society. 

15


Expected outcome 

1. Administrators, academics, government officials, nongovernmental 

organizations, and the general public have 

opportunities to review and comment on approaches to solve 

political problems and issues concerning benefits and resource 

allocation in order to foster equity in administration for every 

sector and social harmony, which would be beneficial to 

Thailand in the future. 

2. Obtain recommendations and approaches for structural 

development of the government system that would facilitate fair 

distribution of benefits and promote social harmony in order to 

present these measures to Thai society in the near future. 

Main activities 

There will be three main activities at KPI Congress XI under the 

theme 

1. Keynote speeches 

Keynote speeches present opportunities for local and foreign experts 

with a breadth of experiences and knowledge about political and 

administrative structures to share their experiences, insights, and 

perspectives on government system reform to facilitate fair distribution 

of benefits and promote social harmony. At this symposium, two 

keynote speeches will be arranged: 

1.1 Opening keynote speech delivered by a foreign academic 

expert in the field of government system structures that 

facilitate fair distribution of benefits and promote social 

harmony; 

1.2 Closing keynote speech delivered by a Thai expert on policy 

formulation and concrete implementation to achieve fair 

distribution of benefits and promote social harmony.


2. Academic seminar 

The academic seminar will serve as a forum for sharing ideas and 

brainstorming among participants on the issue of government system 

structures that facilitate fair distribution of benefits and promote social 

harmony. Participants will include administrators from both public and 

private sectors, academics and competent individuals as well as 

representatives from the government, independent organizations, public 

agencies, local administrative organizations, academic institutions, nongovernmental 

organizations, media, civil society organizations, and the 

general public. 

The academic seminar comprises panel discussions and group 

discussions as follows: 

2.1 Panel discussions present opportunities for local and foreign 

academics and experts to share their insights and experiences 

on the issue of government system structures that facilitate 

fair distribution of benefits and promote social harmony. 

1) Panel discussion with foreign experts who share their 

insights and experiences on the issue of government 

system structures that facilitate fair distribution of 

benefits and promote social harmony. 

2) Panel discussion with Thai academics and experts who 

share their insights and experiences on public policy 

issues pertinent to the government system structures in 

Thailand. 

2.2 Group discussions serve as forums for presentation of 

academic articles and papers or research findings. The 

summary of group discussion will be presented under seven 

sub-themes, including 

Government and political legitimacy 

Reform of economic policy for reducing conflicts and 

promoting political legitimacy 

17


3. Exhibition 

Judicial review and judicial activism 

Innovation for political conflict resolution through 


Citizen politics in checking of state power for equitable 

allocation of resources 

The strategy of public administration system reform 

Reforming local government for the achievement of 

fairness in Thai society 

The purpose of the exhibition is to disseminate information and 

knowledge about fair distribution of benefits and resources and the link 

with social equity and harmony. The compilation represents research 

conducted jointly conducted by King Prajadhipok’s Institute and partner 

network organizations and undertaken by other sectors. 

Target groups 

1. Members of the House of Representatives and the Senate 

2. Executives and members of political parties 

3. National and local politicians 

4. State officials as well as officials or personnel in public agencies, 

independent organizations, state enterprises, and local 

administrative organizations 

5. Officials or personnel in international agencies dealing with 

promotion and development of democratic governance 

6. Academics involved in promotion and development of 

democratic government 

7. Community development organizations, community leaders, 

local leaders, civil society groups or networks


8. NGO representatives 

9. All branches of mass media 

10. Secondary school and university students 

11. Interested persons 

Number of participants 

500 participants 

Date and venue 

5 November 2009 at 13.00-18.00 

6 November 2009 at 08.00-17.00 

7 November 2009 at 08.00-12.30 

United Nations Conference Center, Rajdamnoen Avenue, Bangkok 

19

20 KPI Congress XI

KPI Congress XI Program 

Conflict, Legitimacy and 

Government Reform: 

Equitable Allocation of Resources in 

Thai Society 


United Nations Conference Center, 

Rajdamnoen Avenue, Bangkok

22 KPI Congress XI






United Nations Conference Centre, Rajdamnoen Avenue, Bangkok 

Thursday November 5, 2009 

1300-1430 Registration 

1500-1550 His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn 

and Her Royal Highness Princess Srirasm, Royal 

Consort to His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha 

Vajiralongkorn preside over opening of the Congress 

& Exhibition 

1550-1600 Video presentation “Conflict, Legitimacy and Government 

Reform: Equitable Allocation of Resources in the Thai 

Society” 

1600-1800 International panel discussion on “Conflict, Legitimacy 

and Government Reform: Equitable Allocation of 

Resources in the Thai Society” 

- Dr. Richard A. Nuccio, Director, Civitas International 

Programs at Center for Civic Education (USA) 

With the assistance of the Embassy of the United States of 

America 

- Ms. Kathleen Lauder, Senior Associate, 

Institute on Governance (Canada) 

With the assistance of the Government of Canada 

23


- Dr. Dieter W. Benecke, Economic Consultant (Germany) 

With the assistance of Konrad Adenauer Stiftung 

- Prof. Park, Chan Wook, Chair, Department of Political 

Science, Seoul National University (Korea) 

Moderator : Dr. Jingjai Hanchanlash, Chairman, 11 th 

KPI Congress Organizing Committee 

Friday November 6, 2009 


0900-1030 Special keynote address “Towards a fairer Thai society” 

By : Prof. Dr. Pasuk Pongpaijit 

1030-1100 Coffee break 

1100-1230 Thai panel discussion “Dynamic allocation of resources 

and conflict management in Thai Society” 

- Prof. Dr. Nidhi Eoseewong 

- Mr. Salee Ongsomwang 

- Dr. Poramethee Vimolsiri 

- Dr. Sompop Chareonkul 

1230-1330 Lunch 

Moderator: Mr. Pat Chungkankul 

1330-1700 Group discussions on “Conflict, Legitimacy and Government 

Reform: Equitable Allocation of Resources in Thai 

Society” 


Group 2: Reform of economic policy for reducing 

conflicts and promoting political legitimacy 

Group 3: Judicial review and judicial activism


Group 4: Innovation for political conflict resolution 

through Thai local wisdom and socio- 

cultural capital 

Group 5: Citizen politics in checking of the state 

power for equitable allocation of resources 

Group 6: The strategy of public administration 

system reform 

Group 7: Reforming local government for the 

achievement of fairness in Thai society 

Saturday November 7, 2009 


0830-1030 Presentation and discussion of group discussion results 

(10 minutes each) 


By Dr. Aran Sothibandhu, Director of the Parliamentary 

Academic Support Office, King Prajadhipok’s Institute 

Group 2: Reform of economic policy for reducing 

conflicts and promoting political legitimacy 

By Assoc. Prof. Dr. Chompunuch Kosalakorn Permpoonwiwat 

Deputy Dean, Academic and International Affiars, 

School of Economics and Public Policy, Srinakharinwirot 

University 

Group 3: Judicial review and judicial activism 

By Asst. Prof. Dr. Kanongnij Sribuaiam, Faculty of Law, 

Chulalongkorn University 

25


Group 4: Innovation for political conflict resolution 

through Thai local wisdom and socio-cultural capital 

By General Ekkachai Srivilas, Director of the Office of 

Peace and Governance, King Prajadhipok’s Institute 

Group 5: Citizen politics in checking of state power 

for equitable allocation of resources 

By Dr. Thawilwadee Bureekul, Director, Research and 

Development Office, King Prajadhipok’s Institute 

Group 6: The strategy of public administration 

system reform 

By Asst. Prof. Pannaros Malakul Na Ayudhaya, Advisor to 

the Office of Public Sector Development Commission 

Group 7: Reforming local government for the 

achievement of fairness in Thai society 

By Asst. Prof. Dr. Orathai Kokpol, Director of The College 

of Local Government Development, King Prajadhipok’s 

Institute 

Moderator: Assoc. Prof. Woothisarn Tanchai, Deputy 

Secretary General, King Prajadhipok’s Institute 

1030-1100 Award presentations for art competitions 

1100-1130 KPI Award video presentation and 2009 KPI Award 

presentation (to local government organizations for 

excellence in transparency and public participation) 

1130-1200 Video presentation: KPI Congress XII 

1200-1230 Closing address 

By Prof. Dr. Borwornsak Uwanno, Secretary General, 

King Prajadhipok’s Institute

Exhibition program 



28 KPI Congress XI


Exhibition program 


Thursday 5 November 2009 

1500-1550 His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn 

and Her Royal Highness Princess Srirasm, Royal 

Consort to His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha 

Vajiralongkorn preside over the opening of the 

Congress & Exhibition 

Friday November 6, 2009 

0900 Registration 

0930-1000 Thai musical performance 

1000-1015 PRE-QUIZ: Test yourself “Do you like to argue with 

your neighbours” 

1030-1130 Recommended books that you must read 

By Author and book Guru’s 

1130 Game time 

1200 Lunch 


1330-1430 Ramayana Puppet Show from Sai Nam Peung School 

1430-1530 The history of conflict from the people who had a role in 

political conflicts during many era’s 

29


Saturday November 7, 2009 


0930-1030 Ways of collecting news in conflicted area’s 

By News broadcaster 

Political news editor 

Local news broadcaster 

1030-1130 Khon Ramayana from Ramkhamhaeng University 

1130-1230 University Debate from Rattana Bundit University 

1230 Subcommittee Chairman of KPI exhibition presents 

awards to the winner of bag painting contest 

Activities: Paint a bag to solve problems of conflict (one and only in 

the world) 

Photographs for KPI Congress XI stamps 

Predicting behaviors concerning conflict by horoscope

His Royal Highness Crown Prince 

Maha Vajiralongkorn 

on the Occasion of KPI Congress XI Program

32 KPI Congress XI


Schedule 

His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn 

Accompanied by 

Her Royal Highness Princess Srirasm, Royal Consort to His Royal 

Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn 

Presides Over the Opening Ceremony of the 11 th 

King Pradjadhipok’s Institute Congress Year 2009 

Topic: Conflict, Legitimacy and Government Reform: 


At the United Nations Conference Centre, 

Rajdamnern Nok Avenue, Bangkok 

His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, accompanied 

by Her Royal Highness Princess Srirasm, Royal Consort to His Royal 

Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, proceeds from Sukhothai 

Palace to the United Nations Conference Centre, Rajdamnern Nok 

Avenue by a royal car 

- Arrives at the United Nations Conference Centre 

(Royal car parks on the left) 

(Playing the Royal anthem) 

- Speaker of the Parliament (Mr. Chai Chidchob) 

(On behalf of the president of the King Pradjadhipok’s Institute Council) 

The Secretary-General of the King Pradjadhipok’s Institute 

(Professor Dr. Borwornsak Uwanno) 

Board of the King Pradjadhipok’s Institute Council 

Organizing Committee of the King Pradjadhipok’s Institute’s 

Academic Conference 

Executives of the King Pradjadhipok’s Institute awaiting the royal 

guests 

33


Altogether welcome the visit by His Royal Highness Crown Prince 

Maha Vajiralongkorn, accompanied by Her Royal Highness Princess 

Srirasm, Royal Consort to His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha 

Vajiralongkorn 

- Proceed to the conference room of United Nations Conference Centre 

(2 nd Floor, by escalator) 

- Proceed to the royal chairs 

(Playing royal anthem) 

- Be seated in the royal chairs 

- The Secretary-General and the Deputy Secretary-General of the 

King Pradjadhipok’s Institute offer the program leaflet and books 

- Speaker of the Parliament gives a brief speech about the background 

and objectives of the 11th King Pradjadhipok’s Institute Congress 

Year 2009 

- His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn delivers the 

opening speech for the Academic Conference of King Pradjadhipok’s 

Institute (Playing royal anthem) 

- Proceed out of the conference room to the exhibition area on 1st 

floor by escalator 

- Cut the ribbon for the Exhibition launching ceremony 

(Playing Maha Ruek) 

- Explore the exhibition 

- Sign the book of the King Pradjadhipok’s Institute 

- Leave the exhibition area towards downstairs by escalator 

(Royal car parks on the left) 

- Get into royal car 

(Playing the royal anthem) 

- Depart for Sukhothai Palace 

Dress Code The King Pradjadhipok’s Institute or internationally accepted suit

Panel Discussion on 



Panel Discussion 

Towards an Acceptable Fair Society* 

Pasuk Phongpaichit 

Honored guests, 

It’s my great pleasure to be invited by 

King Prajadhipok’s Institute to deliver a 

k e y n o t e a d d r e s s a t t h i s a n n u a l 

symposium of the institute this year. The 

topic of my speech is entitled “Towards an 

Acceptable Fair Society.” I think this topic is 

quite appropriate, considering the situations 

in our country, and it also truly corresponds 

to the substance of the annual KPI Congress. 

I use the English topic instead because I 

couldn’t find Thai words that I like. I don’t 

want to use wording ‘sue sangkom thi pen 

tham (towards a fair society)’ because 

* Keynote speech at KPI Congress XI 2009 entitled “Conflict, Legitimacy and 

Government Reform: Equitable Allocation of Resources in Thai Society,” held at the 

United Nations Conference Center, Ratchadamnoen Road, Bangkok during 5-7 

November 2009. The author wishes to thank Dr. Methee Krongkaew, Prof. Dr. Kowit 

Posayanon, Assoc.Prof. Dr. Duangmanee Laowakun and Assoc.Prof. Dr. Chairath 

Eiamkulawat w h o p rov i d e d u s e f u l s u g g e s t i o n s a s well a s M s . Sa r u e n e e 

Archawanunthakun, Dr. Pun Arnun-apibutra and Archarn Nuarpear Lekfuengfu who 

provided information support. 

37


Professor Dr. Kraiyut Theeratayakinan, who already passed away, once 

told me that the word ‘tham (fair)’ means nature (thammachart) whose 

meaning can be interpreted in several ways. I don’t want to use the word 

‘sangkom yutitham (fair society)’ because the topic is not about enactment 

of laws. I don’t want to use the word ‘sue sangkom thaothiam kan (towards 

an equitable society)’ because my topic is not intended to make everyone 

equal or equitable. I remember when I was a child, we must share things 

that we have. We often asked, “Is it fair to divide it like this?” In fact, 

we’re implying, “Is it acceptable?” We need to ask this question to ensure 

that everyone agrees that the division is a fair share, so we won’t bicker 

over it later. Therefore, the question “Is it fair?” opens an opportunity for 

those who disagree to express their opinions. If they still disagree, a new 

agreement has to be reached. So, agreement is very important. 

An acceptable fair society doesn’t need to be equal in everything but 

it must be equitable in terms of opportunities, security in life, political 

participation and the fact that children and grandchildren will have 

equally bright futures. 

History of various societies asserts that these societies could not 

develop themselves but they have been borne out of the results produced 

by the people in such societies. A key factor is there must be a 

government system which is responsive to demands of various societal 

groups in balanced manners. The mechanisms of a modern government 

that can satisfy this include fiscal policy, taxation, and allocation of taxes. 

Additionally, public utilities and social services must be created to satisfy 

people’s needs and foster the economy. If the government cannot fulfill 

these objectives, such society tends to slide towards ever-increasing 

inequality. Eventually, the society might develop conflicts between the 

“super rich” and the “middle class” on one side and the “majority poor” 

on the other side.….until it becomes a structure-based conflict, waiting 

to explode one day (Bavornsak 2009: 6) 

Presently, there has been a growing acceptance that the underlying 

cause of ongoing political conflict we’re facing is inequality in Thai 

society.


I would like to divide my speech into four parts. The first part 

elaborates about inequality in the Thai society. The second part answers 

the question why modern-day Thai governments have not tried to 

mitigate these inequality. The third part analyzes situations in other 

countries that successfully mitigated inequality, so we know how they did 

it. I’ll focus on their fiscal policies 1 compared to Thailand and analyze 

what Thailand should do. The fourth part is the last part that analyzes 

why we should uphold a democratic parliamentary system as a 

mechanism that will eventually lead us to an acceptable fair society. 

What is the degree of inequality 

in the Thai society? 

Inequality appears in many forms. It may be economic, social, 

political and cultural status. Even language use and treatment may 

display inequality. The language we use conveys inequality all the time. 

We can look at the use of pronouns and words that display inequality. 

Generally, we tend to take them for granted. My speech today will focus 

on economic inequality which we can take the reading from statistical 

information to learn how income and wealth disparity are among various 

groups of people in the society. Income inequality indicates how much 

standards of living differ. If we want to see genuine affluence, we mainly 

look at wealth or ownership of properties. 

Wealth: Recently, TDRI revealed data on property ownership of 

various groups of Thai families from the poorest 20% to the richest 20% 

as shown in Table 1. These data tell us that the richest families 20% of 

the country collectively possess 69 per cent of the properties in the whole 

country while the poorest families 20% collectively possess only 1 per 

1 There is much more to resource management of the country for mitigation of 

inequality than fiscal policies. In particular, there is much more to revenue generation of 

the state sector for public spending than taxation. Aside from that, there are also issues 

concerning state enterprise management, land management and management of other 

public properties. Due to limited time, overview of taxation policy and state expenditure 

will be highlighted. 

39


cent. That means the properties owned by the richest families 20% are 

69 times higher than the poorest families. This tells us that wealth highly 

concentrates in only 20 per cent of the people in the country. 

Table 1: Household property by income group in 2006 

(1 = Poorest – 5 = Richest) 

Group % of the entire country 

Group 1 1 

Group 2 3 

Group 3 9 

Group 4 18 

Group5 69 

Source: Kiatpong, Wilatluk and Nalin, 2007 

The information concerning who has the largest amount of deposits 

or owns stocks and lands the most which is the most important wealth 

indicator also supports the conclusion above. 

Bank savings: Statistics compiled by the Bank of Thailand for the 

month of June 2009 inform us that 42 per cent of bank deposits come 

from around 70,000 accounts that have over 10 million baht per 

account, accounting for 0.09 per cent of the total number of accounts in 

the country. Normally, a person has more than one account. On average, 

suppose each person has two accounts. If that’s the case, then it means 

42 per cent of the total deposit amount in the country belongs to only 

35,000 persons (or less than that, if many people have more than two 

accounts). 

The fact that deposits are concentrated in the hands of a small 

group of people implies an extremely high income concentration because 

people who have huge deposits have better investment and incomegenerating 

opportunities than the have-nots. 

Stocks in the stock market: A researcher at Thammasat University 

is studying stock distribution in the stock market to probe how it is.


We’re still waiting for study results. However, there are enough statistics 

that can give us a picture that there is a rather high concentration. 

During 1995-2004, it was found that 11 families traded positions among 

the top-5 families with the highest value of shares, including Maleenon, 

Shinawatra, Damapong, Jirathiwat, Bencharongkul, Damrongchaitham, 

Asavabhokin, Liewphairat, Photharamik, Kannasutra and Jaranachit 

(Netnapha, 2006: 99-100) 

Land: Land ownership is still the most vital source of wealth in the 

Thai society. Table 2 illustrates distribution of agricultural land 

ownership by land size in 2006 which reveals a distinct concentration. 

The group that doesn’t own any piece of land makes up almost 20 per 

cent of the total. When combining this group with the group owning 10 

rai or less, both groups make up 42 per cent of the entire country. Some 

people might argue that owing 10 rai is a lot. In fact, if you own 10 rai of 

land in the Northeast and the land is located in an arid area or has saline 

soil. Ten-rai of land doesn’t mean anything. This is an important point 

because one-third of farmers in the country lives in the Northeast and 

faces problems with infertile soil conditions. Thus, 42 per cent of farmers 

owning 10 rai or less or having no land at all is considered a very high 

ratio. 

Table 2: Distribution of land ownership of 

farmer households in Thailand (2006) 

Land size % 

None 18.42 

Less than 10 rai 23.94 

10-19 rai 24.91 

20 rai or over 22.73 

Source: Adapted from Duangmanee 2009: 6-6 

Another study carried out by an expert in land economics from the 

Department of Land Development concluded that most lands are in the 

hands of a marginal number of people, that is, 10 per cent of the 

41


country’s population possesses over 100 rai but the remainder or 90 per 

cent of the population possesses only one rai or less. Around 811,871 

Thai families don’t have their own land. Moreover, around 1-1.5 million 

farmer households don’t have enough lands to make a living and have to 

rent lands for their livelihood. (Preecha; 2001; cited in Duangmanee 

2009: 6-8) 

The above statistics indicate that wealth concentration in our 

society lies in the hands of a marginal number of people, which is less 

than 10 per cent of the country. Moreover, it’s highly likely that these 

different types of property owners are interlinked, meaning actually they 

are the same clans. There is a tendency that people who have a lot of 

deposits also own a large quantity of stocks in the stock market and a lot 

of lands. Moreover, children and grandchildren of these people tend to 

relate to each other in some kinds of family relationship, as the saying 

goes “boat sinks in a swamp, where will the gold go?” 

Income distribution: We have plenty of data on this. This is 

because the National Statistical Office regularly conducts nationwide 

surveys on household income and expenditure in Thailand, which 

enables us to divide household groups into various income groups, 

ranging from the lowest to the highest, and calculate proportions of 

household income of different groups in GDP of the entire country.

100% 

80% 

60% 

40% 

20% 

0% 

Income distribution 

Diagram 1 

Diagram 1 

5th quintile 

4th quintile 

3rd qunitile 

2nd quintile 

1st quintile 

5 


1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 

Diagram 1 shows GDP ratio (gross domestic products or GDP) of 

the richest 20% compared to the bottom 20% which is the poorest and 

other groups. The ratios of these two groups during 1988-2008 reveal 

that the ratio of the richest 20% is more than 50 per cent of total GDP 

while the poorest 20% have only about 4 per cent, which is less than the 

ratio of 6.05 per cent recorded during 1975-1976. 

Diagram 1 shows GDP ratio (gross domestic products or GDP) of the 

richest 20% compared to the bottom 20% which is the poorest and other 

groups. The ratios of these two groups during 1988-2008 reveal that the ratio 

of the richest 20% is more than 50 per cent of total GDP while the poorest 

20% have only about 4 per cent, which is less than the ratio of 6.05 per cent 

recorded during 1975-1976. 

When comparing household income by region against average 

household income of the entire country, inequality can be observed as well 

(see Table 3). The Northeast and North, including the South in some years, 

tend to have the lowest income. When compared to rural areas, distinct 

inequality can be observed as well. 

When comparing household income by region against average 

household income of the entire country, inequality can be observed as 

well (see Table 3). The Northeast and North, including the South in 

some years, tend to have the lowest income. When compared to rural 

areas, distinct inequality can be observed as well. 

43


Table 3: Average household income by region in 1962, 2000, 2007 of 

the entire country = 100 

Region 1962 2000 2007 

Bangkok 253.7 207.8 187.6 

Central 131.1 107.1 105.7 

South 120.1 92.1 105.7 

North 73.7 71.2 72.7 

Northeast 53.5 63.9 69.6 

National average 100.0 100.0 100.0 

Urban 119.9 150.1 

Rural 69.9 76.7 

Source: Yukio, Ikemoto, Income Distribution in Thailand, Tokyo, Institute of 

Developing Economies, 1991; Nuarpear, 2009. 

Data in Diagram 1 and Table 3 show average household income. 

There are also data that reveal personal income disparities in Diagram 2 

which reports salaries and wages by occupation during 2006-2007. 

Again, inequality is evident here. 

Regarding income distribution, there are at least four observations. 

First, income data of the wealthy groups tend to be understated 

because data derive from random sampling. So, there is a tendency that a 

small number of super rich groups would be left out. (The National 

Statistical Office never had access to Shinawatra, Damapong, or 

Siriwattanapakdi families among others) Even if these groups could be 

reached, respondents would not reveal the whole truth. Aside from that, 

collected data would not include various indirect gains, which the rich 

tend to have more than the underprivileged, especially from government 

spending (such as gains from road construction that transects a piece of 

land, pushing up the land price and so forth) or borrowing money for 

investment at a special interest rate because they have a better credit 

standing and so forth.

Bahts 

4,000,000 

3,500,000 

3,000,000 

2,500,000 

2,000,000 

1,500,000 

1,000,000 

2549 

2550 

500,000 

0 

Diagram 2 

Diagram 2 

Gross Compensation:Thailand 2549-2550 


Occupations 

Second, when calculating average income of of the the poorest 20% 20% or or the the 

bottom quintile, it was it was found found that that it is it not is not much much different different from from the poverty the 

line poverty at 1,443 line at baht 1,443 per baht month per (a month person (a person with income with income below below 1,443 1,443 baht per 

month is considered a poor person). This poverty line is calculated by 

baht per month is considered a poor person). This poverty line is 

converting amount of calories that can sustain life of a person into amount of 

money calculated needed by to converting buy foods amount to obtain of such calories calories, that plus can expenses sustain life of clothes, of a 

dwelling person and into medicines amount at of a money bare minimum needed level, to buy which foods make to obtain up 60 per such cent 

of calories, total expenses. plus expenses As this of implies, clothes, presently dwelling of Thailand and medicines is less than at a bare 10 per 

cent minimum but in fact level, it is which likely make that there up 60 may per be cent at of least total another expenses. 10 per As cent this 

of 

people whose incomes are near this poverty line. 

Third, the gap between the richest and poorest households in 2007 is 

13 times. When comparing to European countries and the United States, this 

7 

45


implies, presently of Thailand is less than 10 per cent but in fact it is 

likely that there may be at least another 10 per cent of people whose 

incomes are near this poverty line. 

Third, the gap between the richest and poorest households in 2007 

is 13 times. When comparing to European countries and the United 

States, this gap is much lower than that (see Table 4). 

Table 4: Comparison of income inequality between 

the poorest 20% of different countries during 1990s-2000s 

Country % 

Japan 3.4 

Norway 3.9 

Sweden 4.0 

South Korea 4.2 

France 5.6 

Italy 6.5 

United Kingdom 7.2 

United States 8.4 

China 12.2 

Thailand (2007) 13.0 

Venezuela 16.0 

Argentina 17.8 

Brazil 21.8 

Source: Office of National Economic and Social Development Board, OECD 

Fourth, when comparing to neighboring countries, Thailand has a 

much higher income inequality. Please see Diagram 3 which shows genie 

coefficients that indicate levels of inequality. The higher the value, the 

higher the level of inequality. The diagram reveals that the coefficients of 

Thailand have risen continually and are higher than all neighboring 

countries while neighboring countries have a declining trend.

0.50 

0.40 

0.30 

Philippines 

Indonesia 

Malaysia 

Diagram 3 

Diagram 3 

Gini coefficients of household income, selected Southeast Asian countries 


Thailand 

1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 

Why does Thailand become 

a society with huge inequality? 

Source: Adapted from a graph prepared by Hal Hill, ANU 

Why does Thailand become a society with huge inequality? 

Professor Professor Simon Simon Kuznets Kuznets studied studied a a connection connection between between economic economic 

prosperity prosperity and income and income distribution distribution in the in United the United States, States, Germany Germany and and United 

Kingdom. United It was Kingdom. observed It was that observed when these that when countries these began countries to develop began to during 

the early develop days, during income the per early capita days, income perked per up capita and income perked inequality up and income remained 

high. inequality However, when remained further high. development However, when took further place, development income per capita took has 

increased place, constantly. income per Up capita to certain has increased points, constantly. inequality Up declined to certain gradually. points, He 

explained inequality many declined reasons gradually. attributed He to explained such occurrence. many reasons First, attributed during to early 

stages such of economic occurrence. development, First, during savings early stages concentrated of economic in development, 

a small group of 

people savings that could concentrated invest to in generate a small group more income of people than that others. could Second, invest to some 

economic generate fields more have income higher than productivity others. Second, than others. some economic For instance, fields have industries 

grew faster higher productivity than the agricultural than others. sector. For instance, When industrialization industries grew faster progressed than at 

an accelerated the agricultural rate, income sector. of When workers industrialization in these fields progressed increased at a an 

faster 

rate compared to other fields, leading to inequality. 

Third, in urban areas, income of workers in different occupations varies. 

Skilled workers can increase their wages above unskilled workers and profits 

47 

9


accelerated rate, income of workers in these fields increased at a faster 

rate compared to other fields, leading to inequality. 

Third, in urban areas, income of workers in different occupations 

varies. Skilled workers can increase their wages above unskilled workers 

and profits of employers who are factory owners increase at an 

accelerated rate, thus widening inequality. 

Up to a certain point, these inequality would decline gradually due 

to several reasons. For instance, when saving concentration dissipates 

because other groups have higher income and higher saving 

opportunities. At the same time, new groups with greater economic 

power that become successful demand the government to implement 

public policies to mitigate income inequality. 

As for Thailand, Duangmanee Laowakun applied Kuznets’ method 

to calculate income level that might be a turning point that could reduce 

income inequality value. It was found that this probable threshold might 

be the income per capital of 45,215 baht in 1994 (Duagmanee and 

associates, 2009: 3-22) 2 and it was found that genie coefficients showed a 

declining trend during 1991-1998 but the values perked up again in 

2000 and 2006. Therefore, such turning point did not really occur. 

Why has income distribution inequality in Thailand not been 

reduced as envisaged in Kuznets’ study? 

History tells us that there are two different approaches to mitigate 

income inequality. One way is to use taxation and money transfer to 

create wealth and income equality. Another approach is to allow social 

forces to exert pressure to mitigate inequality, for example, a labor union 

succeeds in negotiating for a higher wage with the employer. In practice, 

many countries use both approaches, that is, having both public policy 

and social pressure. 

The countries studied by Kuznets showed a more equitable income 

distribution because those in power, that is, governments were pressured 

2 Pranee’s study (2002) also adopted Kuznets’ concept. It was found that the turning 

point likely occurred in 1993 when annual income per capita was 40,436 baht.


to implement numerous public policies (taxation system, public 

expenditure and revamp of several institutions) to prevent exacerbation 

of income distribution and raise equality. In some countries, groups of 

people that wanted to change for the better got a chance to run a 

government or governments were forced to change their policies. This 

creates something called ‘political will.’ (Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009) 

In Germany, during late 1900s (the reign of King Rama V), 

Bismarck adopted a social security system which had been demanded by 

labor unions for a long time. It was one of the public policies 

implemented to increase support for his government when he desired to 

unify Germany. 

In United Kingdom, during World War I and II, governments 

implemented policies to increase equality among different social classes 

in order to gain support from the people who had to endure hardships 

from the wars. At the end of World War II, there was a crucial change, 

that is, the Labour Party won elections and had opportunities to turn 

England into a welfare state for quite a long time. 

In other developed countries, progressive groups became 

governments after a conservative government faced legitimacy crises. For 

example, in 1932 after soldiers shot workers embroiled in a dispute with 

the employer in Sweden, the Social Democrat won the general election in 

that year. This party formed a government and turned Sweden into a 

welfare state. (Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009) 

In Asia, presently Japan is an example of a highly equitable society. 

Even though prior to World War II the country had considerable social 

inequality, after World War II there had been numerous institutional 

changes in Japan, allowing income and property equality to become a 

reality. Monumental public policies included land reform, abolishment of 

the feudal era’s class system, abolishment of the land owner and farm 

land tenant system, abolishment of elite class, reform of the political 

system that allowed multifarious political parties and interest groups to 

participate in politics under a democratic parliamentary system. (Ryoshin 

et al, 1999: 58) In addition, there is also a property tax system such as 

49


inheritance tax that aims at mitigating inequality and preventing 

speculative asset hoarding. 

Why were such drastic changes feasible in Japan? One reason was 

the earlier ruling class of Japan lost in World War II, stripping them of 

their status and credibility and leaving a room for American consultants 

led by General McArthur to successfully implement policies to mitigate 

inequality. As a result, labor unions could negotiate with employers. 

In my opinion, one interesting point from Japan is generally many 

Japanese wanted a more equitable society and agreed with American 

consultants. Moreover, they could pass on the belief in the value of 

equality until now. 

So-called ‘political will’ or the willingness of a government to 

implement policies to mitigate inequality is very crucial. Policies might 

change as time goes by. As observed over the past 10 years, income 

distribution in developed countries such as the United States, England, 

France and Italy has turned sour because governments wanted to 

implement more liberal economic policies, resulting in reduction of 

social security and welfare budgets, but income distribution in countries 

that still adopt welfare state policies such as Norway, Sweden and 

Denmark is still in good shape. 

In our country, inequality have risen during the early stages of 

economic development, which corresponds to Kuznets’ explanation, that 

is, saving concentration lies the hands of a marginal number of people; 

profit increases at a faster rate compared to wages; income of urbanites 

rises faster than rural people and so forth. Inequality in Thailand have 

not subsided but still remained because opportunities which the masses 

can earn more are limited, especially those in rural areas. Furthermore, 

modern governments of Thailand have never initiated any mitigation 

policies to suppress inequality through fiscal policy and other policies like 

other countries cited above. In other words, Thailand never had a 

political will and labor unions and other social movements (e.g. farmers) 

have never been strong enough to pressure governments or become a

government to pursue public policies to mitigate inequality. 3 


In Thailand, groups led by a small number of people could usurp 

power and resist changes. During the past few decades, monopolized 

powers were concentrated in the centralized bureaucracy and commercial 

military systems. (Riggs, 1964; Chai-Anan, 1982; Chambers, 2009) 

Even after a parliamentary system was developed, the system has been 

controlled by a small number of businessmen and retired bureaucrats 

(both civilian and military alike). The military still plays a major role in 

Thai politics, can stage a coup to abolish a constitution and elected 

parliament, and impede sustainable democratization. No one in the 

power center wants to solve inequality problems. Those who desire to 

change this never got a chance to enter the power center. There might be 

some discussion about inequality issues in an economic and social 

development plan like the eighth plan. Later, there would be no 

implementation of any public policy to tackle inequality problems in 

earnest, not a single policy. In other words, we still lack a political will. 

How can we progress? 

I’ll leave political will for the time being and turn to review the 

mechanisms that can help mitigate income inequality, that is, taxation 

system or revenue generated from taxes and public expenditure (resource 

allocation). Collectively, they are referred to fiscal policy. 

A fair society must have a taxation system that is acceptable and fair. 

However, it doesn’t mean that taxes must be collected from the rich just 

to give it to the poor. Since the rich are wealthier, they can pay more, 

that is, status-based taxation while gained benefits must not be less than 

others. This means the rich must be taxed at an acceptable fair ratio. 

3 In Thailand, labor unions succeeded in pressuring the government to pass the 

social security act that applies to workers in formal sectors in 1988 after 30 years of 

campaigning. However, since the scheme covers only a small portion of workers, it has 

not contributed much to income distribution. 

51


A good taxation system must not have a huge impact on incentives, 

causing fund transfer or a person’s relocation to other countries where 

taxes are lower. The principle should be who needs to pay taxes must do 

so according to one’s status. Moreover, those receiving much benefits 

from public expenditure should be willing to pay taxes at a greater 

proportion of income, compared to those receiving less benefits. So, we 

should pay attention to acceptable, fair allocation of tax burden. 

(Harberger, 1974: 259) Regarding this issue, a progressive taxation 

system (a person with higher income pays a higher percentage of income 

but taxes should not be too high and de-motivate) combined with public 

expenditure that benefit everyone should be a primary goal. At the same 

time, taxation system should include measures that force those with 

excessive wealth to utilize their assets to generate benefits (help increase 

productivity and employment), not hoarding them for speculation. 

Do fiscal policies of Thailand support the poor? 

Taxation system: We must consider both taxation system and 

public expenditure. 

Direct and indirect taxes are government’s main revenue sources. 

Direct taxes are collected from individuals according to income and asset 

bases, for example, personal income tax, corporate income tax, property 

tax and inheritance tax (the latter two types are not prominent in our 

country). Most indirect taxes are imposed on various products, such as 

value-added tax, excise tax, oil tax and custom duty, and collected when 

spending is made on purchase of such product. 

In Thailand, personal income tax is progressive, that is, those with 

high income pay a higher tax rate than those with less income; but 

corporate income tax is the same rate for everyone. 

Indirect taxes are collected from everyone at the same rate, no 

matter whether incomes are different or not. In this case, “a poor 

household may take a heavier tax burden (compared to income) because 

the ratio of consumption (C) per income (Y) of poor household is higher 

than rich household.” (TDRI, 1999: 1, footnote 1) Therefore, the real


tax rate of an indirect tax is regressive and the more government relies on 

indirect taxes, the heavier tax burden will be borne by the poor. 

Consequently, indirect taxation reduces the poor’s income even more or 

increases inequality, implying that the poor subsidizes the rich through 

taxation. 

Thailand does not have other direct taxes used in foreign countries 

as a supplementary measure to mitigate inequality or even though it has 

some but they are underdeveloped. They include property tax, 

inheritance tax, capital gain tax and interest income tax. Presently, the 

withholding tax rate of the last one is only 15%, which is rather low 

compared to other income taxes. 

Table 5: Proportion of direct and indirect taxes in England, 

Europe and Thailand in 2000s (%) 

Country Direct taxes Indirect taxes Total 

England 51.6 49.4 100.0 

Europe (average) 50.0 50.0 100.0 

Thailand 40.5 59.5 100.0 

Source: OECD, Ministry of Finance 

Most revenue of Thai government comes from indirect taxes (valueadded 

tax, excise tax, oil tax, cigarette tax, liquor tax etc.). During late 

1980s - late 1990s, the proportion of this revenue was as high as 80 per 

cent of total tax revenue but presently this proportion came down to 60 

per cent while in developed countries like OECD, the share of indirect 

taxes is around 50 per cent (Table 5). 

As mentioned above, indirect taxes are regressive, that is, the poor 

bear a higher tax burden than the rich, thus increasing inequality. Thus, 

in Thailand our taxation system is rather unfriendly to the poor and 

contributes to exacerbation of inequality. Available relevant studies 

support this conclusion (Medhi, 1975; Wiboonlak, 1983; Wit, 1977; 

TDRI, 2003; Pichit, 1986; Duangmanee and associates, 2009; Hyun 

Hwa Son, n.d.). 

53


Even though direct taxes like personal income tax are progressive, in 

reality only a small number of high income earners pay a high tax rate 

and since tax evasion is rampant, the government cannot fully collect 

personal income tax, rendering the progressive rate ineffectual (Supreeya, 

2001; Thanasai, 1994). Even though there are varied tax rates applied to 

different income brackets, ranging from 0%, 10%, 20%, 30% and 37%, 

in reality an average rate is only 5%. 

As a result, overall taxation system of Thailand is regressive rather 

than progressive. 

The government needs more revenue for production of public 

goods and provision of public services in order to effectively mitigate 

inequality. Most resources used by the government must come from 

duties and taxes. In developed countries, a proportion of taxes to GDP in 

percentage ranges around 40-50% but tax collection of Thailand is only 

17% of GDP, which is lower than middle-income countries like 

Thailand, e.g. Venezuela and Turkey (see Table 6). Moreover, the 

proportion of personal income tax is very low, that is, only 13 per cent of 

total tax revenue while other countries range from 20 to over 30 per cent. 

Table 6: Percentage of tax revenue to GDP 

of various countries in 2007 

Country % 

Thailand 17.0 

Venezuela 25.0 

Japan 27.4 

United States 28.0 

Turkey 32.5 

Russia 36.9 

England 39.0 

Germany 40.6 

Sweden 49.7 

Source: Ministry of Finance and Heritage Foundation, 2008


One problem is that governments often have tax relief policies. 

Most recently, Somchai Wongsawat’s administration waived personal 

income tax for those with taxable income below 150,000 baht per year, 

thus shrinking a tax base (taxpayers). Another problem is tax collection 

issue and tax evasion is rampant. Individuals working in the private 

sector earning a very high income can hire a legal advisor to help them 

pay minimum personal income tax. Many government and state 

enterprise employees who have withholding tax deductions don’t submit 

an income tax return form with full details of their incomes. Failure to 

submit an income tax return form is considered an offence but this has 

been neglected along the way. If any government wants to enforce this, it 

will lose popularity. Everyone knows that many government and state 

enterprise employees earn higher income than their regular wages and 

salaries, as observed from their cars, houses and other tangible aspects of 

their standards of living. 

In light of these problems, the number of income taxpayers has 

declined constantly from 6.8 million in 2003 to 5.7 million in 2006. 

(Songtham Boonyawan and Thitima, 2007) In 2008, a total of 8.6 

million people filed income tax return forms (if husband and wife filing 

joint tax return forms are counted, the number might be around 12-13 

million) In the end, the number of people who really pay income tax 

might be only around 5 million out of 38 million workers in the 

country. 

As for private companies, the number of companies that pay 

corporate income tax totals around 301,000 out of 546,857 companies 

throughout the country. In most cases, this is because the government 

gives a tax waiver but there is also tax evasion issue. 

In conclusion, studies revealed that the poor bear a greater tax 

burden than the rich when considering the proportion relative to 

income. This is because Thai government depends on indirect taxes more 

than direct taxes, faces problems with a narrow tax base and rampant tax 

evasion. So, any plan to raise government’s revenue from taxation must 

take these issues into consideration. The study on fiscal system of 

Thailand conducted by Hyun Hwa Son that addressed these issues 

55


suggested that Thai government must increase the number of people who 

should pay income tax and types of direct tax should be expanded, 

instead of depending on indirect taxes like in the past. Novel direct taxes 

like inheritance tax, property tax and capital gain tax must be featured as 

a vital component of fiscal policy reform. In addition, measures must be 

taken to eradicate tax evasion and frauds. 

Public expenditure and income distribution 

If we look back in our history, we will find that public expenditure 

of Thai governments (resource allocation from tax revenue of the 

country) has changed drastically (see Table 7). 

Table 7: Public expenditure of Thai government: 

Percentage of annual expenditure 

Year Military Education 

Royal 

household 

Public 

health 

Economy 

Social 

security 

1892 26.0 2.0 29.0 n.a. n.a. - 

1900 14.0 4.0 22.0 n.a. n.a. - 

1910 24.0 2.0 18.0 n.a. n.a. - 

1920 27.0 3.0 12.0 n.a. n.a. - 

1930 20.0 7.0 8.0 n.a. n.a. - 

1935 27.0 11.0 2.0 n.a. n.a. - 

1941 36.0 10.0 0.6 n.a. n.a. - 

1945 51.0 5.0 0.4 n.a. n.a. - 

1950 28.0 11.0 0.6 n.a. n.a. - 

1961-65 17.4 28.0* n.a. 25.3 -

Year Military Education 

Royal 

household 

Public 

health 


Economy 

Social 

security 

1975 16.4 30.9* n.a. 25.4 - 

1985 16.3 29.8* n.a. 15.8 - 

1991 16.0 19.3 n.a. 5.7 23.3 3.1 

1995 14.7 14.7 n.a. 6.9 26.5 3.8 

1999 9.3 25.1 n.a. 7.3 24.2 4.4 

2000 8.9 25.7 n.a. 7.4 22.1 5.4 

2005 6.2 21.6 n.a. 7.1 23.7 6.9 

2006 6.3 21.7 n.a. 7.4 25.0 7.0 

2007 7.3 22.7 9.3 21.2 7.2 

2008 8.5 21.9 9.3 19.4 6.9 

* Include public health 

Source: J.C. Ingram, Economic Change in Thailand 1850-1970, Oxford University 

Press, 1971, Bank of Thailand and the Budget Office 

A major factor that determines such allocations is power. Over 100 

years ago, when governments under absolute monarchy were still in 

power, more than one-fourth of tax revenue was spent on royal 

household. During World War II when military governments were in 

power, considerable spending of tax revenue was allocated to further 

develop the military; in some years the spending exceeded half. Later, 

when democracy began to set in, more and more tax revenue was spent 

on economic and social development programs. 

57


Nevertheless, modern Thai governments still could not prevent 

deterioration of income inequality. Why? 

When comparing to other countries, public expenditure of Thailand 

at the level of only 18 per cent of GDP is still very low. This level is 

below 26 per cent of developing countries in Asia and 36 per cent of 

developed countries. The majority of public expenditure goes to wages 

and salaries of government employees which are on an upward trend, 

while in developed countries, public spending on subsidies and money 

transferred to welfare programs is as high as 50 per cent. 

Economists said public spending can make income distribution 

more equitable (Methee, 1979; TDRI, 1999; Peter Warr, 2003). It was 

observed that spending on education is the most efficient, followed by 

health care. Other studies also revealed that spending on the agricultural 

sector significantly increased income of lowest-income groups in the rural 

sector. 

However, historically such public spending was not enough to 

mitigate inequality stemming from other factors and the consequence of 

tax burden borne by the poor that has reduced their income in relative 

terms. 

Such conclusion is substantiated by a research study entitled ‘Fiscal 

policies of Thailand and Impacts on Poor People’ which was conducted 

by Hyun Hwa Son, a South Korean economist. It was found that during 

1990s public spending of Thailand favored the rich and provided greater 

benefits to urban workers than rural people. State subsidies for electricity, 

water, transportation, hospitals and education under present schemes 

literally benefit well-to-do people more than the underprivileged. 

This study did not even take into consideration indirect benefits of 

public spending which tend to fall into the hands of the rich more than 

the poor. Obvious examples are road construction and electric train when 

land prices along the routes went up. In such case, people who don’t own 

land will not receive this benefit.


Hyun Hwa Son’s study also suggested that Thai government should 

revamp public expenditure to increase equality. For instance, he proposed 

that existing subsidies of electricity, water and transportation should be 

abolished. Instead, the government should subsidize parents’ school 

expenses, i.e. tuition, books and other education-related expenses in 

public schools at primary and secondary levels. He also urged that health 

care and education spending be revamped with an aim to improve 

equality. In this regard, the free 12-year education policy of the present 

government is considered to be on the right track, even though it is still 

insufficient. 

Based on experiences of some countries, there is still another way to 

spend tax revenue to help improve quality of life and mitigate inequality, 

that is, having a universal social security system which is contributed by 

both government and people. Currently, we use this system for workers 

but its coverage is only 25.7% of the total number of workers or 13.9% 

of the population. (Kobsak and Anan, 2007). 

We may discuss about weaknesses of public administration in other 

dimensions which adversely impacts resource allocation of the country, 

such as issues concerning corruption and justice system and so forth. 

However, the information shown above obviously tells us that we must 

have a sweeping reform, starting from revamping taxation system to 

ensure a fairer allocation of tax burden and revamping public expenditure 

to enhance equality. 

Now I would like to summarize the approaches that the government 

should pursue as follows: 

First, there should be more public programs and services (public 

goods) that every people can gain equal benefits and public goods should 

be products and services that will contribute to mitigation of inequality 

in respect to health and education in particular. To achieve this, the 

government must collect more tax revenue. Therefore, a target of over 17 

per cent of GDP should be set to generate more tax revenue in the 

future. That means increasing the number of people who must pay 

income tax, revamping interest rate tax which is still slow, and reforming 

59


the taxation system and improving the efficiency of the tax collection 

system with an aim to mitigate inequality. 

Second, the government must avoid a taxation system that will 

exacerbate inequality. Accordingly, available information clearly points 

out that if tax revenue is to be increased, we must avoid increasing 

indirect taxes but add new types of direct tax instead. Moreover, we must 

ponder about inheritance tax and property tax which aim to prevent 

people with a lot of assets from speculative hoarding. Such measure will 

impel people with a lot of assets to utilize these assets to boost 

productivity and create employment or provide opportunities to others 

who can utilize these assets as well. In Japan, if people who own a great 

deal of assets like lands do not make any investment to generate revenue, 

they will not be able to keep the land and have to sell them off within 

three generations so as to pay inheritance tax, thus providing 

opportunities for further utilization by the people who bought such land. 

Third, the government must try to abolish the subsidies that benefit 

the rich more than the poor. 

The findings of Harberger’s study (1974) assert that a fiscal policy 

comprising progressive taxes combined with public spending that 

benefits everyone can mitigate inequality, judging from declining genie 

coefficients as shown in Table 8. This study is applicable to both 

developed and developing countries. 

Table 8: Genie coefficients derived from different fiscal policies 

Calculated by Harberger, 1974 

Combo policies (both government 

revenue and spending sides) 

Developed 

countries 

Developing 

countries 

None 0.402 0.498 

Progressive tax + neutral expenditure budget 0.372 0.462 

Neutral tax + equitable expenditure budget 0.377 0.456 

Progressive tax + equitable expenditure 

budget 

0.347 0.419


As for Thailand, the study of Professor Warr at ANU University in 

Australia (Warr 2003) indicates that if Thai government hikes direct tax 

revenue by only 10 per cent, then spends collected tax revenue on 

production of products and service provision for the poor (education, 

health care, agriculture), the percentage of poor people and inequality 

will drop significantly. This study used data in 2004. It was observed that 

the proportion of poor people would drop by 3 per cent of the 

population and genie coefficient would decline from 0.48 to 0.44. 

Furthermore, such policy change also contributes to poverty eradication 

and more equitable income distribution in the future (Warr, 2003: 43). 

As for the increase of state revenue from direct taxes such as 

personal income tax, direct taxes may not necessarily have to be 

progressive in all cases. They may be set at an acceptable flat rate, like not 

more than 20 per cent, and deductions must be abolished. Then, with 

efficient management of tax collection, this portion of revenue can be 

increased. Feasibility studies should be conducted on this. 

Politics 

In the last part, I would like to come back to talk about political 

will. 

As mentioned earlier, policies to enhance equality have not 

materialized in the past because a lack of political will. This means those 

who wanted these policies never had a chance to run a government or 

never succeeded in pressing governments to change their policies. 

Experiences of various countries tell us that a political will to implement 

policies that enhance equality has the best chance under a democratic 

regime where a constitution is the supreme law that guarantees civil 

rights and liberties. 

Nevertheless, there are some people who don’t agree with this 

suggestion by saying that democratic system is suitable for Thai society. 

Some people even remark that democratic system is not suitable for an 

unfair society. 

61


One common contention is many Thais are still poor and not 

educated well enough to know what’s right or what’s wrong. Therefore, 

they cannot make up their own minds and may be misled easily. 

However, as time goes by, such thinking is being criticized more and 

more that it is used to justify preservation of existing inequality so that 

people will accept a government controlled by a few persons that has 

supreme power. 

Another criticism is the democratic system heeds opinions of the 

majority and will likely end up with mob rule. This issue has been taken 

up and a solution is there already. Most countries prescribe rules in their 

constitutions to prevent the majority from harming the minority and 

adequately protect the minority. 

Some people criticize democracy by saying that it provides 

opportunities for vote-buying by politicians. Regarding this issue, 

experiences of developed countries can shed light on this. Once people’s 

income rose, 500 or 1,000 baht offered to buy a vote would mean 

nothing to them. Eventually, vote-buying will disappear. 

Nevertheless, criticism still goes on and on, saying in a democratic 

system, before important matters are resolved, opinions of various groups 

must be heeded and an agreement must be reached before determining 

further action. This process is more time-consuming than under an 

authoritarian regime where power is in the hands of one person. 

Consequently, democracy may deter economic development which 

requires quick decisions. Regarding this issue, available studies may not 

firmly conclude that democracy is detrimental to economic development 

while many countries that have grown dramatically do not have 

democracy. 

However, it is clearly evident that many countries in the world that 

have enjoyed satisfactory economic growth rates and stable political 

conditions have democratic governments. 

Even in our own experiences, Thailand enjoyed the fastest economic 

growth rate under a democratic regime. During 1986-1996, average


GDP growth was 9.5 per cent per annum which was the highest in the 

world at that time. 

Nevertheless, a reputed scholar who is keen on this found a 

conclusion from his study that even if we don’t need a democratic system 

to propel economic growth, democracy has its inherent values that other 

regimes like communism, authoritarian or military government don’t 

have. These values include freedom, equality and human rights. Dr. 

Bavornsak also agreed on these points when saying “…We must be 

democratic to live in the global society with dignity and for ourselves 

because democracy bestows rights, liberties and freedom of choices on us 

while authoritarian doesn’t have ...” (Bavornsak, 2009: 12) 

Aside from that, democracy also has another merit. It is an 

administrative regime that can resolve conflicts in an industrial society 

with the lowest cost. Institutions such as political parties, parliament, 

independent bodies, transparent and trustworthy justice system, and a 

constitution that is the supreme law that regulate political rules have 

been accepted internationally that they can be used as the most efficient 

tools to resolve conflict. We can observe that many countries in the 

world, including even India, still uphold democracy. 

Thailand is part of the globalized societies. Thus, it cannot avoid 

having any connection with democracy and must seek to consolidate our 

democracy. 

There is another criticism on the democratic system that must be 

mentioned, that is, corruption by politicians. Corruption is a problem in 

every political system. Certainly, switching from democracy to other 

regime will not solve corruption problems and even switching from 

elected MPs to appointed MPs will not solve the problems either. Many 

studies, including studies conducted by the research team at 

Chulalongkorn University where I am also a member, discovered that 

democracy is the best means to mitigate corruption. This is because legal 

frameworks and institutions can be developed to deal with such 

problems, particularly checks and balances system and reform of judicial 

processes. Mr. Rakkiat, Mr. Wattana and Kamnan Poh who used to be an 

63


influential person were prosecuted on corruption charges and sentenced 

to imprisonment under the frameworks of the 1997 Constitution. 

The outcome of political conflicts that culminated in protests 

against populist policies of Thaksin’s administration and opposition 

against Pol.Col. Thaksin and political parties linked to him has 

exacerbated and turned into numerous violent protests has convinced a 

number of middle-class people to renounce the democratic parliamentary 

system under one man, one vote principle which applies to election of 

members of parliament and demand an increased number of appointed 

MPs and senators. However, this proposal seems to wither away because 

more and more people oppose this idea. I hope my speech today may 

help shed light on this matter. 

Once we can agree and decide that we should uphold a universal 

democratic parliamentary system, we will be able to find ways to make 

this system function effectively in Thailand. 

However, we must keep two things in mind. First, we cannot 

possibly shape up democracy overnight but we have to go through the 

process of learning by doing and apply our cumulative learning from 

experiences to improve basic institutions along the way. It may be done 

through trial and error. That’s alright. Continuity of the system is critical 

in this respect because it has positive reinforcement on the process of 

learning by doing. Therefore, we must make the best effort to prevent a 

military coup. 

We must have an acceptable fair society, so we can have a peaceful 

society. A political system that consists of a parliamentary system and 

constitution that guarantees basic rights and liberties and sets out rules of 

political gambits will provide us the best opportunities to achieve this 

goal.

References 

In Thai 


Kobsak Phutrakoon and Anan Serichethapong (2007). “Survival of 

the Social Security System of Thailand: Reform Approaches towards 

Sustainability,” Paper presented at the annual symposium of the Bank of 

Thailand in 2007. 

Duangmanee Laowakun and associates (2009). Research study 

entitled “Fiscal Policies and Measures to Achieve Income Equality, 

presented to the Income Distribution Committee of the National 

Economic and Social Development Board by the Economic Academic 

Services Center, Faculty of Economics, Thammasat University. 

TDRI (Thailand Development Research Institute) (2003), “Income 

Distribution and Poverty: Problems and Remedial Measures,” Bangkok. 

TDRI (Thailand Development Research Institute) (1999). 

“Allocation of Fiscal and Tax Burdens and Benefits of Thailand During 

1986-1996,” Bangkok. 

Kobsak Phutrakoon and Anan Serichethapong (2007). “Survival of 

the Social Security System of Thailand: Reform Approaches towards 

Sustainability,” Paper presented at the annual symposium of the Bank of 

Thailand in 2007. 

Thanasai Fakfaipon (1994). “Current Problems of Personal Income 

Tax Collection in Thailand,” Thesis, Faculty of Economic Development, 

National Institute of Development Administration. 

Netnapha Wailertsak (2006). “Thai Capital Groups - Business 

Families Before and After 1997 Crisis,” A research study funded by the 

Office of Thailand Research Fund, Bangkok: Brand Age books. 

Bavornsak Uwanno (2009). “Roles of Media and Political Reform,” 

King Prajadhipok’s Institute, Bangkok. 

65


Pranee Thinnakorn (2002). “Income Distribution Disparity During 

the Era of Country’s Development 1961-2001,” presented at the 25th 

Annual Symposium ‘Five Decades under National Economic and Social 

Development Plans of Thailand,’ Faculty of Economics, Thammasat 

University, 12 June 2002. 

Preecha Wathanyu (2001). Support document distributed at the 

event ‘Land Reform by Communities,’ held by the civic action group for 

sustainable rectification of poverty problems during 17-19 November 

2005 at the land reform area of Ban Pong community, Moo 2, Mae Fak 

sub-district, Sansai district, Chiang Mai. 

Pichit Likitkitsomboon (1986). “Taxes and Duties and Income 

Distribution of Thai Households in 1981,” Thammasat Economics 

Journal 4(2): 131-157. 

Methee Krongkaew (1979). “Impacts of Fiscal System on Income 

Distribution of Thailand,” Research report no. 15, Bangkok. Faculty of 

Economics, Thammasat University. 

Wit Tantayakun (1977). “Taxes and Duties and Economic 

Inequality,” Bangkok: Personal research, National Defence College of 


Wiboonlak Ruamrak (1983). “Impacts of Fiscal Policy on Income 

Distribution in Bangkok Metropolitan During 1972-1976, Graduate 

thesis, Kasetsart University. 

Supree Somboon (2005). “Tax Structure and Income Distribution 

of Thailand - Case Study: Personal Income Tax,” Graduate thesis, Faculty 

of Economic Development, National Institute of Development 

Administration. 

Supreeya Cholaweerawong (1981). “Impacts of Personal Income 

Tax Collection of Thailand,” Graduate thesis, Faculty of Economics, 

Thammasat University.

In English 


Chai-Anan Samuudavanija (1982). The Thai Young Turks, 

Singapore : ISEAS. 

Chambers, Paul (2009). ‘U-Turn to the Past The Resurgence of the 

Military in Contemporary Thailand, paper presented at a public forum 

on the military in Thai politics, organized by ISIS, Chulalongkorn 

University, September 1. 

Falkus, Malcolm (1999 a). ‘Income Inequality and Uncertain 

Democracy in Thailand’, in Ryoshin Miami, Kwan S. Kim and Malcolm 

Falkus (eds.) Growth, Distribution and Political Change in Asia and the 

Wider World, Palgrave, MacMillan, pp.114-142. 

Falkus, Malcolm (1999 b). ‘Reflections and Retrospect’, in Ryoshim 

Miami, Kwan S. Kim and Malcolm Falus (eds.) Growth, Distribution 

and Political Change in Asia and the Wider World, Palgrave, MacMilan, 

pp. 114-142. 

Kuznetss, S. (1955). ‘Economic Growth and Income Inequality’, 

American Economic Review, 45, 1, March, pp. 1-28. 

Medhi Khrongkaew (1975). ‘The Income Distributional Effects of 

Taxes and Public Expenditures in Thailand : An Intertemporal Study’ 

(Dissertation). Michigan State University, East Lansing. 

Nuar Lekfuangfu (2009). ‘Performance or Power : A Study on 

Remunerations of Executives of SET-Listed Companies in Thailand’, 

A research proposal for the project ‘Towards and More Equitable 

Thailand : A Study of Wealth, Power, and Reform,’ funded by the TRF, 

Chulalongkorn University and the Bureau of Higher Education, 

presented at a workshop to discuss the proposal, at the Faculty of 

Economics, Chulalongkorn University, May 12, 2009. 

Pan Aphinanaphibut (2009). ‘Fiscal reform for Greater Equity’, 

A research proposal for the project ‘Towards a More Equitable Thailand: 

A Study of Wealth, Power, and Reform,’ funded by the TRF, Chulalongkorn 

University and the Bureau of Higher Education, presented at a workshop 

67


to discuss the proposal, at the Faculty of Economics, Chulalongkorn 

University, May 12, 2009. 

Pranee Tinakorn (1995). ‘Industrialization Welfare : How Poverty 

and Income Distribution are Affected’, in Medhi Krongkaew (ed.) 

Thailand’s Industrialization and Its Consequences, London, Macmillan. 

Riggs, F.W. (1966). Thailand : The Modernization of a Democratic 

Policy, Honolulu : East-West Centre Press. 

Ryoshin Miami, Kwan S. Kim and Malcom Falkus, eds. (1999). 

Growth, Distribution and Political Change in Asia and the Wider World, 

Palgrave, MacMillan. 

Son, Hyun Hwa (n.d.). ‘Is Thailand’s Fiscal System Pro-Poor? : 

Looking from Income and Expenditure Components’, Mimeo. The 

World Bank. 

Warr, P.G. (2003). ‘Fiscal Policies and Poverty Incidence : The Case 

of Thailand’, Asian Economic Journal, Vol. 17, No. 11. 

Warr, P.G. and Archanun Kohpaiboon (2007). Distortions to 

Agricultural Incentives in a Food Exporting Country : Thailand. 

Mimeographed. 

Wilkinson, Richard and Kate Pickett (2009). The Spirit Level : 

Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better, Allen Lane an 

imprint of Penguin Books.

Origin of Public Policies 

Nithi Eawsriwong 


It’s been said that politicians formulate 

policies and policy administration is run 

by state mechanisms such as government 

employees and so on. 

But where do policies formulated by 

politicians come from? Surprisingly, in a 

modern democracy, public policies rarely 

come from people through elections, except 

some immediate problems like “Should the 

U.S. pull troops out of Iraq?” 

Crucial policies that affect the lives of 

most people are not formulated through 

elections because platforms of various 

political parties are not that different, but 

people are the ones who formulate or engage 

in the formulation of public policies through 

social movements. Such movements may be 

done through media (independent) which 

must be rather highly sensitive to opinions of 

audiences or other forms of movements. 

69


A state like Thailand that is not opened up to media freedom or 

social movements of different groups implicitly bars the general public 

from getting involved in the formulation of public policies. 

If that’s the case, where does a public policy in Thailand originate 

from? 

One way is from politicians who hold an administrative position, 

especially right after assuming a position and before being lobbied by 

government departments under his or her command, technocrats or 

capitalist groups and businesses. 

For example, solving cost of living increase problems by using 

satang coins which were implemented by other prime ministers in the 

past or putting a lid on salary increase of government employees (around 

five million people) because the news could tempt retailers to hike retail 

prices ahead of time. 

We can’t deny it. Psychology is a factor in the determination of 

product prices. However, there is a factor that is more powerful than 

psychology, that is, demand-supply in rudimentary economics. If 

demand-supply fails to function or does not fully function, it means free 

competition does not exist in the market. Therefore, we must rectify this 

to prevent monopoly or circumvention practices (compulsory licensing 

(CL) of drug products partially undermines monopoly and 

circumvention practices). Otherwise, non-production costs (e.g. different 

types of rent) will be incurred or costs may arise from production, 

distribution or transportation inefficiencies. The state needs to raise 

efficiency by providing incentives or putting up obstacles to prevent 

inefficient production. 

Similarly, the idea to cap cooking gas price by taking subsidy from 

the oil fund (or setting aside a separate budget) also points towards the 

same direction, that is, trying to rid of consumers from the demandsupply 

rule. Many past lessons have revealed only major and minor 

failures along the way.


Actually, it’s not surprising at all to hear that these policies come 

from politicians who just came into the offices. The guy just learned that 

he would be installed as a minister of a certain ministry no more than a 

week before assuming the position. So, what policy will he put out? 

When he considers the platforms of various parties, there are no concrete 

goals that he could play with. That’s why policies during early days in 

office are so pathetic like that. Most policies will be discarded as time 

passes, except some politicians who behave absurdly forever like none 

other than Mr. Banharn Silapa-archa (perhaps Mr. Samak Sundaravej 

too). 

However, politicians are just an ordinary Thai person who belongs 

to the middle class just like us all. So, they simply adopt some common 

senses from the society and they struck gold, exclaiming eureka…this is 

the policy. Then, this sort of policies would be announced upon 

assuming ministerial positions. For example, construct a dam (without 

having to conduct any study), irrigate water (without having to conduct 

any study), pump cash into the system to stimulate spending (without 

having to study cash-pumping schemes to ensure that the money flows 

right to the real spenders), fight narcotics (without studying other 

implications from narcotic suppression, rather than staging a “drug 

war”), grow eucalyptus trees, use GMO plants, use nuclear energy and so 

forth. 

Many of these policies accord with the interests of some groups. 

These people have publicized these policies for a long time, so such 

policies would be well received by government officials, technocrats, 

media and, of course, by businesses that would be benefited directly from 

the projects. 

Moreover, these policies may be rather long-lived because some 

social bases support them, sparking debates in the society (not freely and 

impartially). Eventually, some policies got through and implemented. 

Some policies were put in a drawer, waiting for politicians who will 

assume positions in the next administration. 

71


The second way of how public policies in Thailand are formed is 

through pressure (gently but with stern face) of interest groups backed by 

capitalist groups and businesses, including numerous business 

associations, brokers of the stock market, stock exchange board, major 

stock investors, some university scholars who have some shared interests 

with the above groups. Moreover, the stuff considered academic in 

Thailand merely rests on secular views of the above groups. So, no matter 

whether academics are a hired shooter or not a hired shooter, most of 

them will shoot in the same directions or their shots will be cluttered 

together. 

This pressure may be considered forceful. Despite the fact that this 

pressure may not be based on a comprehensive study, shining “scholar’s 

aura” is there. Thus, it has a great influence on media and audiences, let 

alone financial connection between these groups and politicians in every 

party. So, this pressure becomes the most vital factor in the formulation 

of public policies. At the least, if these policies are not opposed by these 

groups, they will likely be implemented. 

The third way of how public policies are formed is through the 

monarchy. Due to a special status of this institution in the Thai society, 

the king’s opinions greatly influence the formulation of public policies. 

(That’s all I want to write about this because that’s all the courage I have) 

The fourth way of how public policies are formed is through 

middle-class people, who are the most important customers of all types 

of media because of high purchasing power that can make the media 

profitable. Actually, these people don’t have much shared interests, except 

some basic necessities. So, this is the group of people that have power to 

influence public policies to a certain extent. Since politicians typically 

seek popularity among voters, there is a tendency that they will propose 

policies to appease middle classes, for example, capping cooking gas 

price, taking money from benzene to subsidize diesel prices, reducing bus 

fare, building expressway, reducing expressway toll fee, increasing 

deductibles for personal income tax and so forth.


Even though this group of people seems powerful, in reality they are 

not that powerful after all because it is splintered into numerous small 

interest groups. More importantly, interest groups of these people have 

never been able to form their own organizations in order to actively study 

and push for policy implementation. Moreover, they have failed to reach 

out to the media that offer policy alternatives. (For example, in many 

cases, reduction of pollution in production can reduce more production 

costs as well. So, the middle-class fear being out of job more than ruining 

their lungs because they never knew that work and healthy lung can coexist.) 

When the truth unfolds, these people have no power to influence 

public policies and they can neither develop a policy themselves nor 

participate in the formulation with promising results. The only thing 

they have left is clamor. If they blared loudly, they would get some 

attention but if they just complained quietly, they could vent their 

frustration because they could feel relieved after making some noise. 

The fifth way of how public policies are formed is through what 

politicians call “NGOs.” In reality, NGOs today are even more wimpy 

(especially when comparing to Jon Ungphakorn who chairs Kor.Por. 

Or.Phor.Chor.) because presently NGOs are acting like bureaucrats 

working in another department. Their main goal is to keep subsidized 

projects running more than anything in the whole world, let alone nasty 

fighting among themselves over shares of the pie. 

As for the group of people that actively engage in the formulation of 

public policies, I’d like to call them “activists.” Some people or some 

groups may also be NGOs (like Archarn Jon mentioned above). These 

people do not have civic “bases” anywhere. Since they do not perform 

some sort of social welfare works like NGOs, they must create civic 

“bases” from the policies that they support by advocating these policies 

through the media by networking with activist groups in the civic sector 

(which are used to partially contribute to the formulation or 

modification of public policies supported by them) or directly joining the 

civic sector’s movements, provided that such movements correspond to 

their public policies. 

73


No matter whether it is intentional or not, works done by activist 

groups bestow “political power” on the people, which are considered a 

key to any movement. Sometimes political power may be greater than 

the civic sector’s opposition against some projects. 

Over the past 10-20 years, as the results have shown, social 

movements of the civic sector have been more vibrant and vigorous. 

First, judging from the frequency. Second, activist groups within the civic 

sector have created allied networks that are interlinked. Third, the 

interests of activist groups of the civic sector have been extended to other 

matters which are not immediate problems they’re facing (such as joining 

protests led by the People’s Alliance for Democracy and the rival group). 

The power of the civic sector has grown stronger to the level which 

politicians must put up a “challenge” every time whenever they pushed 

for adoption of any of their own policies. This demonstrates that 

politicians are conscious of the civic sector’s power, which in one era, 

they could care less about them. 

These five factors play some roles in the formulation of public 

policies, more or less, no matter whether governments came from an 

election or were installed by a military coup. All these five factors 

combined are still considered a minority of Thai population. Therefore, 

robustness of democratic values is judged by this measure, and as long as 

spaces for social movements are not wide-opened for the majority of the 

people, this will as far as democratization of Thailand will go. 

Constitution drafters who have to work again in the near future – 

whether under a military junta or an elected government – please be 

aware.


Conflicts, Legitimacy, and Government 

Reform: The Role of Civic Education 

Richard A. Nuccio, Ph.D. 

Director Civitas International Programs 

The Revolution was not fought to deliver paradise, 

but to liberate us from hell. 

-Attributed to Joaquin Villalobos, 

f o r m e r s e n i o r m i l i t a r y c o m m a n d e r 

Farabundo Marti Liberation Front (FMLN), 

El Salvador 

Introduction 

The objectives posed for Thai society by 

this KPI conference are important ones, 

which have motivated, and eluded, human 

beings since we began to organize ourselves 

into complex political arrangements. Can a 

society pursue the objectives of equity 

through peace and harmony? In societies 

marked by deep historical, social, and ethnic 

divisions is there a way to promote social 

justice that does not destroy the fabric 

holding society together? 

Recent Thai history, and the “Principle 

and Rationale” guilding this conference, 

75


suggest that the experiment in governance being conducted by 

Thailand’s political leadership is not achieving all that its authors would 

hope. The “Rationale” cites, among other disturbing signs in recent 

Thai political history, clashes between groups with opposing political 

views, unrest, loss of life, polarization, and battles between different 

levels of government. The “Rationale” further states that these visible 

conflicts cover an even deeper set of systemic problems including 

corruption, misconduct of public officials, unfair allocation of resources, 

unequal access to educational opportunities, elections influenced by 

patronage, and military intervention. 

If, as is often said about addictions, the first step toward recovery is 

recognizing that one has a problem, the long list of problems contained 

in this “Rationale” suggests that Thailand is ready to undertake the 

difficult “Treatment” required to become a full and vibrant democracy. 

As the recent global financial crisis has reaffirmed, we in the United 

States should be very careful about pretending to have lessons to teach 

others, whether in economics or politics. Our own failures to address 

systemic weaknesses in our financial structures have brought untold 

suffering to millions of unemployed Americans struggling and, in many 

cases, loosing their battle to keep their homes and families safe. Our 

failures because of the global influence of the U.S. economy have 

inflicted life threatening hardship on countless others around the world. 

Fortunately, we had a democratic system capable of responding 

quickly to these failures through the alternation in power of an 

opposition political party. However, despite the hope that President 

Obama has brought to the United States and, if the Nobel prize 

committee is to be believed, to the rest of the world, the jury is still out 

on whether we can address the political failures that led to the financial 

failures: the corrosive influence of money on our political system, the 

dominance of political decision-making by well-organized lobbies and 

influence peddlers, and the undermining of the government’s 

competence and capacity to regulate in the public interest the 

functioning of the private market economy.


I speak about these matters as a former college professor of political 

science, but also as someone with certain government experiences. 

I worked for several years as a staff member of the House of 

Representatives’ Foreign Affairs committee and as the senior foreign 

policy adviser to a US Senator. I learned, often to my horror, how the 

legislative process really works, in contrast with the neat and tidy 

textbooks I had studied in graduate school. I saw personally how often 

elected representatives’ decisions are based on no or fragmentary 

information and the power that unelected staff professionals have in 

shaping what does or doesn’t get done in Washington. I crossed over to 

the “other side” and worked for four years as a member of the Clinton 

Administration at the Department of State and the White House. I saw 

from the perspective of the executive branch how comparatively “easy” 

it was to pass laws that were never executed and how difficult governing 

according to principles could be. I saw great political courage, but more 

often striking political weakness when decisions were made to advance 

the political ambitions of a person or a party at the expense of the 

national interest. 

I reflect on these experiences now from the distant shores of 

California. I often joke to friends still gripped by “Potomac Fever” that 

I have “given up” on adults and now work with children in my role as 

director of international programs at the Center for Civic Education. 

Like many factitious comments this one contains a grain of truth: young 

people are the final hope of all societies, including mine, and we risk the 

future and squander the present if we do not invest in doing the best we 

can for them now. 

I appear on this podium I am sure not because of this background 

or the expectation that I will offer some profound insights on the 

questions posed by the “Rationale.” Rather I suspect it is because I have 

the privilege of working with KPI in an effort to deliver on the promise 

all generations make to their young: to leave our children a world that is 

a better place than we found it. This is a very easy thing to say and a very 

difficult thing to accomplish. But together KPI and CCE are doing our 

best to fulfill this promise of each generation to the next. 

77


The work we at CCE and KPI are doing together does I believe 

offer some hope and guidance as to how to address the important 

questions posed by the “Rationale.” For that reason I would like to tell 

you a little more about the mission of civic education as we define it at 

the Center for Civic Education and the worldwide network of 

individuals and institutions with which we are privileged to work around 

the world. Finally, I will return to work being done by KPI to prepare 

young people to contribute to a Thai society that is just and democratic. 

Civic Education: 

The Primary Mission of All Education 

The education of young people to assume their responsibilities as 

citizens in a democratic society should be the central mission of schools. 

For many contemporary educators this assertion may appear debatable 

in first part of the 21 st century, but it would not have been for most of 

the history of the public education system in the United States. The 

primary impetus for establishing public schools in the United States was 

to educate a diverse American population into a literate and informed 

citizenry. Our public school system was established in order to make 

Americans one people, or as it says on the Great Seal of the United States 

printed on the back of each dollar bill, E Pluribus Unum, Out of Many, 

One. 

In his farewell address, our first President, George Washington, 

argued for the creation of “institutions for the general diffusion of 

knowledge” and made a classic argument for investing in education in a 

democratic society. These were his words: “In proportion as the 

structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential 

that public opinion should be enlightened.” 

Let me put his words in more contemporary English for the sake of 

translation. Washington was arguing that if the voice of the people is to 

be given significant weight in government then the people must be 

educated to play an enlightened and responsible role. The development 

of the American public school system in the 19 th century was based on


this vision that all education had civic purposes and that every teacher 

was a civics teacher. Evidence of the centrality of that vision to our 

school system is the fact that 40 of our 50 state constitutions underline 

the importance of civic literacy; 13 state constitutions identify the 

central purpose of their educational system as promoting good 

citizenship, democracy, and free government. 1 

The origin of the U.S. public school system in the search for civic 

literacy and virtue contrasts with the diverse missions our school systems 

identify as central today. Those missions include preparing students to be 

good economic units in an industrial production process; making 

students “happy” and “well-rounded;” preparing them to compete 

with other nations in science and math to ensure our technological and 

military superiority; and many others. Instead of occupying a central role 

in schools, civic education is relegated to the fringes of the educational 

curriculum, if it is included at all. 

On May 16, 2007, the latest National Assessment of Educational 

Progress (NAEP) Civics Report Card was issued. In the words of the 

Center for Civic Education’s Executive Director, Charles N. Quigley, the 

NAEP study. 

…is a confirmation of the neglect that many professionals in the 

field of civic education have known about for many years: that the vast 

majority of our young people are either not taught civics and government 

at all, or they are taught too little, too late, and inadequately. The results 

confirm the fact that the past several decades of educational policy and 

practice have focused more and more on developing the worker at the 

expense of the citizen. These findings are grounds for concern, and they 

call for a national response to remedy a serious deficiency in the 

education of American citizens. 2 

1 The Civic Mission of the Schools, Carnegie Corporation of New York and CIRCLE, 

The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Education, 2003. 

2 Charles N. Quigley, Executive Director, Center for Civic Education, “Response to 

the May 16, 2007, Release of the 2006 National Assessment of Educational Progress 

Civics Report Card” Center for Civic Education, May 16, 2007 

79


Those of us who are advocates for the centrality of civic education 

in schools believe that there is a relationship between the drift of civic 

education to the periphery of our schools’ curriculum and the declining 

health of our democracy. Unfortunately, there are many signs of ill 

health in our democratic society. Increasing numbers of Americans are 

disengaged from civic and political institutions such as voluntary 

associations, religious congregations, community-based organizations, 

and political and electoral activities such as voting and being informed 

about public issues. Young people embody these trends and are less likely 

to vote and less interested in political discussion and public issues than 

either their older counterparts or young people of past decades. 

As an advocate for civic education I believe that citizenship must be 

learned and can be taught. For me and for the Center for Civic 

Education the restoration of a vibrant democratic society in the United 

States must focus on the school-based education of young people in the 

skills, knowledge, and attitudes that prepare them to be competent and 

responsible citizens. That is a task in which we have been engaged in the 

United States for some 40 years. What we have learned during that time 

is that the defects of traditional civic education, which allowed it to be so 

easily driven from prominence in the school curriculum, must be 

corrected if we are to restore civic education to its rightful place. 

A new model of civic education must place the student at the center 

of the learning process. It must use good curriculum materials that 

encourage critical thinking, teamwork, and interaction with classmates, 

teachers, parents, and the community. Teachers must receive high quality 

training in the use of materials and in how to collaborate with students 

in their own education. 

Descriptions of Project Citizen 

and Foundations of Democracy 

Project Citizen, one of the Center’s signature curriculum materials, 

reflects this improved model of civic education. It is used in more than 

70 countries and is the Center’s most widely adapted and implemented


curriculum. Project Citizen equips students with the knowledge, 

attitudes, and skills required for competent and responsible participation 

in the political life of their communities. It engages students in a series of 

structured, cooperative learning activities guided by teachers and adult 

volunteers. 

Project Citizen has been recognized as a model community service 

program. An independent assessment of civic education programs 

funded by USAID from 1990 through 2000 found that Project Citizen 

had many of the characteristics of the most effective civic education 

programs. “It is highly participatory, it relates to issues that affect the 

participants in their daily lives, it produces tangible as well as 

intangible results, and it is firmly rooted in the community in which 

it takes place.” 3 The author also notes that the program provides 

students with a variety of research and communication skills that inform 

their participation, teach consensus-building and teamwork, and 

enhance their sense of efficacy as community members. 

Working in teams, students learn to interact with their government 

and community leaders through a five-step process that entails: 

(1) identifying a public policy problem in their community; 

(2) gathering and evaluating information about the problem; 

(3) examining and evaluating alternative solutions; (4) selecting and 

developing a public policy proposal to address the problem; and 

(5) developing an action plan to bring their proposed solution to 

authorities with the power to implement it. 

Project Citizen typically culminates with a simulated public hearing. 

Students’ work is displayed in a class portfolio containing a display 

section and documentation section. Students present their proposals to 

panels of representatives of their community, often including 

representatives of governmental agencies and civil society organizations. 

As many as 50% of Project Citizen classes worldwide implement their 

action plans and approximately 20% are implemented by governments. 

3 Franca Brilliant, “Civic Education Assessment—Stage II. Civic Education 

Programming Since 1990—A Case Study Analysis.” A Report for the U.S. Agency for 

International Development by Management Systems International. 2000, p. 38. 

81


Project Citizen was designed initially to respond to a perceived need 

for greater knowledge of local government in the United States. It also 

reflected a concern that by focusing on national governmental 

institutions other curricula ignored the decentralized nature of American 

society and governmental authority. Students needed to understand their 

local governments better and to develop the skills necessary to interact 

with local authorities. 

For a program that was developed initially for an American context, 

Project Citizen has proven remarkably adaptable to other cultures. It has 

been introduced as a curriculum to some 70 countries and is being 

actively implemented in more than 60 on every inhabited continent. 

Although it flourishes in fully democratic societies, it has been adopted 

and is being used in many “hybrid” societies in which authoritarian 

governmental institutions and political cultures coexist with 

modernizing and reformist structures. 

Foundations of Democracy is a K-12 curricular program based on 

concepts fundamental to an understanding of politics and government, 

such as authority, privacy, responsibility, and justice. This multidisciplinary 

program draws upon such fields as political philosophy, 

political science, law, history, literature, and environmental studies to 

promote understanding, civic competence and responsible democratic 

citizenship. 

The Authority curriculum helps students (1) distinguish between 

authority and power, (2) examine different sources of authority, 

(3) use reasonable criteria for selecting people for positions of 

authority and for evaluating rules and laws, (4) analyze the 

benefits and costs of authority, and (5) evaluate, take, and defend 

positions on the proper scope and limits of authority. 

The Privacy curriculum helps students (1) understand the 

importance of privacy in a free society, (2) analyze the benefits 

and costs of privacy, and (3) evaluate, take, and defend positions 

on the proper scope and limits of privacy.


The Responsibility curriculum helps students (1) understand the 

importance of responsibility in a free society, (2) analyze the 

benefits and costs of responsibility, (3) evaluate, take, and defend 

positions on how conflicts among competing responsibilities 

should be resolved, and (4) evaluate, take, and defend positions 

on personal responsibility. 

The Justice curriculum helps students (1) understand and apply 

the basic principles of justice set forth in fundamental documents 

of democratic political and legal systems, (2) evaluate, take, and 

defend positions on the fair distribution of the benefits and 

burdens of society, on fair responses to remedy wrongs and 

injuries, and on fair procedures for gathering information and 

making decisions. 

A brief review of the adoption of the Center’s civic education 

programs region by region may help to explain why they have become 

such powerful tools for change. 4 

Central and Eastern Europe. The Center’s programs and Project 

Citizen in particular were promoted internationally by the Clinton 

Administration’s foreign policy as a way to respond to the emergence of 

numerous countries into democratic practice after the disintegration of 

the Soviet Union. It fit into the existing school curriculum easily because 

countries such as Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and 

the Baltic states had “gaps” in their curricula that previously were filled 

by courses on Marxism-Leninism. Clearly, that subject matter was 

irrelevant to newly emerging democracies. Project Citizen served as a 

4 It should be noted that the Center for Civic Education does not view adoption of 

Project Citizen or Foundations materials as a substitute for the development of a 

national curriculum by a country’s educational system. Rather PC and Foundations can 

help to initiate a reform of civic education that could take many years and significant 

financing to complete. A fuller discussion of the strategy pursued by the Center 

domestically and internationally can be found in a publication available on the Center’s 

web site entitled, “Guidelines for Country Coordinators in the Development of Plans to 

Promote the Sustainability/Institutionalization of Comprehensive Civic Education 

Programs in a Nation’s Schools,” Center for Civic Education, May 2007. 

83


rapid response to the need to establish a curriculum based on democratic 

values and practices. 

In many societies, including the United States, civic education is 

contaminated by its association with traditional approaches to 

citizenship education that emphasize rote learning of national symbols 

and passive acceptance of governmental authority. Clearly, this could 

have been a problem for courses inserted into a space in the curriculum 

previously occupied by a discredited ideology imposed by an occupying 

power. However, Project Citizen because of its focus on the involvement 

and creativity of students in the learning process met with enthusiastic 

response on the part of most teachers and students. It did not “preach” 

democratic values, but rather showed students, teachers, parents, and the 

broader school and community how these values could be practiced to 

solve problems of significance to the students. 

Latin America and the Caribbean. The Latin American and 

Caribbean region was another area experiencing a wave of democratic 

values and practices in the 1990s. In this case the region had not been 

subjected to an external ideology, but was emerging from years of 

military dictatorship, authoritarian rule, and civil war. Although 

democracy had long been a part of Latin America’s philosophical 

tradition and its constitutions and formal institutions sometimes aped 

Anglo Saxon models, practical politics often departed substantially from 

democratic ideals. Deep social and economic inequalities, lack of literacy 

and formal schooling, and a tradition of corruption by pubic figures all 

contributed to an extremely weak democratic political culture. Project 

Citizen did not find gaps in an existing curriculum that it could readily 

fill. Rather its appeal seems to have been due to the need to provide 

concrete examples of the practical advantages of democracy. 

The Project Citizen curriculum faced problems in Latin America 

shared with many other cultures in which the language itself cannot 

easily express the concept of authoritative decisions taken by public 

institutions that affect significant numbers of people; what we call 

“public policy” in the English language. Neither Spanish, Portuguese,


nor French, the most widely used languages in the region, distinguish 

between “politics” (the tactics and strategy of amassing and using 

power) and “public policy” (debating, creating, and implementing 

decisions that affect the public) and often require use of an English 

phrase or an extended definition to explain the concept. The region also 

does not have a tradition of drawing clear distinctions between the 

public and private spheres of life, another factor making explanation of 

public policy issues difficult. Project Citizen has, however, been able to 

overcome these obstacles and is used in more than 14 countries 

throughout the region. 

Middle East and North Africa. Civic education in the MENA 

region has its origin in a Civic Education conference held at the Dead 

Sea, Jordan in 2003 where civic educators from a number of Arab 

countries pledged their support for a regional network to promote civic 

awareness of Arab persons and their aspirations in such a way that they 

will become active citizens who are aware of their rights and 

responsibilities and those of others. 

From an initial three countries, Egypt, Jordan, and occupied 

territories of the West Bank and Gaza, civic education in the Arab world 

has grown to include Morocco, Lebanon, Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, 

Bahrain, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman, Kuwait, and the UAE. 

There are in general terms three levels of progress among the Arab 

countries. Jordan and Morocco have extensive national programs and 

broad support from educational authorities at the regional and national 

level. Lebanon, Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, and Algeria had had successful 

pilots of either Project Citizen and/or Foundations of Democracy and are 

working to develop national implementation of their activities. The 

remaining countries have introduced successfully Project Citizen or 

Foundations materials into selected schools. 

As in other parts of the world, the Center’s MENA programs attract 

a talented group of reformers from backgrounds in journalism and civil 

society as well as the education field. They share common goals of 

wishing to improve the democratic participation of young people in 

85


their national life. The World Congress brings together civic educators 

from around the world who work with Center materials to share best 

practices and motivate each other to even greater achievements. 

Africa. African independence brought with it a wave of optimism 

and experiments in democratic rule that did not often endure. African 

schools usually reflected the repressive patterns of behavior practiced in 

the wider culture. Literacy levels are low and delivery of basic 

government services, including education, weak. Still, the Center’s 

programs have found an enthusiastic audience in many African countries 

including Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Malawi, Mauritius, and others. 

Africa is one of only two regions that have so far held regional Project 

Citizen showcases. 

Asia. The wide acceptance of Project Citizen throughout some of 

the most populous states of Asia provides one answer to the question of 

whether Asian “culture” is not suited to the theory and practice of 

“Western” liberal democracy. In only four years Project Citizen has 

grown from a limited pilot program to one that is used by nearly a 

million students in China and India. These two countries present quite 

different contexts for the introduction of civic education curricula. 

China has made a successful transition to a market economy within a 

formally Communist political system. Marxism-Leninism remains a 

formal part of the school curriculum, but is widely seen as anachronistic 

and irrelevant to the future direction of the country. School authorities 

at the provincial level, where most educational decisions are made and 

funded in China, are concerned that they may be raising a generation of 

children who reject the formal citizenship and value education they 

receive, but receive no alternative within the educational system. Project 

Citizen, used as an extracurricular subject, does not challenge the existing 

civic education structure directly, but offers a modern, engaging, and 

substantive alternative to it. At a recent training of teachers for a pilot 

Project Citizen program in a province of more than 80 million 

inhabitants, the number two educational official for the province 

admonished the teachers to take their training seriously as “what you are 

doing today will prepare our students to make the next important


transition for China from an authoritarian system to one based on 

democracy and the respect for human rights.” 5 

India, the world’s largest democracy, has no fear of vibrant debate 

or expressions of public opinion. However, the size of its enormous 

political system and wide disparities of income and opportunity give few 

Indian children experience in grassroots democracy. Indian educators 

were skeptical initially that the United States had much to offer to India 

in the field of democracy education. However, when they saw Project 

Citizen’s implementation in neighboring countries such as Malaysia they 

recognized its potential contribution to Indian students. Project Citizen 

has spread there from pilot projects in eleven schools to hundreds of 

schools throughout the country. Most recently, the Jawahar Navodaya 

Vidyalaya (JNV) schools, founded by assassinated former Prime 

Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, have adopted it. The JNV schools are free 

academies with the mission of providing a good quality, modern 

education to talented children predominantly from rural areas. Many of 

the children are the first in their families to attend school. 

Our work with KPI in Thailand aims to increase civic and political 

participation, and to strengthen tolerance and respect for human rights 

and the rule of law among young people. We have used the Project 

Citizen curriculum I mentioned earlier for several years and are just about 

to introduce the Foundations curriculum widely in Thai schools. 

A program initially focused largely on Bangkok and larger cities is now 

becoming truly national in scope and has held very successful trainings 

and showcases in the South and Deep South. I’m very pleased that I will 

have the opportunity to travel Sunday to Songkla for the first time and 

see the great work being done there first hand. Tolerance is a core value 

of the democratic principles and practices contained in our materials and 

a special emphasis of KPI’s programs in the South and Deep South. 

We are also encouraged by an insightful decision by Dr. Borwornsak 

to include Project Citizen as an integral part of the training provided to 

5 Recorded by the author at a training session in October 2006. Unfortunately, the 

name and location of the official cannot be provided without some risk. 

87


participants in Political Development Council (PDC) activities. As you 

know, the PDC aims to empower the Thai people through the 

promotion of their participation in decision–making on public policies. 

In July and August 2009, a total of 486 civic leaders representing all 76 

provinces of Thailand participated in a PDC grantee-training program. 

These local civic leaders will use the Project Citizen methodology to help 

identify public policy problems in their community. 

In the relatively short period since the first pilots were begun in 

Thailand some five years ago, thousands of students are participating in 

Project Citizen and soon in Foundations. They are identifying problems in 

their communities, challenging their teachers and pubic officials to live 

up to their responsibilities, and linking in solidarity their activities in the 

classroom, with their schools, families, communities, and local 

governments. 

We at the Center have been overwhelmed by the positive response 

of Thailand to our programs. On behalf of the Center and of our 

executive director, Chuck Quigley, thank you for inviting the Center to 

work with you. We look forward to a long and productive relationship.


Equitable Allocation of Resources, 

Governance and Reform: Introducing 

IDG-Net 

Kathleen Lauder 

Introduction 

This paper defines ‘enhancing equitable 

allocation of resources’ and 

assesses the extent to which it has 

been realized both within and across countries. 

The paper then defines ‘governance’, its actors 

and principles. It argues that equitable 

allocation of resources is fundamentally 

linked to good governance. The paper then 

examines how ‘good governance’ and by 

association ‘equitable allocation of resources’ 

can be enhanced. It looks at approaches to 

enhancing the various actors involved in 

good governance and the relationships 

among those actors. The paper argues that a 

compelling approach to strengthening 

governance is through partnerships and 

networks. The paper concludes by sharing 

information on a new network called 

Institutions of Democratic Governance 

Network (IDG-Net). With support from the 

89


Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) IDG-Net is being 

spearheaded by the Institute On Governance, in partnership with the 

Institute of Governance Studies (IGS) in Bangladesh and the Centre for 

Good Governance (CGG) in India. IDG-Net is put forward as one 

model through which good governance, and equitable allocation of 

resources, could be enhanced. 

Defining and Assessing Equitable 

Allocation of Resources 

In defining ‘equitable allocation of resources’ it is helpful to review 

the definition of equity from the 2006 World Development Report: 

Equity means that the resources which are being distributed to the 

people are distributed in a way that results in individuals having equal 

opportunities to pursue a life of their choosing and be spared from 

extreme deprivation in outcomes. 1 

In practical terms, when we talk of ‘equitable allocation of resources’ 

we refer to a situation where everyone has equal opportunities to pursue 

goals like economic prosperity, educational achievement, and political 

representation. Equitable allocation of resources also means equitable 

access to services of the state, including infrastructure, health services and 

other public supports. Opportunity would be granted regardless of place 

of birth, race, gender, class or social standing. In a Thailand in which 

resources were allocated equitably there would be virtually no difference 

in the opportunity afforded to a girl born to farmers in a hill tribe north 

of Chaing Mai, than to a boy born in Bangkok to a family of large land 

and property owners with strong connections to the power holders. 

In reality, income inequalities both within and across countries are 

severe and they are growing. In much of the world opportunities for 

1 This definition is based on a definition of equity used in the “Overview”, World 

Development Report 2006 P. 2


education, health, wealth, power and input into the decision making 

process is very much a function of where you are born and who are your 

parents. 

In looking at inequalities within countries the case of Brazil provides 

an illustration which sheds some light on the roots of inequality. One 

quarter of the inequalities in incomes in Brazil in 1996 was found to be 

determined by factors completely out of control of the individual: race, 

region of birth, parental education and paternal occupation at birth. 

While we do not have a quantifiable measure of their impact, we can 

argue that gender, family wealth and the quality of primary schools, all 

factors out of control of the individual, are also important determinants 

of power and wealth. 2 

Compared to inequalities within countries, inequalities across 

countries are massive. Cross country differences begin with the 

opportunity for life itself: while 7 of every 1,000 American babies die in 

the first year of their lives, 126 of every 1,000 Malian babies do. Babies 

who survive, not only in Mali but in much of Africa and in the poorer 

countries of Asia and Latin America, are at much greater nutritional risk 

than their counterparts in rich countries. And if they go to school—more 

than 400 million adults in developing countries never did—their schools 

are substantially worse than those attended by children in Europe, Japan, 

or the United States. Given lower school quality, under nutrition, and 

the earnings a child can generate by working instead of studying, many 

children leave school early. The average person born between 1975 and 

1979 in Sub-Saharan Africa has only 5.4 years of schooling. In South 

Asia, the figure rises to 6.3 years; in OECD countries, it is 13.4 years. 

Opportunities for the consumption of private goods differ vastly between 

rich and poor countries. While the average Nigerian may find it difficult 

to afford adequately nutritious meals every day, the average citizen of 

Luxembourg need not worry too much about buying the latest 

generation cell phone on the market. 3 

2 World Development Report 2006 

3 Ibid 

91


In summary ‘equitable allocation of resources’ is about ensuring that 

everyone, regardless of their place of birth and their family background, 

have equal access to services, equal opportunities to make choices that 

will shape their future, and equal opportunities to have a say in the 

decisions that impact them and the world in which they live. 

Defining Governance, its Actors and Principles 

Governance is a broad field of study, and practitioners and theorists 

define it differently. There are many definitions of governance. We prefer 

a definition that speaks of governance not only as a destination, but as a 

journey. Governance is more than government, more than public 

administration, more than a governing model or structure, though of 

course these are important. Governance, and in particular good 

governance, is also about effective ways of continuously engaging various 

sectors of society. Governance is therefore closely aligned with democracy 

and the central role that citizens must play in any effective governance 

system. 

The Institute On Governance defines governance as the process 

whereby societies or organizations make their important decisions, 

determine who has voice, who is engaged in the process and how account 

is rendered. 4 

Figure 1 illustrates the actors involved in governance and the 

relationships among those actors. Simply stated, governance actors 

include organizations within government 5 , civil society and business, 

with media forming a link among players in all three sectors. The 

diagram depicts these organizations with some overlap among them. It 

illustrates that organizations in all sectors exist in a context which is 

shaped by citizens and their traditions, values and cultures. 

4 Laura Edgar, Claire Marshall and Michael Bassett, “Partnerships: Putting Good 

Governance Principles in Practice”, 2006. http://www.iog.ca/publications/ 

2006_partnerships.pdf 

5 Government includes the executive branch, the legislature and the judiciary.

some overlap among them. It illustrates that organizations in all sectors exist in a context which is sh 

by citizens and their traditions, values and cultures. 


Figure 1 

�� 

Values 

�� 

Figure 1 

Governance relationships 

Civil 

Society 

�� 

Traditions 

media 

Government 

History 

Private 

Sector 

�� 

Cultures 

�� 

In principle, the concept of governance may be applied to any form 

of collective action.Governance is about the more strategic aspects of 

steering: the larger decisions about direction and roles. That is, 

governance is not only about where to go, but also about who should be 

capacity. There are four areas or zones where the concept is particularly relevant. 

involved in deciding, and in what capacity. There are four areas or zones 

where the concept is particularly relevant. 

In principle, the concept of governance may be applied to any form of collective action.Governance 

about the more strategic aspects of steering: the larger decisions about direction and roles. That is, 

governance is not only about where to go, but also about who should be involved in deciding, and in 

� Governance in ‘global space’, or global governance, deals with issues outside the purview of 

individual governments4. 

� Governance in ‘national in ‘global space’, space’, i.e. within or global a country: governance, this is sometimes deals understood with as the 

issues exclusive outside preserve the of purview government, of of individual which there governments. 

may be several levels: national, provincial 

state, indigenous, urban or local. However, governance is concerned with how other actors, s 

as civil society organizations, may play a role in taking decisions on matters of public conce 

� Organizational governance (governance in ‘organization space’): this comprises the activitie 

organizations that are usually accountable to a board of directors. Some will be privately ow 

and operated, e.g. business corporations. Others may be publicly owned, e.g. hospitals, scho 

Governance in ‘national space’, i.e. within a country: this is 

sometimes understood as the exclusive preserve of government, of 

which there may be several levels: national, provincial or state, 

government corporations, etc. 

indigenous, urban or local. However, governance is concerned 

with how other actors, such as civil society organizations, may 

play not be a role a formally in taking constituted decisions governing on matters board. of public concern 

6 

� Community governance (governance in ‘community space’): this includes activities 

local level where the organizing body may not assume a legal form and where there m 

Organizational governance (governance in ‘organization space’): 

this comprises the activities of organizations that are usually 

6 st 

John Graham, Bruce Amos and Tim Plumptre, “Principles for Good Governance in the 21 Century: Policy B 

No. 15”, www.iog.ca/publications 

accountable to a board of directors. Some will be privately owned 

Equitable Allocation of Resources, Governance and Reform: Introducing IDG-Net 

Institute On Governance 

93


and operated, e.g. business corporations. Others may be publicly 

owned, e.g. hospitals, schools, government corporations, etc. 

Community governance (governance in ‘community space’): this 

includes activities at a local level where the organizing body may 

not assume a legal form and where there may not be a formally 

constituted governing board. 6 

Family governance where the traditions, culture and values within 

the family determine how decisions are made, who has voice and 

how family rights, responsibilities and resources are allocated. 

Drawing heavily on the work of the United Nations Development 

Program, the Institute On Governance has identified five principles of 

good governance: legitimacy/voice; direction/strategic vision; 

performance; accountability; and equity\/fairness. 7 Table 1 describes the 

5 principles and shows the relationship of these principles to the UNDP 

principles of good governance. 

Table 1: Principles of Good Governance and Their Relationship to 

the UNDP Principles 

The IOG 

The UNDP Principles and related UNDP text 

Governance Principles 

1. Legitimacy and Voice Participation: All men and women should have a 

voice in decisionmaking, either directly or through 

legitimate intermediate institutions that represent 

their intention. Such broad participation is built on 

freedom of association and speech, as well as 

capacities to participate constructively. 

Consensus Orientation: Good governance mediates 

differing interests to reach a broad consensus on 

what is in the best interest of the group and, where 

possible, on policies and procedures. 

6 John Graham, Bruce Amos and Tim Plumptre, “Principles for Good Governance 

in the 21st Century: Policy Brief No. 15”, www.iog.ca/publications 

7 Ibid

The IOG 

Governance Principles 


The UNDP Principles and related UNDP text 

2. Direction Strategic Vision: Leaders and the public have a 

b r o a d a n d l o n g - t e r m p e r s p e c t i v e o n g o o d 

governance and human development, along with a 

sense of what is needed for such development. There 

is also an understanding of the historical, cultural 

and social complexities in which that perspective is 

grounded. 

3. Performance Responsiveness: Institutions and processes try to 

serve all stakeholders. 

Effectiveness and efficiency: Processes and 

institutions produce results that meet needs while 

making the best use of resources. 

4. Accountability Accountability: Decision-makers in government, 

the private sector and civil society organizations are 

accountable to the public, as well as to institutional 

stakeholders. This accountability differs depending 

on the organizations and whether the decision is 

internal or external. 

Transparency: Transparency is built on the free flow 

of information. Processes, institutions and 

information are directly accessible to those 

concerned with them, and enough information is 

provided to understand and monitor them. 

5. Equity/fairness Equity: All men and women have opportunities to 

improve or maintain their well being. 

Rule of Law: Legal frameworks should be fair and 

enforced impartially, particularly the laws on human 

rights. 

95


Fundamental Linkages between 

Good Governance and Equitable 

Allocation of Resources 

Having defined and discussed both ‘equitable allocation of 

resources’ and ‘good governance’, we can see that the two concepts are 

closely linked. Fairness/equity is one of the principles of good 

governance. The outcomes of both ‘equitable access to resources’ and 

‘good governance’ involve equal access to power and ensuring that all 

citizens have an opportunity to have a say in decision making. Because 

‘equity’ is one of the principles of good governance you can not have 

good governance without equity. Because good governance is about the 

systems, processes and mechanisms that ensure that all people have a say 

in decision making, you can not have equity without good governance. 

Both ‘equitable allocation of resources’ and ‘good governance’ is 

relevant in different zones. At the global level we have seen that there are 

vast difference in equity across countries. Global governance 

organizations such as the UN seek to address some of those inequalities. 

At the national level we have found that there are inequalities. We 

suggest that there is a correlation between the 5 principles of good 

governance (legitimacy/voice; direction/strategic vision; performance; 

accountability; and equity\/fairness) and equitable allocation of resources. 

The relationship between the principles of good governance and 

equitable allocation of resources is perhaps most stark at the family level, 

where families in which principles such as voice/participation, 

accountability and fairness are upheld we are more likely to see resources 

allocated equitably regardless of gender and age differences, than in 

families where these principles are not respected. 

An important relationship also exists between equitable allocation of 

resources and the development of sound government, civil society and 

business organizations. Where there is unequal allocation of resources, 

there is a tendency for organizations to be developed which perpetuate 

inequalities in power, status and wealth.


Unequal power leads to the formation of institutions that 

perpetuate inequalities in power, status and wealth – and that typically 

are also bad for the investment, innovation and risk taking that 

underpin long term growth. 8 

Some Directions for Enhancing 

Equitable Allocation of Resources 

This section will suggest some options for enhancing equitable 

allocation of resources by strengthening government, strengthening those 

organizations which hold government accountable and enhancing 

partnerships and networks. 

1. Enhancing Performance of Government 

Some approaches to enhancing performance of government which 

have enhanced governance and equitable allocation of resources are 

outlined below. 

Developing Electronic Procurement Systems to Reduce 

Corruption: In many parts of the world, especially in East Asia 

and Latin America, e-procurement has proved to be an effective 

means of curbing corruption, as well as easing the purchasing 

woes of state agencies. For example, in the Philippines benefits of 

e-procurement included: competitive purchase price; wider 

‘market’ participation; faster transactions; direct communication 

with suppliers; reduced administrative cost; real time 

information, and enhanced accountability. 9 

8 World Development Report 2006, “Overview”, pp 8-9. Chapter 6 of the World 

Development Report 2006 elaborates on the impact of inequality on the shaping of 

economic and political institutions and the way these institutions affect development. 

9 Pacoy, Emilia P. “Tracking Anti-Corruption Initiatives: Perceptions and Initiatives 

in the Philippines”, JOAAG, Vol. 3. No. 1, p. 61, http://joaag.com/uploads/6_Pacoy- 

Final.pdf. 

97


Creating a merit based civil service to prevent nepotism and 

enhance performance: For example, in Singapore the 

government has consciously followed a stringent policy to 

cultivate and nurture the civil service, to ensure that it has the 

best talents to drive the country forward. Factors that have 

contributed to this amazing story include: the government 

follows a businesslike approach within the civil service, 

continuously analyzing the service delivery needs of the country 

and the emerging global trends, reforming the civil service 

according to such needs and trends, and utilizing the knowledge 

available from the vast business and educational sector and 

industries that are present in the country; the government has 

continuously played a very active role in identifying, nurturing 

and grooming promising young talents for civil service leadership 

positions, including providing scholarships for local and foreign 

universities, and continuing development programmes; public 

servants in Singapore receive very competitive salaries, rivaling 

even the private sector; in addition to providing a relatively high 

salary structure for the civil service, the government has exhibited 

strong political will to combat corruption. 10 

Enhancing service quality to put citizens first – citizen’s 

charters: In the UK the Charter programme was one of the 

clearest articulations of the need to focus on the experience of 

public service users, and for services to be responsive to the 

people using them. It also popularised the ideas that performance 

should be measured and measurements made public, and that 

information about services should be readily available in plain 

language. The Public Service Committee concluded in its 1997 

report that The Citizens’ Charter had made “a valuable 

contribution to improving public ser vices”. It led to 

10 Robert, Bernando. The Role of Incentives in Civil Service Reform: the Singapore 

Story, http://regionalcentrebangkok.undp.or.th/practices/capacitydevelopment/ 

documents Evidence_from_the_field_series_Singapore_Civil_Service_Reform_through_ 

Incentives_-_formated.pdf.


improvements in the delivery, culture and responsiveness of many 

services. 11 Citizens’ charters have been broadly adopted, especially 

in commonwealth countries. 

Legislating, promoting and enforcing right to information 

acts: The passage of the 2005 Right to Information Act in India 

is a step in this direction. As its preamble notes, the act seeks “to 

promote transparency and accountability in the working of every 

public authority.” It was enacted in the belief that “an informed 

citizenry and transparency of information” is vital in any 

democracy “to hold governments and their instrumentalities 

accountable to the governed.” Its enactment holds out the serious 

hope that social movements can now access information necessary 

to promote social and administrative justice. The hope is 

sustained by the experience of social movements with the right to 

information act legislated in the Indian state of Rajasthan in 

2000. The Rajasthan Right to Information Act has, among other 

things, been used by NGOs to check corruption in rural works. 

Well-known activists Aruna Roy and Nikhil Dey refer to two 

such incidents: 

- In 1998 . . . the Sarpanches [local officials] of Kukarkhada 

(Rajsamand district), Rawatmala and Surajpura (Ajmer 

district) apologized for committing fraud and publicly 

returned money after being confronted with incontrovertible 

public evidence at a public hearing. 

- In 2001, in Janawad panchayat (Raj samand district) the 

information of public works expenditure painted on a 

panchayat wall led to the people to mobilize and protest 

exposing fraud and ghost works amounting to Rs.70 lakh, at 

a public hearing. This was later substantiated by a special 

11 House of Commons – Public Administration Select Committee. “From Citizen’s 

Charter to Public Service Guarantees: Entitlement to Public Services”, July 15, 2008, 

p. 9, http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200708/cmselect/cmpubadm/411/ 

411.pdf. 

99


government investigation leading to a number of 

institutionalized measures of transparency and accountability. 

Landmark events like these, facilitated by people’s use of the 

right to information, have had a profound impact in the 

whole State. Slowly but surely, corruption in public works has 

been curtailed. 12 

Requiring civil servants to declare assets: In the past few years, 

the Bulgarian government has instituted a requirement of judges 

to file a declaration of assets. Judges must now report their 

property and income on an annual basis beginning with their 

appointment and ending upon their departure. Filing a 

declaration of assets may deter the acquisition of improper 

income while serving on the bench. It will clearly force judges to 

declare their home and major personal possessions, such as an 

automobile. The Supreme Judicial Council’s Anti-Corruption 

Committee has authority, along with the National Audit Office, 

to verify information about the existence of serious differences 

between the judges’ declared assets and acquired assets. 13 

2. Enhancing Performance of those Organizations which 

Hold Government Accountable 

A strong, vibrant and organized civil society can be critical to 

enhancing equitable allocation of resources. Civil society organizations 

hold the potential to both strengthen and challenge the capacity of 

governments to pursue equitable allocation of resources. Some specific 

approaches include the following: 

Social accountability processes such as citizen report cards: 

For example, the Public Affairs Centre in Bangalore leads a 

process where citizens rate various pubic services over time. The 

12 CHIMNI, B.S. “Co-option and Resistance: Two Faces of Global Administrative 

Law”, International Law and Politics, Vol. 37, no 399, October 2006, p. 810, http:// 

www.iilj.org/GAL/documents/CO-OPTIONANDRESISTANCETWOFACESOF.pdf 

13 American Bar Association, Judicial Reform Index for Bulgaria Volume II, April 

2004, p. 31.


Centre publishes the results of those ratings and compares the 

ratings of different government services. Research has 

demonstrated that the quality of services for all citizens improved 

dramatically between 1998 to 2004. 14 

Budget monitoring and tracking: Citizens can ensure that 

budget allocation for education services is allocated equitably and 

effectively by tracking the budget against performance objectives. 

In Uganda there was great difficulty in getting the education 

budget to the targeted districts until 2004, when the government 

published the budget in the newspaper. After the publication, 

there was a marked improvement in ensuring the resources were 

allocated more equitably. 

Participatory budgeting: This is a process which engages citizens 

at the community level in defining their own priorities and 

providing input on how a portion of the budget should be 

allocated to meet those priorities. One of Latin America’s first 

participatory budgeting processes was done in Porto Alegre, 

Brazil in 1989 and the process has spread throughout Brazil and 

Latin America and into Europe, Asia, Africa and North America. 

Participatory budgeting is believed to have led to direct 

improvements in facilities in Porto Alegre, Brazil. For example, 

sewer and water connections increased from 75% of households 

in 1988 to 98% in 1997. The number of schools quadrupled 

since 1986. Also, Porto Alegre’s health and education budget 

increased from 13% (1985) to almost 40% (1996), and the share 

of the participatory budget in the total budget increased from 

17% (1992) to 21% (1999). 15 

Engaging citizens in consultative processes to develop policies 

and laws: Thailand launched a comprehensive community 

consultation process to get input from citizens across the country 

14 Public Affairs Centre, Banglalore. 

15 http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTEMPOWERMENT/Resources/ 

14657_Partic-Budg-Brazil-web.pdf 

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on the drafting of its new constitution. 

Enhancing the role of media to act as watchdogs and to 

enhance citizen’s voice: The BBC World Service Trust uses radio 

talk shows, mass media and radio drama, for example, to reduce 

practices of sex selection in India, to raise awareness and stimulate 

debate on social issues in Burma and to show popular support 

among Burundians for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. 

Engaging civil society in the development of poverty 

reduction strategies. This process has been widely used in 

various countries including Canada to enhance equitable 

allocation of resources by engaging civil society in defining 

development priorities and the best strategies for reducing 

poverty. 

3. Enhancing Partnerships and Networks 

Partnerships and networks can be powerful forces through which to 

enhance equitable allocation of resources. A relative low cost, low tech 

approach to capacity building, organizations which form coalitions can 

be particularly effective as they support players involved to align 

resources, knowledge and practical tools to address a specific issue of 

common concern. While there are scores of these, this section outlines 

the power of partnerships and networking for 5 such entities. Further 

details of these entities, based from their web-sites, is provided in 

Appendix B. 

Transparency International: Now in its second decade, and with 

chapters in 90 countries around the world, TI has served to align and 

focus people from all walks of life around a common goal of combating 

corruption. Through the TI network, best practices and success stories 

are shared, champions are created and sustained, tools for fighting 

corruption are developed, tested and adopted. As a relatively low tech, 

low cost initiative, the accomplishments of TI are impressive. It has 

helped to put corruption on the global agenda. It has played a vital role 

in anti-corruption conventions and has raised standards in public life.


Philippine Procurement Watch Inc.: Philippines Procurement 

Watch Inc. aligns and galvanizes the efforts of multiple stakeholders to 

monitor the procurement of local government units. By working 

together, government, media and civil society players are able to 

accomplish more than they could accomplish working independently. 

“Procurement reform requires technical competence found in a 

combination of people in and out of government. It is vital that they can 

complement each other’s unique contributions. People in government 

should know when the expertise required is beyond them. People out of 

government should appreciate the fact that there are many well-meaning 

people in government. A network of like-minded individuals is priceless. 

The partnering process therefore is essentially a helping relationship as 

opposed to an adversarial relationship. Reformers have to continuously 

build bridges instead of emphasizing differences that separate.” 16 

CIVICUS: CIVICUS is an international alliance of members and 

partners which constitute an influential network of organisations at the 

local, national, regional and international levels, and span the spectrum 

of civil society including: civil society networks and organisations; trade 

unions; faith-based networks; professional associations; NGO capacity 

development organisations; philanthropic foundations and other funding 

bodies; businesses; and social responsibility programmes. Through its 

newsletters, World Assemblies and special projects CIVICUS has been a 

powerful force through which to increase understanding and visibility of 

the civil society sector and the legal principles necessary for the sector’s 

empowerment and to enhance the sector’s resource base. 

Affiliated Network of Social Accountability (ANSA): The ANSA 

model creates and supports regional networks of practitioners, both 

governmental and nongovernmental, in the field of social accountability. 

While the networks are relatively new 17 they promise to be an important 

16 Maria Kristina Villanueva Pimentel, Procurement Watch, inc.: The Role of Civil 

Society in Public Procurement Reforms in the Philippines, taken from http:// 

www.ippa.ws/IPPC1/BOOK/Chapter_3.pdf 

17 With support from the World Bank Institute, ANSA Africa was created in 2007, 

ANSA East Asia Pacific was created in 2008 and ANSA South Asia is in its start-up 

phase. 

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tool through which the growing knowledge of social accountability can 

be shared and applied to enhance policies and programs. For example 

ANSA East Asia Pacific has used social networking technology to link 

individuals and groups with a common interest in social accountability 

action. Through their youth program young people in East Asia Pacific 

are learning to analyse, speak out on and impact issues that concern them 

in their communities. 

World Movement for Democracy: The World Movement for 

Democracy, initiated in 1999, is a global network of democrats, 

including activists, practitioners, academics, policy makers, and funders, 

who have come together to cooperate in the promotion of democracy. 

Through regular newsletters, annual meetings and numerous projects the 

movement provides support, encouragement and practical resources to 

enhance democracy. 

Introducing IDG-Net and Inviting Partnership 

This section talks about how the IOG seeks to help to enhance 

governance and equitable allocation of resources. It shares a model of 

partnership and networking which has been spearheaded by the IOG, 

called Institutions of Democratic Governance Network (IDG-Net). 

1. How IDG-Net Works 

A growing number of institutions in developing countries have been 

created to support the move towards more effective and sustainable 

democracy. The Institutes of Democratic Governance Network (IDG- 

Net) was created in response to the belief that these entities can benefit 

from sharing knowledge, experience and resources. IDG-Net was 

formed, with support from the Canadian International Development 

Agency (CIDA) to share and promote knowledge, resources and 

experience. Founding members include the Institute of Governance 

Studies (Bangladesh), the Centre for Good Governance (India) and the 

Institute On Governance (Canada). Since its inception in November, 

2008 the network has grown to include 25 members located in South 

Asia, South-east Asia, Africa and Latin America.


We believe that IDG-Net can be an important tool to promote 

equitable allocation of resources for several reasons. First, its members are 

organizations which are uniquely positioned in their countries, working 

with both government and civil society and enjoying legitimacy with 

players in both domains. As such they are ideally positioned to shape 

governance in their countries. Second, the members are engaged in a 

variety of approaches, from training to research to consultancies, all of 

which contribute to enhance democratic governance, create space for 

citizens to have their say and thus enhance equitable allocation of 

resources. Third, the network enhances the effectiveness and efficiency of 

its members by providing opportunities for them to share experience, 

knowledge and resources with like organizations in their countries, 

regions and at a global level, in the conduct of practical joint outcome 

oriented initiatives. Organizations eligible for membership in the 

network: 

seek to strengthen democracy 

are engaged in at least two of the following: research, training, 

technical assistance 

regularly involve both government and civil society organizations 

in their activities 

seek to enhance one or more elements of governance and 

democratic development, ranging from accountable public 

institutions, to human rights, rule of law and open and 

accountable political systems 

We share our knowledge and experience through: 

focused and well designed forums, workshops and conferences on 

specific topics 

attachments where members of staff from one participating 

institute spend time at another institute 

sharing and pooling of resources among members on a variety of 

governance initiatives, projects and competitive bids 

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a web-site linked to related web-sites 

planning and management meetings which use technology 

creatively through video conferencing, Skype, telephone, 

electronic bulletin board and email communication, supplemented 

by limited face to face meetings 

Phase 1, the start-up phase, of the network was guided by a 

Steering Committee, comprising heads of the three founding partners. 

An Advisory Group has been created to support the network in its startup 

phase. 

Joint activities (two ‘Leadership and Governance’ courses) have been 

planned by the network for this start-up phase. The first will take place 

in Dhaka from November 9 – 12 for 24 senior Bangladesh civil servants. 

The second will be held in Hyderabad from November 16 – 19 for 30 

medium to large city managers in India. These courses have been 

developed jointly by the IOG, IGS and CGG, drawing on the 

knowledge, skills, resources and experience of the three organizations. 

Other members of IDG-Net have been invited to audit the course with a 

view to adapting it for participants in their own countries. 

The plans for phase II of the network, over the next two years, are 

to establish Steering Committees in three continents: Asia, Africa and 

Latin America. These committees will plan joint activities to be 

undertaken through the network in each continent. It is anticipated that 

phase III of the network will involve bringing the three continents 

together to undertake joint initiatives both within and across continents. 

2. Areas of Focus for IDG-NET 

Areas of focus which have been chosen for IDG-Net, and the way in 

which they are expected to enhance governance and equitable allocation 

of resources, are described below. 

a) Leadership Training 

Most of the members of IDG-Net have ‘training’ as one of their 

core programming activities. Leaders from business, government and


civil society are critical in the process of enhancing democratic 

governance. IDG-Net members can design and deliver leadership 

training more effectively by working together. 

IDG-Net members will be invited to collaborate on the design 

and delivery of ‘leadership and governance’ training programs for leaders 

from government, business and civil society. Participants may be 24 

leaders from government, business and/or civil society. The leadership 

programs are likely to be approximately 3.5 days in length and draw on a 

combination of approximately 60% local and 40% international faculty. 

Organizations collaborating on these programs will document 

and share lessons learned through the process so that all participating 

organizations, with their faculty and administrative staff, will have 

enhanced capacity to design and deliver leadership and governance 

programs. They will also have the benefit of training materials which can 

readily be adapted and tailored for different contexts. 

These courses are believed to be a powerful tool to enhance 

equitable allocation of resources as they are designed to provide leaders 

with the knowledge, skills and attitudes which they will need to 

effectively engage multiple stakeholders in decision making for more 

accountable, equitable and effective development of policy and delivery 

of services. The courses are designed to inspire and motivate leaders from 

government, civil society and business to work together to achieve these 

ends. 

b) Citizen and Governance Awards Programs 

Youth are key to developing and sustaining democratic values and 

practices. IDG-Net will unite interested organizations in a process 

through which they can work together to empower youth as agents of 

change in governance through youth awards programs. 

IDG-Net members will be invited to participate. The IDG-Net 

member may either implement the initiative by itself, or it may identify 

another local organization with which to partner for this initiative. 

107


Examples of local partners might include church youth groups, 

schools, youth centred organizations such as Girl Guides and Boy Scouts 

or youth centred development organizations such as Save the Children or 

World Vision. 

Each participating IDG-Net member will start by identifying 

approximately 10 youth groups in 10 different communities. 

A community will typically involve a population of about 10,000 – 20,000 

people. It may be a village, a cluster of villages or a neighbourhood in 

a big city. 

Each youth group will identify 2 youth leaders to attend a 3 day 

national training program. The national training will develop leadership 

skills, teach about democratic governance and introduce and plan the 

governance awards initiative. Trained youth leaders will return to their 

communities to mobilize other youth to identify and address an issue in 

their community. 

They will approach this by engaging multiple stakeholders in the 

community, and practicing principles of good governance including 

accountability, participation, fairness, transparency and strategic vision. 

They will develop a proposal for their initiative. The local partner will 

review the proposals and provide modest funding for those proposals 

which appear to be viable. The youth, working with the community, will 

have approximately 6 months to implement the initiative. They will then 

report on the initiative through various different formats including 

written reports, videos, and comics. Examples of youth led initiatives 

which might be undertaken within the time and budget constraints 

include the following: mobilizing the community to improve community 

cleanliness; advocating for policies which will reduce absenteeism of 

teachers through the production of dramas in their communities; and 

reducing HIV/AIDS by creating clubs in their schools which raise 

awareness about HIV/AIDS. 18 

18 These examples are actual projects which had been led by youth in a ‘governance 

awards programme’ for youth which was piloted in Indonesia and the Philippines in 

2006.


The youth initiatives will then be assessed by a jury of judges and 

the best initiatives will be showcased through media, brochures and 

videos and an award ceremony. 

This program is expected to enhance equitable allocation of 

resources as it promises to develop a cadre of youth with values, 

awareness and practical tools to promote equity and fairness in their 

communities. As this generation matures it is hoped that they will 

continue to champion these values in their communities, their nations 

and internationally. 

c) Research to Enhance Governance Assessment Tools 

Most IDG-Net members are involved in implementing some 

form of governance assessments in their countries. Often these 

assessments are undertaken using international indicators such as those 

developed by the World Bank. Many IDG-Net members find these 

indicators are not appropriate for their unique cultures and settings. 

However, the process of developing unique indicators is challenging. 

IDG-Net members will collaborate in a process to design more 

contextualized indicators, to incorporate them in their governance 

assessments, review the validity of the indicators, and adapt the most 

suitable indicators into their on-going governance assessment process. 

IDG-Net will bring together interested researchers for an initial 

meeting to share and discuss indicators and to develop new indicators. 

Researchers would meet again after they have tested their new indicators 

and assessed their validity and relevance. 

The results of this process would be documented and 

disseminated so that all institutions involved in governance assessments 

can benefit from the lessons learned. 

This research is expected to contribute to enhancing equitable 

allocation of resources as it will aim to improve the way in which 

participating institutions measure equitable allocation of resources. It is 

expected to result in the identification of indicators for equity and 

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fairness which reflect the unique social, cultural and political contexts of 

the countries involved in the research. 

3. Moving IDG-Net Forward 

Although IDG-Net is young, its members, sitting at the interface 

between government, civil society, business and the media are well 

positioned to play a key role in enhancing equitable allocation of 

resources. It is believed that the areas which have been chosen for joint 

initiatives over the coming years offer powerful levers to raise awareness, 

change attitudes and impact on policies and programs to enhance 

governance and equitable allocation of resources. The challenge will be to 

maintain momentum, stay focused and manage the growth of the 

network effectively over the coming years. 

Conclusion 

This paper has offered a definition of ‘equitable allocation of 

resources’ and assesses it both within and across countries. It defines 

governance and describes governance actors and principles. It has argued 

that ‘equitable allocation of resources’ and ‘good governance’ are 

intricately linked. The paper draws on international experience in 

strengthening governance to identify opportunities to enhance ‘equitable 

allocation of resources’. It reviews experience in capacity building in three 

areas: government, organizations holding government accountable and 

partnerships and networks. The paper argues for the vital role which can 

be played in enhancing governance and ‘equitable allocation of resources’ 

through partnerships and networks. Finally the paper shares the work of 

Canada’s Institute on Governance, and its partners in South Asia, in 

spearheading the creation of a network of institutes of democratic 

governance. 

In conclusion, it is hoped that through the KPI Congress XI, and in 

particular, through this paper, practitioners and organizations wishing to 

enhance equitable allocation of resources will do so in partnership and 

through networks which will harness and galvanize efforts to achieve


common objectives. By working together we can raise awareness about 

equitable allocation of resources, and develop and implement strategies 

to enhance it at a global level. 

Appendix A: 

Examples of Partnershipss and Networks as a Tool for 

Enhancing Governance and Equitable Allocation of 

Resources 

Transparency International: Transparency International (TI), the 

global civil society organisation leading the fight against corruption, 

brings people together in a powerful worldwide coalition to end the 

devastating impact of corruption on men, women and children around 

the world. TI’s mission is to create change towards a world free of 

corruption. 

Transparency International is a global network including more than 

90 locally established national chapters and chapters-in-formation. These 

bodies fight corruption in the national arena in a number of ways. They 

bring together relevant players from government, civil society, business 

and the media to promote transparency in elections, in public 

administration, in procurement and in business. TI’s global network of 

chapters and contacts also use advocacy campaigns to lobby governments 

to implement anticorruption reforms. 

TI has the skills, tools, experience, expertise and broad participation 

to fight corruption on the ground, as well as through global and regional 

initiatives. 

Now in its second decade, Transparency International is maturing, 

intensifying and diversifying its fight against corruption. 19 

Philippine Procurement Watch: Philippines Procurement Watch 

Inc monitors the procurement of local government units based on the 

19 Taken from http://www.transparency.org/about_us 

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implementing rules and regulations of the government procurement 

reform act. It involves a host of organizations and groups from virtually 

every sector to work together on this cause. From civil society it has 

harnessed the energy of over 20 groups involved in a Transparency and 

Accountability Network. It has drawn in youth through the Walang Ku- 

Corrupt Movement (Youth). It involves a church group called CBCP. 

One of the main stakeholders in the coalition is the Philippine 

Contractors Association. (private sector – main stakeholder). Finally local 

chambers of commerce provide important inputs and resources. 20 

CIVICUS: CIVICUS is an international alliance dedicated to 

strengthening citizen action and civil society throughout the world. It is 

an international alliance of members and partners which constitute an 

influential network of organisations at the local, national, regional and 

international levels, and span the spectrum of civil society including: civil 

society networks and organisations; trade unions; faith-based networks; 

professional associations; NGO capacity development organisations; 

philanthropic foundations and other funding bodies; businesses; and 

social responsibility programmes. CIVICUS has worked for over a 

decade to strengthen citizen action and civil society throughout the 

world, especially in areas where participatory democracy and citizens’ 

freedom of association are threatened. CIVICUS seeks to amplify the 

voices and opinions of ordinary people and it gives expression to the 

enormous creative energy of the burgeoning sector of civil society. 21 

Affiliated Network for Social Accountability (ANSA): Affiliated 

Networks for Social Accountability (ANSA) bridge the gap between the 

growing body of knowledge in the field of social accountability and the 

current capacity of practitioners, civil society, and government to 

effectively apply the concept to policy and program design. The ANSA 

model creates and supports regional networks of practitioners—both 

governmental and nongovernmental—in the field of social 

accountability. 

20 Taken from a presentation made by Sanjay Pradhan, Vice President, World Bank 

Institute at a conference held in Frankfurt, October 2, 2009 

21 Taken from http://www.civicus.org/who-we-are


Beginning with the creation of ANSA-Africa in 2006, the ANSA 

network has grown to include ANSA-East Asia/Pacific and ANSA-South 

Asia, along with a Global Partnership Fund housed in ANSA-SA to 

promote cross-regional collaboration and foster the development of 

ANSAs in additional regions. While their work is varied, the ANSAs are 

linked by their common goal of equipping civil society and ordinary 

citizens with the skills necessary to play a more active role in bringing 

about more accountable governance. The ANSA networks work in a 

variety of ways, specifically to: 

• Build capacity through training and skills building on social 

accountability 

• Provide a knowledge platform for dissemination of best-practices 

• Facilitate networking and regional exchanges among practitioners 

to strengthen capacity 

• Provide technical assistance and grants to practitioners engaged in 

demand-side governance initiatives 

• Conduct and disseminate research on social accountability 22 

World Movement for Democracy: The World Movement for 

Democracy is a global network of democrats, including activists, 

practitioners, academics, policy makers, and funders, who have come 

together to cooperate in the promotion of democracy. 

The Washington, D.C.-based National Endowment for Democracy 

(NED) initiated this nongovernmental effort with a global Assembly in 

New Delhi, India, in February 1999 to strengthen democracy where it is 

weak, to reform and invigorate democracy even where it is longstanding, 

and to bolster pro-democracy groups in countries that have not yet 

entered into a process of democratic transition. 

22 Taken from the ANSA brochure 

113


The World Movement is led by a distinguished international 

Steering Committee and the National Endowment for Democracy serves 

as its Secretariat. 

The World Movement offers new ways to give practical help to 

democrats who are struggling to open closed societies, challenge 

dictatorships, democratize semi-authoritarian systems, consolidate 

emerging democracies, and strengthen established democracies. The 

World Movement has the potential to do so in several ways: 

All those who are engaged in the advancement of democracy 

worldwide are welcome to participate in the World Movement for 

Democracy. 23 

23 Taken from http://www.wmd.org/about/information.html

Group 

1 

Government and 

Political Legitimacy

Government and Political Legitimacy 

Political Legitimacy, Rules, Mechanisms, 

Enforcement and Morality 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Niyom Rathamarit 

Thammasat University 

The fight for power among political 

groups based on rules that are not 

accepted by some or accepted by all 

but disobeyed or broken by some or all 

groups causes the defeated groups to refuse to 

recognize their opponents’ victories, which 

leads to protests, arguments, and attempts to 

topple the opponents’ power using extra-legal 

measures, such as public protest, blocking of 

roads, seizure of airports and government 

buildings. This is happening in Thai society. 

This article attempts to search for ways and 

means to solve the problem so that the 

country will be peaceful and the government, 

including various social groups, will be able 

to carry on their assigned tasks in a normal 

fashion. 

In a big society with a large population 

and a variety of professions, ethnicities, 

languages, cultures, ideologies, economic 

statuses, politics and interests, it is of utmost 

necessity that fundamental rules be accepted 

117


by all groups and that a mechanism to monitor and enforce the rules in 

accordance with the purpose of the law be agreed upon. 

For Thai society, the fundamental rule agreed upon by all sectors in 

the political, economic and social system is liberal and democratic. 

Nonetheless, there are some disagreements over subsidiary issues, such as 

political party-control, the representative election system, and the 

authority and duties of independent organization, in particular the 

Election Commission. 

The development of the political system in the past focused on 

building up the strength of political parties. Thailand’s 1974 constitution 

and the following ones state that MP candidates and MPs must be 

members of parties (they cannot run as independents) and that the 

House of Representatives has the authority to establish and impeach the 

government. 

However, Thailand’s experience shows that the aim of using political 

parties as the main mechanism in developing democracy and improving 

government efficiency has failed. Thai politics is still unstable and 

inefficient, with groups that are not in power acting disloyally. There are 

also occasional political disturbances and violence, for example, the 

“Right kills Left” incident on 6th October 1976, the “Young Turk” 

coup attempt on 1st April 1981 and the “Black May” event of 1992. 

The popular democratic movement forced the post-“Black May” 

1992 government to reform the whole political system. The coalition 

government led by Chart Thai Party that came to power in 1995 

launched a political reform campaign that led to the abrogation of the 

1991 constitution and the adoption of a new constitution in 1997. 

Thailand’s 1997 constitution aimed to build up the strength of 

political parties in the democratic system and make the political system 

transparent, so that it would become an institution that is accountable 

and trustworthy to every Thai. The 1997 constitution used various 

measures to achieve its goal. Political parties were strengthened by 

creating a system that favored large political parties, putting small 

political parties at a disadvantage and preventing MPs from switching


parties. The position of prime minister was strengthened. The role and 

power of the legislature was diminished. Various independent monitoring 

organizations were established; the Election Commission was to filter 

those allowed to enter politics and the National Anti-Corruption 

Commission was to guarantee and verify politicians’ transparency in 

exercising state power. State decentralization and people’s political 

participation in such matters as law-making, petitions for political 

impeachment, public referendums on important issues and before 

starting of new mega-projects affecting the environment and people’s 

lifestyles were promoted 

Despite the aim of the new constitution to strengthen Thailand’s 

democratic system, Thai society was unfortunate. A billionaire politician 

who was good at playing political games used money, populist policies, 

and marketing strategies to centralize and monopolize power. Within 

three or four years this led to the end of the political rule established by 

the 1997 constitutional framework, which hoped to make the Thai 

democracy strong, efficient in responding to the people’s needs and wellbalanced 

among different branches of power. 

At the moment, there is an attempt to solve the problem caused by 

the structure and process of the governing institution by changing the 

House of Representatives’ election system and the determination of 

Senate membership. The attempt also includes providing severe 

punishment for politicians and political parties involved in vote-buying, 

and revising processes of selecting members of independent agencies. 

However, it seems that the more attempts made to solve the problem, the 

more controversial the issue becomes. 

Political demonstrations against the government have broken out 

very often since the adoption of 2007 constitution. The coup 

government led by General Surayuth Julanond faced protests of the 

National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship—UDD (the 

Red Shirts supporting Thaksin). After the People Power Party (the 

successor of the Thai Rak Thai Party dissolved by Justices of the 

Constitutional Court on 30 May 2007) won the general election on 23 

December 2007, it became the leading party of the two coalition 

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governments that followed: the first government was led by Mr. Samak 

Sundaravej—a self-proclaimed Thaksin nominee, and the second was led 

by Mr. Somchai Wongsawat—Thaksin’s brother-in-law. The People’s 

Alliance for Democracy—PAD (the Yellow Shirts protesting against 

Thaksin) demonstrated against the two governments continuously, 

causing the government serious troubles For example, the protesters 

seized Government House, blocked the area around Makawan Bridge on 

Ratchadamnoen Road and seized the airport. Somchai’s government was 

ousted after the Constitution Court found People Power Party guilty in 

the Mr. Yongyuth Tiyapairat’s vote-buying case, disbanded the party and 

stripped its executive members’, including PM Somchai, of electoral 

rights on 2 December 2008. The anti-government protest ended on 

4 December 2008. 

Since the Democrat Party formed a coalition government under 

Mr. Abhisit Vejachiva as prime minister, the UDD has been acting in the 

same way as the PAD did against the People Power Party’s government. 

It undertakes regular anti-government protests in Bangkok and the 

provinces, and its actions have included closing the road at Victory 

Monument, forcing the closure of the ASEAN + 6 Summit at Pattaya 

and blocking roads in the Din-Dang area during the 2009 Songkran 

festival. 

This ongoing civil disobedience is destructive for the future of Thai 

democracy. How can Thai society return to a normal situation in which 

every group accepts the legitimacy of the government? It might be said 

that the old ways of using political parties as the intermediary between 

the people and the government, representative elections, the 

decentralization of governing power to local administrations, the 

separation of powers and the check and balance system are still the main 

mechanisms necessary for building the legitimacy of the government. 

These mechanisms, however, do not act as the genuine representatives of 

the people’s interest but are used as the politicians’ tools to seek power 

and pursue personal interests. The election system cannot perform its 

duty in screening for good and smart persons to run the political system 

efficiently but rather allows vote-buying to be widespread and gives way


politicians who abuse their official positions pursuing personal interest. 

The mechanism to monitor the use of state power cannot function fully 

due to work overload and time-consuming investigation procedures. The 

decentralization to local administrations is not firmly settled and cannot 

be the framework for local citizens to participate in the process of solving 

their communities’ problems. 

In conclusion, it takes quite a long time to solve social disunity 

caused by the fact that the politicians use the people tools to negotiate 

with the government. Institutions, especially organizations monitoring 

the use of state authority, the new instruments designed to promote 

transparency and government creditability, must work in unity and aim 

for the achievement of their duties rather than their personal interests. 

People must not abuse their positions to increase personal influence, 

power and private interest. 

The monitoring organizations prominent in the process to build 

government legitimacy and credibility are the Election Commission, the 

National Anti-Corruption Commission, the Constitution Court, and the 

Supreme Court. If these organizations perform their duties thoroughly, 

the acceptance of the government legitimacy will be restored. 

It should be noted that the government legitimacy is not just about 

law, tradition and charisma (supranational power) as stated by Max 

Weber, the German social sociologist. It is also about the morality and 

ethics of the politicians and governors. As the ancient philosophers 

stated, society is in crisis because leaders abandoned morality, only 

pursuing their personal interests and forgetting about the public interest. 

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The Right Parliamentary System for 

Thailand 

Prof. Dr. Nantawat Boramanand 

Th i s a r t i c l e a i m s t o p r o p o s e a 

parliamentary system that is right for 

Thailand. The article is divided in 

three sections as described below. 

1. The proposal for the membership 

and the selection of the House of 

Representatives. 

(1) The House of Representatives should 

c o m p r i s e 5 0 0 m e m b e r s ; 1 0 0 

members are to be elected nationwide 

o n a p a r t y - l i s t b a s i s w i t h n o 

minimum proportion stipulation as 

included in the 1997 constitution 

and 400 members are to be elected 

on a single-member constituency 

basis. 

(2) The vote-counting method should be 

changed back to that used under the 

1997 constitution, which is a single 

vote-counting location for each 

constituency. 

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(3) Prohibition on some forms of election campaigning should be 

cancelled to reduce vote-canvassers’ influence. 

(4) The rule regarding candidate partisanship should be cancelled to 

prevent “authoritarianism of political party executives” but the 

political party system should still be supported. 

2. The proposal for the membership and the selection of 

the Senate. 

The Senate should comprise 120 members to be selected through 

the two-layer selection process described below. 

The first-layer of selection is to choose 600 persons as candidates 

to the Senate by means of selection from among representatives of 

various organizations, based on regulations and methods stated in the 

organic law on Senate selection: 

1) 75 representatives of local administrative authorities 

2) 75 representatives of civil servant, military and police associations 

3) 15 representatives of state-funded enterprise labor unions and 

public organizations 

4) 100 representatives from specialized career councils, such as 

doctors, lawyers, engineers and accountants 

5) 80 representatives of the institutions of the manufacturing/ 

production sector, including the Thai Chamber of Commerce, 

the Federation of Thai Industries, the Thai Bankers Association 

and the Agriculture Cooperative Federation of Thailand, Ltd. 

6) 25 representatives of labor unions 

7) 230 representatives of NGOs. 

The second-layer of selection is to have “the Senate Selection 

Committee” select 120 out of the 600 candidates from the first-layered 

selection maintaining the prescribed proportions of members for each 

represented group, based on regulations and methods stated in the


organic law on Senate selection. “The Senate Selection Committee” is 

composed of 

1) the Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

2) the leader of the opposition in the House of Representatives. 

3) the prime minister. 

4) the head of the Constitution Court. 

5) the head of the Supreme Court. 

6) the head of the Supreme Administrative Court. 

7) the chairman of the Election Commission. 

8) the chairman of the Ombudsmen. 

9) the chairman of the National Anti-Corruption Commission. 

10) the chairman of the State Audit Commission. 

11) the chairman of the National Human Rights Commission. 

12) the chairman of the National Economic and Social Advisory 

Council. 

13) the Attorney General. 

3. The proposal for creating the right relationship between 

the Parliament and the Cabinet: 

(1) Members of the House of Representatives should no longer be 

forced to be partisans. 

(2) A rule that allows a minority in the Parliament to call for a noconfidence 

debate against the prime minister, as stated in the 

2007 constitution, enables the minorities to present their 

information and criticize the government’s performance before 

the public, thus enhancing people’s political learning. 

(3) Legislative and executive powers should be separated by 

prohibiting MPs from serving as ministers. In order to create 

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government stability and efficiency, ministers must work in 

accordance with the Cabinet’s guidelines under the command of 

the prime minister. This, especially in the case of a coalition 

government, will reduce the coalition parties’ negotiation power 

with the prime minister because if the prime minister decides to 

reshuffle the Cabinet or fire any minister, that particular minister 

cannot return to his seat in Parliament as in the past.


Performing Governmental 

Development Policies with Societal 

Conflict Problems and Solutions 1 

Supamit Pitipat 2 

Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University 

During the past two or three decades, 

the problems causing resistance to 

the exercise of governmental power 

in Thai society has most frequently raised the 

question of government legitimacy. One of 

the problems has been caused by policies 

aimed at national development in connection 

to the government’s use of power to manage 

1 Presented in the work of the academic 11th conference of the King Prajadhipok’s 

Insitute in 2009 on the topic of “Conflict, Legitimacy and Government Reform: 

Equitable Allocation of Resources in Thai Society”, 5-7 November 2009 at the UN 

Meeting Center, Outer Ratchadamnern Rd., Bangkok. 

2 This article was modified from a research report by the writer as a part of the 

research project: “Research Project on Changing the 10 th National Plan for Economic 

and Social Development with regard to natural resources, the environment and 

biological diversity into Practice by Forming the Cooperative Processes of partnerships 

for development in performing according to the 10th National Plan for Economical and 

Social Plans Development as presented to the National Economical and Social Advisory 

Council in September of 2008. The author would like to thank Assistant Professor 

Dr. Wira Somboon, the project leader, the team of research assistants and all primary 

research committees that participated in this project with particular thanks to Assistant 

Professor Dr. Kaewkam Kraisorapong and Professor Dr. Nareumon Tapjumpon. Any 

errors appearing herein are the responsibility of the author. 

127


local resources and communities in response to and compliance with the 

policies and “national” plans for economic development until sharp rifts 

of conflict have occurred between local citizens, governmental officials 

and the private business sector seeking for investment aimed at 

“development” in numerous areas with impact on changes in lifestyle, the 

environment, ecology and human health conditions in various areas 

across the nation. 

To all appearances, the governmental sector, which specifies the 

directions and plans for national development, also realizes the issues of 

conflicts and injustice in society leading to illegitimacy, including 

environmental funds created by imbalance in developmental policies, and 

also seeks solutions these issues. It is evident that attempted solutions 

were reflected in Economic and Social Development Plan, Version 10 

(2007-2011). This developmental plan sets forth primary strategies for 

an area of development as strategies of development based on biological 

diversity and stability in terms of resources and the environment. 

The report, however, contains the main recommendation that 

analysis that conscientiousness of the issues and specifications of 

measures to find a solution to those issues are considered necessary basic 

terms that are insufficient to guarantee that these problems will 

eventually disappear. Successful problem-solving continues to depend on 

whether or not various measures aimed at problem-solving were 

appropriate and sufficient measures, and how many attempts were made 

at taking action in concurrence with those measures. Moreover, 

evaluations for changing plans in practice must consider the quality of 

the plans themselves, which are to return and evaluate the concepts and 

developmental guidelines in terms of direction, what basic assumptions 

of development the plan was based upon, how relevant the methods of 

cognition and practice guidelines were toward the existing national 

problems and areas in various regions in order in helping to ensure that 

the plan was put to practice effectively toward reducing or eliminating 

the issue of social conflict and problems of injustice which are the base 

roots of the problem of governmental illegitimacy.


Conceptual Framework on the Implementation 

of Human Rights: A Case Study from Human 

Rights Violations During the War against Drugs 

of 2003 

Suchart Wongsinnak 1 

Today’s challenges on governmental 

power by claiming human rights is 

visible throughout the world as 

democratic states bind themselves to 

international human rights principles. At the 

very least, democratic states do not accept 

branding by global society as violators of 

human rights. For this reason, human rights 

are one type of criteria used to evaluate the 

government’s use power to ensure compliance 

with moral and legal principles. Driving 

human rights for the aforementioned goal is 

not only a matter of state, which once was 

the center of law enforcement. On the 

contrary, human right activists become 

individuals with key roles in taking human 

1 Ph.D. in Criminology, Law and Society, University of Florida. He is currently a 

litigation officer attached to the Administrative Court Officer. 

129


rights to the local operational level (vernacularization). One important 

question, both in theory and practice, is “What do human right 

activists need to do for the human rights concept to be enforced in 

society?” 

This research was conducted with the objective of studying the roles 

and attitudes of human rights advocates regarding human rights 

violations during the war against drugs of 2003 when over 2,500 people 

were murdered within a short period of three months from February to 

April of 2003. Government officials and the media have often associated 

these murders with drugs and the term “extrajudicial killing” has been 

invented to explain the occurrence. It is known that, drug traders killed 

each other so the government officials wouldn’t trace smaller drug dealer 

to the larger dealers. Extrajudicial killing also meant cutting off the 

examination process associated with all of the murders during that time 

from the official judicial system, i.e. not one single case involving 

individuals performing “extrajudicial killing” was to be tried. In the 

same way, the sympathy or suspicions of Thai society toward these 

murders were also extrajudicial. The society put up with and accepted 

the necessity of using violence to solve drug problems. The results of this 

extrajudicial killing left the victims’ family members to face the fate on 

their own. Thai society virtually had no shared pain and envisioned no 

threat in the use of violence supported by the government. 

In addition to the National Human Rights Committee, some 

human rights activists also try to become a voice in protection of human 

rights. The significance of this research is to search for a conceptual 

framework and see how human right activists apply the law and the 

concept of international human rights on a local level.


Thai Government and Legitimacy 

Wira Lertsomporn 

Abstract 

According to a study conducted on 

Thailand’s political data only for the 

years 2 0 0 8 a n d 2 0 0 9 , t h e t e r m 

“political legitimacy” has been found to be 

used in two main instances: one is when the 

term is used to explain to the society that one 

has a legitimacy and another is when the 

term is used to explain that a certain 

individual or organization lacks political 

legitimacy. 

In addition to this data, if the writer 

conducts research back to the year of 1932 

when changes in Thai government occurred, 

the writer believes that the use of the term 

“political legitimacy” must have existed at a 

certain level, more or less depending upon 

the political conditions during that certain 

period. In pursuing this line of thought, the 

research has come up with a number if issues: 

“What is political legitimacy?” “What are the 

indicators?” “Who is likely to use the term? 

(in Thai politics)”, “Should the term 

“political legitimacy” be used only with 

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governments as it has always been used?” and “What recommendations 

should there be to promote the body of knowledge on “political 

legitimacy” to Thai people in a creative way that agrees with a national 

democratic government under constitutional monarchy and to help push 

Thai politics into a better direction. With these issues in mind, the 

writer conducted a literature review on various literature and researches 

to find answers for the aforementioned issues. 

The writer proposes a new perspective on political legitimacy in that 

it should broadly cover every sector and every part of the term “politics”. 

“Political legitimacy” should not be the term used only to stimulate 

creative political conscience with governments, but should also be used 

with the opposition, senators, judicial organizations, statutory free 

organizations, media, private development organizations, academic 

professionals and society as individuals and other sectors raise the level of 

“Thai political development” so political legitimacy genuinely occurs in 

terms of content and process which will eventually lead to desired 

political stability. 

Finally, the writer recommends that there be a process for 

promoting the body of knowledge on “political legitimacy” and other 

important bodies of knowledge such as overall bodies of knowledge on 

“politics” and on “democracy” to the public, who can be divided into 2 

major groups: 1. The youth studying from kindergarten to high school 

and those who are studying at the college level as well, and 2. The general 

public who has already left educational facilities since adolescence, 

middle age and senior adulthood. 

The writer believes that a clear and tangible method that can 

effectively create the aforementioned processes in the two sectors of 

people is the creation of a curriculum of at least three years’ duration and 

the process must not be thought by memorization, but it utilize “child 

centers”, “citizen dialogue” and “facilitators” as core processes because 

these bodies of knowledge are not about memorization, but they are 

about asking questions and collectively finding the answers wherein the 

facilitator is the one who gradually takes the two sectors of public toward 

the goal in order for the knowledge, realization, responsibility and 

conscience of citizenship to occur genuinely.


A Study on “The Parliament System and Suitable 

Processes for Recruiting senators in Thailand” 

Dr. Somboon Tosborvorn 

Objective: To study the parliament 

system and suitable processes for 

recruiting senators in Thailand. 

Methodology: This research explored 

the parliament system (Unicameralism and 

Bicameralism) and the members of the 

Senate or upper houses of 170 countries in a 

comparative objective study. The research 

also studied a conceptual framework on 

sovereignty, conceptual framework of 

Country State, and problems and barriers in 

the past regarding the issue of the parliament 

and the process for recruiting senators in 


Findings: Unicameralism is mostly 

employed in small countries (86.66%), new 

countries (68.00%) (except for large new 

countries or countries with clear racial 

d i f f e r e n c e s ) a n d c o u n t r i e s r u l e d b y 

dictatorship (100%), as well as countries in 

Central America and Africa (60%), Mid and 

l a r g e - s i z e d c o u n t r i e s w i t h s t a b l e 

133


administrative systems, high levels of education, high-income economics 

and absolute monarchy systems (4 in 5 countries). 

Consideration of the Thai setting shows the following: land area 

ranking 49 th in the world, a population ranking 20th in the world, a 

population literacy rate of 92.4%, but a secondary education enrollment 

rate at 64% and an average learning rate of 56.6%. Although 

information accessibility rates low in Thailand, Thailand’s GDP ranks 

34th whereas the GDP per capita (Nominal) ranks 92 and the Human 

Development Index Ranks 78th. In addition, buying votes for sale 

during elections are difficult to deny, so Unicameralism is not suitable for 

Thailand in the near future and Thailand should continue to use 

Bicameralism. 

With regard to the process of recruiting senators, the researchers 

believe that the same process should be used for all senate members in 

order to gain quality senators with knowledge and ability as suitable for 

respective senatorial roles and responsibilities. Thus, in order to form a 

link with the people, the researchers hold the belief that the same for all 

senators and the suitable process is found in the first steps of the 

searching process as set forth in the Constitution of 2007. Furthermore, 

one process that allowed the people be the final selectors involved 

holding nationwide elections should be used, and the Recruitment 

Committee should be improved to avoid overlapping benefits between 

the senators and the Recruitment Committee.

Group 

2 

Reform of Economic Policy for 

Reducing Conflicts and Promoting 

Political Legitimacy

Reform of Economic Policy for Reducing Conflicts and Promoting Political Legitimacy 

Thailand’s Reformation of Economic 

and Social Development Policy for 

Social Welfare and Legitimization of 

Capitalistic Regimes. 

Akarin Wongtirayandet 

National Economic and Social Advisory Council 

Abstract 

This article was written for the purpose 

of analysis to show the connection 

between capitalism and the country’s 

economic and social development as well as 

the impact of development according to the 

concept of capitalism and the improvement 

of mechanisms so capitalism will gain greater 

justice for its existence. This context analysis 

consists of the analysis and overall economic 

problems, analysis and actual economic 

problems e.g. free trade, agriculture, tourism, 

etc, and the analysis and social problem and 

problems of life quality such as income 

distribution, education, community, etc. and 

analysis and problems with natural resources 

and the environment. For the evaluation, a 

preparation has been conducted on an 

economic and social reform proposal 

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consisting of overall economic, actual economic reform, social and life 

quality reform, social welfare reform and national development strategy 

reform.

Group 

3 

Judicial Review 

and Judicial Activism

Judicial Review and Judicial Activism 

Judicial Power and Judicial Governance 

Dr. Udom Rathamarit 

Faculty of Law, Thammasat University 

Since Thailand changed its governing 

system to democracy, among the 

organizations empowered to exercise 

state’s sovereignty, like the legislature and the 

executive, only the judiciary or court has 

been continuously trusted by Thai society. 

Furthermore, the judiciary has its own 

tradition of exercising power under Royal 

endorsement of His Majesty, the revered 

King. Naturally, courts will adhere to justice 

and rationality within the law’s framework in 

judging the cases without prejudice for all 

who come to seek justice. 

In the situation of the continuous 

change in Thai society, like social change, 

economic change and political change, the 

judge or tulakar is an ordinary human being, 

who sometimes feels love, greed, anger or 

confusion. To make judges adhere to justice 

without any deviation, there must be a 

process to build public awareness of honesty 

and virtue; this learning process has to be 

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enhanced by a continual process of learning correct academic principles. 

It also requires creation of guidelines to protect judicial independence 

founded on belief in the principle of separation of powers, so judges do 

not fall under the influence of politics or unjust powers. There must be a 

guarantee that courts adhere to neutrality and judge without prejudice. 

Article 201 of the Constitution of the Kingdom Thailand stipulates that 

a judge must take an oath before His Majesty the King, swearing he “will 

be loyal to the His Majesty King and will faithfully perform my duties in 

the name of the King without any partiality in the interest of justice, of 

the people and of the public order of the Kingdom. I will also uphold 

and observe the democratic regime of government with the King as Head 

of State, the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, and the law in 

every respect.” 

Political freedoms stipulated in the 1997 and 20007 constitutions 

have increasingly created a conflict among political groups and pressure 

groups. The judicial institution must enter to judge the behaviors of 

these individuals or groups of the people in politics all the time. Due to 

the different characteristics in Thai society, in which a judicial culture has 

not yet been firmly rooted, influential people in society have been 

allowed to intervene in the process of using state power in order to justify 

their own actions. Furthermore, there is a limited understanding of new 

provisions of law, particularly public law, under which various relations 

have been set up and many mechanisms have established concerning the 

use of power in the work systems of offices in various organizations. 

These are very different from what they were in the past. Therefore, 

Thailand’s judicial institutions like the Constitution Court, the Courts of 

Justice, and the Administrative Court must work under the challenging 

situation of facing constant public criticism, particularly when dealing 

with cases concerning political interest that have huge effects in politics, 

such as cases concerning removing political office-holders from their 

positions, dissolving, political parties, disqualifying election candidates, 

or confiscating assets when courts find the defendant to possess unusual 

wealth. All these cases bring criticism of verdicts from all sides.


“Judicial Governance” is a criticism leveled by people who believe 

that justice officials act inappropriately or beyond their legitimate legal 

authority when checking the exercise of power by the executive or the 

legislature. It is strong criticism of the judicial institution that should be 

considered by all parties concerned. In particular, every judicial 

organization should strictly check its own performance, like accelerating 

the expansion of new legal knowledge and sticking to procedure when 

judging cases in order to make all parties involved trust that the court has 

always attached great importance to bringing justice without 

discrimination or prejudice towards any individual or case. More 

importantly, performance must be checked and transparent to confirm 

that judges perform their duties by taking into consideration their 

responsibility to the society and parties concerned. The exercise of 

judicial power to judge a case must be based on facts and the application 

of law, which comes from a rational judging process with completely no 

prejudice toward any parties. 

143

Judicial Activism 


Prasit Piwawattanapanich 

Lecturer at the Faculty of Law, Thammasat University 

The idea of judicial activism was first 

developed in the United States of 

America. Academics still debate the 

definition of judicial activism because 

different scholars interpret the meaning of 

the term differently. Notably, the early study 

of judicial activism was of interest to 

American political scientists who wanted to 

evaluate whether judges’ deliberation 

processes were free from political influence 

(in general meaning). Political scientists use 

the behavioural or structural approaches to 

achieve a better understanding of the court 

system by considering judge recruitment 

processes and career paths, as well power 

relationships concerning the courts, 

particularly in the American federalist 

system. 

Additionally, the idea of judicial 

activism was created at the same time as the 

145


idea of judicial restraint, which means courts should not rule on cases 

that are matters of executive policy, or political. Therefore, the idea of 

judicial activism and the idea of judicial restraint are opposite sides of 

the same coin. Interestingly, only judicial activism is mentioned in Thai 

society, without any comment about judicial restraint. 

Although, the definition of judicial activism is still debated among 

scholars, it is generally accepted that the high court (which may refer to 

a high court or Constitution Court) interprets the law under the 

constitution in order to protect the rights and freedoms of people. The 

role of controlling and examining the lawfulness of the law under the 

constitution, or any action, in this sense is called judicial review. 

However, judicial activism does not intend to go too far in using the 

court system to resolve political conflicts.


Buddhist Approach to Negotiation 


Graduate College Mahachulalongkornrajavidyalay University 

The proposal of a Buddhist approach 

to negotiation in handling political 

conflicts is a proposal employing 

Buddhist concepts, i.e. what is considered 

Thai wisdom, as a method to apply in 

handling conflicts. This proposal consists of 

the causal factors prompting the conflict, 

Buddhist methods of negotiation and the 

analysis of a case study where Buddha served 

as moderator for a negotiation. 

In studying the cause or the roots of 

disagreement, Buddhism focuses on the 

internal factors that cause the disagreement. 

This can be explained from the perspective of 

the 2 groups of demeritorious acts i.e. the 

three roots of evil, namely, greed, rage and 

delusion, and hindrances i.e. lust, conceit 

and pride. 

Pride is considered the core of conflict 

situated at the deepest level because it is 

147


adherence to idealism. Furthermore, if that pride consists of 

demeritorious acts prompting false views, it will eventually lead to 

conflict and violence. Thus, according to Buddhism, the concept that is 

the basis of conflict management is “how to create correct views”. The 

creation of factors for the occurrence of correct views relies upon the 

balance of external factors (outside influences, news, teachings of others, 

outside motivators, etc.) and internal factors (correct thinking). 

With the aforementioned concept, it can be concluded that the 

heart of Buddhist serenity in moderating is to enter the moderation as a 

third party or as a mediator. The moderator will act as an external factor 

or outside influence who will serve as a comrade in the negotiations as 

well as an educator who imparts accurate knowledge and understanding 

with various actions considered the keys to making the parties to the 

dispute have correct thinking, which is the internal factor leading to 

correct views or a correct thoughts for seeking peace agreements 

satisfactory to both parties derived from self. For the operating strategy, 

it is from the analysis of the case study where Buddha served as a 

moderator who used such methods of moderating as encountering, 

persuasion, avoidance, advocacy and participation.


The Roles of Monks in Dealing with 

Local Political Conflict 

Monk-Professor, Abbot 

Wat Nong Payom Chumsangsongkram 

Bangrakam 

Phitsanulok 

Phramahaboonlert Chuaithani* 

Master Wiroon Siriphan, 

Miss Yuwathida Chomchoey 

Miss Sudarat Ruttanapong, 

Miss Oraphan Poolsin** 

* Professor, Political Science, Chulalongkorn University. 

This study focuses on the exploration 

of the roles of monks in dealing with 

local political conflict and was 

conducted with the objective of seeking 

wisdom of the monks involved in handling 

conflict, and to explore the use of this 

educational zone as a zone for creating 

unified politics. From the study of the role 

of Phrakhru Wiboon Sitthitham or often 

called by the people, “Master Toom”, in 

handling local political conflict, it was found 

that the Master played a role in creating 

** All graduate students majoring in Conflict Management at Naresuan University 

149


political unification and was able to reduce violence at the election level, 

while being able to create activities in recruiting election applicants and 

resolving conflicts among local election campaigners for each side by 

using Wat Nong Payom as a facility for organizing the activities. 

The Phrakhru Wiboon Sitthitham defines the meaning of conflict 

by connecting the villagers’ well-being or life quality. Conflict means the 

lack of good life quality both in terms of income, education, family life, 

etc. In order to reduce the level of discord in the community, including 

political conflicts, the villagers must be provided with good life quality. 

The Master, therefore, initiated projects to improve the villagers’ quality 

of life. Among these projects was the Asset Saving Oath Project, which 

was an important mechanism in helping to raise the level of life quality 

among the villagers while reducing local and political conflict. 

The ethic for the villagers’ improved quality of life connected to the 

reduction of conflict used by the master was oath-taking, which was the 

fundamental ideology of the Asset Savings Oath Group with additional 

ethics: 1. The members’ ethics for self improvement, i.e. diligence, 

honesty, unity and regulations and 2. A group of ethics that must be 

exercised, namely, endurance, thriftiness, and patience. The results of the 

implementation of the aforementioned ethics were: 1. Love and sharing, 

2.Sacrifice for the greater good, 3. Empathy, 4. Responsibility for group 

and community, 5.Compassion and 6.Trust. 

The instrument Phrakhru Wiboon Sitthitham employed in 

handling conflict consisted of 1. Ground rules; 2. The concept of 

identifying the community needs; 3. The process of people’s 

participation; 4. Apology, and forgiveness; 5. Dialogue 6. Moderating 

and 7. Peaceful communication.

Group 

4 

Innovation for Political Conflict 

Resolution Through Thai Local 

Wisdom and Socio-cultural Capital

Innovation for Political Conflict Resolution Through Thai Local Wisdom and Socio-cultural Capital 

Innovation for political conflict 

resolution through Thai local wisdom 

and socio-cultural capital 


Mahachulalongkornrajavidyalay University 

Abstract 

The proposal of a Buddhist approach 

to negotiation in handling political 

conflicts is a proposal employing 

Buddhist concepts, i.e. what is considered 

Thai wisdom, as a method to apply in 

handling conflicts. This proposal consists of 

the causal factors prompting the conflict, 

Buddhist methods of negotiation and the 

analysis of a case study where Buddha served 

as moderator for a negotiation. 

In studying the cause or the roots of 

disagreement, Buddhism focuses on the 

internal factors that cause the disagreement. 

This can be explained from the perspective of 

the 2 groups of demeritorious acts i.e. the 

three roots of evil, namely, greed, rage and 

delusion, and hindrances i.e. lust, conceit 

and pride. 

153


Pride is considered the core of conflict situated at the deepest level 

because it is adherence to idealism. Furthermore, if that pride consists of 

demeritorious acts prompting false views, it will eventually lead to 

conflict and violence. Thus, according to Buddhism, the concept that is 

the basis of conflict management is “how to create correct views”. The 

creation of factors for the occurrence of correct views relies upon the 

balance of external factors (outside influences, news, teachings of others, 

outside motivators, etc.) and internal factors (correct thinking). 

With the aforementioned concept, it can be concluded that the 

heart of Buddhist serenity in moderating is to enter the moderation as a 

third party or as a mediator. The moderator will act as an external factor 

or outside influence who will serve as a comrade in the negotiations as 

well as an educator who imparts accurate knowledge and understanding 

with various actions considered the keys to making the parties to the 

dispute have correct thinking, which is the internal factor leading to 

correct views or a correct thoughts for seeking peace agreements 

satisfactory to both parties derived from self. For the operating strategy, 

it is from the analysis of the case study where Buddha served as a 

moderator who used such methods of moderating as encountering, 

persuasion, avoidance, advocacy and participation.

Innovation for Political Conflict Resolution Through Thai Local Wisdom and Socio-cultural Capital 155 

Conflicts in the Southern Border 

Provinces: Causes and Sustainable 

Solutions 

Perspectives of Class 1 students of an advanced certificate program 

“Creating a Peaceful Society” 

Office for Peace and Governance, King Prajadhipok’s Institute 

Core problem: 

The core problem of the unrest in 

southern border provinces is a 

struggle that cites the ideology of 

separatist movements in Patani, led by BRN- 

Coordinate and PULO which are core 

groups, combined with anti-state elements 

that want to strike back at some public 

officials for actions that made them feel as if 

they are not being treated fairly. In this 

instance, most people are being victimized 

amidst an air of distrust between the state 

and people as well as between people and 

people themselves. 

Root causes of the problem: 

The violence that has been occurring in 

the areas is just a symptom of political 

conflicts that are interlinked with cultural 

contexts, of which the root causes include:


1) Perception of unfair treatment towards local people has been 

induced by past discriminatory actions and attitudes of some 

government officials who did not accept the identity of local 

people wholeheartedly. This resulted from misunderstanding and 

suspicion that different identity would pose a threat to peace and 

security of the Thai society. 

2) Distrust among various groups of people inside and outside the 

areas. 

3) Memories of past anguish inflicted by the actions of the state of 

Siam upon the once-flourishing Patani state. 

4) Administrative structure with respect to legal, political and 

economic policies as well as social and cultural policies, of which 

some components do not conform to the identity and lifestyles of 

local people and are not opened to direct participation by the 

people at a level that can create a sense of ownership genuinely 

and equitably. 

All these have made Malayu-Patani people, especially those who 

have resorted to violence, feel that they could not become a part of Thai 

society with dignity and merits. The people in all sectors who are 

involved in problem solving must recognize the core problem and these 

root causes and focus their attention on these issues, otherwise they 

cannot formulate proper remedial approaches. 

Key questions crucial to problem solving 

Rectification measures of the state sector should take into 

consideration two key questions which are linked with the aforesaid root 

causes as follows: 

1) How local people and adversary groups can engage in political 

participation for rectification and development of relevant 

activities or policies that are truly concerned with their livelihood 

through administrative structure and policies that are impartial 

and conform to the identity of local people as well as strengthen


local communities and prepare them for the participation with a 

feeling of equality and freedom of expression. 

2) How a feeling of distrust will be eliminated quickly so that 

government officials, people in the mainstream society and 

southern border provinces will adequately understand, accept and 

recognize the values of diverse cultures and the identity of local 

people to a degree that they are no longer suspicious that such 

diversity would pose a threat to peace and serenity Instead, such 

diversity should turn into a positive force in the Thai society, thus 

creating public confidence and faith in the government, especially 

on the issue of equality. 

Directional framework for rectification of the problem: 

Solutions to the problem must be under the framework of peaceful 

means, whereby politics truly takes the lead, not the military. Peaceful 

means do not reject military intervention but the military must be 

deployed to support law enforcement efforts and must abide by the rule 

of law in order to control the spreading of violence. In addition, the 

military must support and fulfill only the goals of political works. Aside 

from using political works to develop quality of life of local people, the 

state still need to use proactive political works to deal with the groups 

with opposing viewpoints in local societies, thus enabling them to accept 

each other to a level that they can live side by side with dignity and 

equality. 

Recommendations for proactive political works 

The following nine recommendations pertain to the use of proactive 

political works to quell the unrest in southern border provinces for good 

based on the principles of creating trust – creating equality – opening 

spaces/spaces for participation – listening – creating understanding – 

conforming to identity. 

1) Organize a peace talk with adversary groups through a systematic 

process which follows suitable procedures, thus creating trust for 

in-depth discussion and collectively seeking peaceful and


sustainable solutions to address the problem at root causes and 

putting an end to the losses on both sides. However, it must be 

stressed that such dialogue is not a negotiation but the focus will 

be on creating mutual understanding. 

2) Build capacity and enhance readiness of local communities and 

civil societies, enabling the people to have an equal access to the 

state’s justice process and public welfare and opening spaces for 

the use of peaceful means and initiation of activities that can 

contribute to quelling of the unrest and creation of a sustainable 

peace based on broad-based participation of local people. This 

recommendation is based on the idea that local problems must be 

solved by local people. 

3) Jointly create a peace network for the southern border (PeaceNet) 

that puts emphasis on participation by various sectors to 

exchange learning and information and share experiences about 

solutions to different problems and collective use of peaceful 

means as well as support in terms of body of knowledge, 

resources and work morale, thus energizing collective efforts to 

solve problems. 

4) Push forward the establishment of the truth and reconciliation 

commission to perform as a mechanism to create justice and trust 

in the areas. The commission consists of representatives from all 

relevant sectors that will collectively seek and reveal the facts 

about violent situations and rumors in the areas. Its aim is to 

uncover factual information and promote correct understanding 

among all sectors, thus leading to justice and mutual trust in the 

areas. 

5) Formulate social communication strategies to enhance 

understanding about the situation and the facts in the areas and 

to signal peaceful co-existence between the people in a larger 

society and the people in the locality as Thai citizens on the basis 

of diversity of multi-cultural societies.


6) Study and develop appropriate and feasible administrative 

management by putting the accent on participation and 

conformity to the local identity and culture under the framework 

of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand. 

7) Promote implementation of a feasibility study on the 

establishment of Islamic law courts pertaining to family and 

inheritance laws within the structure of the Office of the 

Judiciary of Thailand. 

8) Urge the state to adopt Malayu language as another working 

language in southern border provinces in conjunction with Thai 

language. 

9) Encourage examination of the enforcement of special laws of 

relevant authorities to ensure that the enforcement abides by the 

rule of law and is not discriminatory. In addition, regular 

assessment of impacts on the people should be conducted.


Recommendation 1-6 are key recommendations proposed by the 

students. Recommendation 1 is deemed sending a signal that peaceful 

means will be adopted as a main approach to end the violence. 

Recommendation 2 and 3 are process-oriented suggestions concerning 

setting up of a dialogue forum that links with the foundation for the 

opening of a space for broad-based public participation. 

Recommendation 4 is a mechanism to create justice and trust in the 

areas. Recommendation 5 is communication to create understanding 

with the mainstream society, ensuring that the society realizes the 

benefits of peaceful means and forms an attitude that recognizes the 

merits of peaceful co-existence within a multi-cultural society. 

Recommendation 6 proposes an adaptation of an administrative 

structure to conform to the local identity and culture under the 

constitutional framework and to encourage public participation. 

Recommendation 7-9 are secondary ones that favor providing support 

to concerned parties so that they can pursue the matters more vigorously 

on ongoing basis to win the heart and mind of Malayu Patani people 

and make them feel that the state and mainstream society accept, 

respect and recognize values of their identity genuinely and 

wholeheartedly. Consequently, they can live their lives with dignity and 

without making them feel alienated, and they can take pride in being 

a Thai citizen with Malay race who lives in the Thai society which is 

diverse and equitable.

Innovation for Political Conflict Resolution Through Thai Local Wisdom and Socio-cultural Capital 

Group 

5 

Citizen Politics in Checking of the 5 

State Power for Equitable 

Allocation of Resources

Citizen Politics in Checking of the State Power for Equitable Allocation of Resources 

Thais have their duties to check 

the state’s use of power. 

Veera Somkwamkid 

secretary-general of the People’s Network against Corruption 

Abstract 

According to a study conducted on 

Thailand’s political data only for the 

years 2008 and 2009, the term 

“political legitimacy” has been found to be 

used in two main instances: one is when the 

term is used to explain to the society that one 

has a legitimacy and another is when the 

term is used to explain that a certain 

individual or organization lacks political 

legitimacy. 

In addition to this data, if the writer 

conducts research back to the year of 1932 

when changes in Thai government occurred, 

the writer believes that the use of the term 

“political legitimacy” must have existed at a 

certain level, more or less depending upon 

the political conditions during that certain 

period. In pursuing this line of thought, the 

research has come up with a number if issues: 

“What is political legitimacy?” “What are the 

indicators?” “Who is likely to use the term? 

(in Thai politics)”, “Should the term 

“political legitimacy” be used only with 

163


governments as it has always been used?” and “What recommendations 

should there be to promote the body of knowledge on “political 

legitimacy” to Thai people in a creative way that agrees with a national 

democratic government under constitutional monarchy and to help push 

Thai politics into a better direction. With these issues in mind, the 

writer conducted a literature review on various literature and researches 

to find answers for the aforementioned issues. 

The writer proposes a new perspective on political legitimacy in that 

it should broadly cover every sector and every part of the term “politics”. 

“Political legitimacy” should not be the term used only to stimulate 

creative political conscience with governments, but should also be used 

with the opposition, senators, judicial organizations, statutory free 

organizations, media, private development organizations, academic 

professionals and society as individuals and other sectors raise the level of 

“Thai political development” so political legitimacy genuinely occurs in 

terms of content and process which will eventually lead to desired 

political stability. 

Finally, the writer recommends that there be a process for 

promoting the body of knowledge on “political legitimacy” and other 

important bodies of knowledge such as overall bodies of knowledge on 

“politics” and on “democracy” to the public, who can be divided into 2 

major groups: 1. The youth studying from kindergarten to high school 

and those who are studying at the college level as well, and 2. The general 

public who has already left educational facilities since adolescence, 

middle age and senior adulthood. 

The author believes that a clear and tangible method that can 

effectively create the aforementioned processes in the two sectors of 

people is the creation of a curriculum of at least three years’ duration and 

the process must not be thought by memorization, but it utilize “child 

centers”, “citizen dialogue” and “facilitators” as core processes because 

these bodies of knowledge are not about memorization, but they are 

about asking questions and collectively finding the answers wherein the 

facilitator is the one who gradually takes the two sectors of public toward 

the goal in order for the knowledge, realization, responsibility and 

conscience of citizenship to occur genuinely.


Civil Politics: Institutional aspect, after 

the Promulgation of 2550 Constitution 

Prapas Pintoptaeng 

The purpose of this article is to follow 

up and assess the effects of the 

p r o m u l g a t i o n o f t h e 2 0 0 7 

constitution in terms of civil politics. What 

progress has been made, and are there 

enough established institutions, mechanisms, 

processes, and space for civil politics to 

enable it to successfully push for issuing 

public policy and monitor performance of 

the state. 

During the last two or three decades, 

the problem of inadequate representative 

democracy in Thai society has brought about 

an expansion and enhancement of civil 

politics under the slogan “decrease the state’s 

power, increase the power of the people”. 

This is an essential aim of both the 1997 and 

t h e 2 0 0 7 c o n s t i t u t i o n s . T h e 2 0 0 7 

c o n s t i t u t i o n d e s i g n e d m e a s u r e s f o r 

institutionalization of civil politics in many 

provisions and articles. For example, 

c o n c e r n i n g t h e p r o c e s s o f p e o p l e ’s 

p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c p o l i c y, t h e 

constitution establishes a mechanism to 

165


create a public participation process at both national level and local level. 

Expansion of direct democracy is to create direct participation of the 

people in politics such as providing for people’s initiatives in the 

legislation, the right to recall high level administrators and the right to 

have a referendum, etc. 

Apart from that, at least two important laws have been issued to 

enhance and support civil politics: the Council for Political Development 

Act 2008 and the Council of Community Organizations Act 2007. 

More than two years after the promulgation of 2007 constitution, it 

has been found that different pressure groups in the Thai society have 

pushed for civil politics in the context of social and political conflicts. 

The creation and establishment of civil politics, in terms of institutionalization, 

expressed in principle and objective in the constitution seems to 

be beyond the imagination of social and political pressure groups 

including the main political institutions like Parliament and the 

government. For example, ancillary laws that were to be issued within 

one or two years in accordance with the constitution’s provisions have 

not been passed, and there has been very little progress. Besides, some 

principles, such as existence of an independent environmental 

organization, etc., have deviated from the constitution’s objective. Both 

of these ancillary laws to enhance civil politics still are unable to move 

effectively. 

Institutionalization and mechanisms of civil politics are instead only 

of interest as political tools for each side to pursue their own short term 

political aims. There is evidently no intention to instill civil politics in 

society in order to provide a space for people to effectively push for the 

public policy and monitor the performance of state both at national and 

local level, which are essential to create civil politics and prolong 

democracy.


How can we advocate public policy 

and evaluate government 

performance? 

Nattanan Siricharoen 

Professor, Faculty of Communication Arts, Chalermprakiet University 

Abstract 

Pu b l i c “ c o n t e n t e d n e s s ” - A n 

important factor that brings about the 

people’s well being is the government’s 

“public policy” because public policy is 

virtually the master plan leading to the use of 

i n s t r u m e n t s , t o o l s , e q u i p m e n t a n d 

operational budgets in response to the 

people’s actual demands. 

This article, therefore, was written to 

publish and present methods for pushing 

public policies for greater clarity and 

tangibility with closer resemblance to reality 

in addition to becoming a proposal for 

evaluating government performance in order 

t o a c h i e v e m a x i m u m c a u t i o n a n d 

effectiveness. The main objectives lie in 

creating perception and building conscience 

for honesty, responsibility and shame from 

sinful acts for both local and national 

167


politicians’ as well as government employees, both in the central and 

local sectors so they perform their jobs conscientiously with good intent 

free of corruption which will be a key driving force toward leading the 

nation and its citizens to civilization and well-being. 

The concepts and presentation of views broadcast through the roles 

of “NGOs” and “civil society” can be considered the representatives of 

the people of the whole nation because we have to accept that the growth 

of social movement, civil society and NGOs have continually and 

quickly adjusted and developed the work of new organizations under the 

political climate of Thailand which are highly contradictory and 

susceptible to change while the complexity of the rapidly changing 

political structures at national and local levels. In addition, the 2007 

Constitution also provides opportunities for participation over a broad 

spectrum. 

The term “public policy” refers to the government’s performance, 

decision-making and resource allocation for the benefit of the people and 

must be accepted as valuable and beneficial to all parties involved: 1. 

The government as policy maker, 2. Government employees as important 

mechanisms for policy compliance and 3. The people, whose needs will 

be responded to which bears an important impact on their lives. Both 

government employees and politicians must not forget that “The people’s 

voice is the voice of heaven”. 

As for the role of policy advocacy, the writer agrees with the key 

concept on another issue, i.e. the concept of “social welfare”, which is the 

outcome of the labor class’s fight against capitalists following the 

industrial revolution in 19th century, not by the government or capitalist 

hand-outs. Social welfare is a social system equally guaranteed to the 

government to all citizen in terms of basic needs for good quality of life, 

which is not just a matter of social welfare, but a matter of “social 

democracy” for managing the welfare state as stated by the saying 

“…from mother’s womb to the funeral pyre”. 

In this day and age, it has become evident that social context which 

is a “social current” coming from civil society and NGOs, as well as


media, are considered a social network which is virtually the only factor 

prompting the government’s willingness to change public policy at a 

certain satisfactory level. 

Evaluation of government performance may be divided into 4 parts: 

1. The government, who must check itself; 2. Private businesses who 

must perform various legal activities with the government; 3. Social 

sectors or civil society/NGOs who can broadly exercise statutory rights in 

performing the evaluation of the government and 4. The media who 

must always monitor and sniff for the unwanted odors of corruption to 

make public so society will have awareness and opposition to these 

people, so corrupt government officials will be ashamed a they consider 

themselves and eventually leave the government system. 

“Policy Advocacy” and “evaluating government performance” by 

both “NGOs” and “civil society” must be conducted with scientific and 

social knowledge and with a positive goal toward every group of people 

and with sufficient supporting academic data for the government’s 

decision making. 

If we can act as stated herein, Thai people, Thai society and 

Thailand will be able to reduce resources and budget spending to a great 

extent and the live of Thai people will be improved as never before in the 

history of our country. 

169

Group 

6 

The Strategy of Public 

Administration System Reform

The Strategy of Public Administration System Reform 

Strategies for improvement of 

the public sector management system 

Mr. Jadun Aphichartbutra 

Inspector General for Ministry of Interior 

The public sector system in Thailand 

has been in existence for a very long 

t i m e a n d h a s b e e n d e v e l o p i n g 

continually until present. The components of 

the public sector is divided into 

1. Government sector 

2. State enterprises 

3. Government organizations 

3. Public organizations 

4. Constitutionally mandated independent 

bodies 

5. Parliament 

Therefore, revamp of the public sector 

management system must encompass all 

sectors mentioned above in order to develop 

and move public administration in the same 

direction because the key aspect of the improvement 

of the public sector management 

system is “focusing on efficient operations 

173


with integrity, transparency and accountability and encouraging 

private entities and the general public to participate.” Based on this 

key principle, it can be concluded that no matter how the public sector 

will evolve, one must take into consideration the good governance 

principles under the Royal Decree on Good Governance Guideline and 

Practices B.E. 2546 (2003) which stipulates that the administration shall 

achieve the goals by ensuring public well-being, efficacy of the state’s 

missions, efficiency and economy of the state’s missions, and elimination 

of too lengthy procedures. The tasks of the government sector must be 

improved so that they are done in timely manner and people’s needs are 

served and satisfied. In addition, performance of the government sector 

must be evaluated on regular basis. 

At present, since there have been numerous changes, including 

economic, political, social, technological and cultural aspects as well as 

relevant laws, hence public sector management strategies should be 

revamped to conform to changing situations. Under present 

circumstances, a key point that must be stressed is transparency of public 

sector management that can be examined and demonstrated in tangible 

manners. The oversight of public sector management requires public 

participation in various steps, starting from policy formulation and 

implementation to post-audit and monitoring after a policy has been 

implemented. If people are involved from the beginning, the public 

sector’s conducts will genuinely satisfy public needs and operations will 

be performed transparently without any irregularities. As a result, our 

nation will further progress with concerted efforts of the public sector 

and civil sector.

Bureaucratic Reform 

Dr. Pheeraphon Trithasanit 

The Strategy of Public Administration System Reform 

This article focuses on bureaucratic 

reform of the regional administration 

system. It studies two periods of 

development of the provincial administration 

system, namely, the initial period of holistic 

integrated provincial administration (2003 - 

2008) and the period of reviewing and 

evaluating holistic integrated provincial 

administration (2008 - present). The article 

analyses the strengths and weaknesses of each 

period and comments on ways and means to 

improve the system for the future. The paper 

examines the following: the provincial 

development planning system based on 

people’s needs; the integration of the 

provincial development plan and the ministry 

authorities’ planning and development system; 

the system that allows the public, civil 

society, the private sector, governmental 

agencies and political actors to participate in 

planning and consulting programs; the 

governor recruitment system; and the 

evaluation of the governor’s performance in 

175


order to bring justice, promote morality according to His Majesty the 

King’s direction, achieve the desired outcome of serving the people, and 

build a provincial administration that is genuinely reliable for the people.

Group 

7 

Reforming Local Government for 

the Achievement of Fairness in 

Thai Society

Reforming Local Government for the Achievement of Fairness in Thai Society 

Reform of local administrative 

organization for creation of equity 

Innovation of public services and 

network-based operation 

Direk Pattamasiriwat 

De c e n t r a l i z a t i o n t o l o c a l 

administrative organizations (LAO) 

has been advocated and pushed 

forward for over a decade after the enactment 

of the 1997 Constitution. Consequently, 

quality of life of Thai people has dramatically 

improved from the provision of local public 

services, especially in the area of basic 

infrastructure that is considered basic needs 

of the people (according to Maslow’s 

concept). However, there are many levels of 

public needs. Most likely, public services that 

constitute a higher level of public needs are 

services that promote quality of life which 

encompass a) Educational services at all levels 

b) Health care and treatment services as well 

as health promotion, disease prevention and 

behavioral modification to mitigate health 

risks c) Provision of social welfare services d) 

Pr o v i s i o n o f s e r v i c e s p e r t a i n i n g t o 

environment and prevention of violation of 

environmental rights, which are current 

problems and often reported as news in the 

179


media. In the provision of these services, LAO still have minor roles, does 

not engage in service provision or is still at an early stage of development. 

Thus, service provision will be a challenging task of LAOs in the future. 

This article has the following assumptions. 

First, there is a possibility that there will be new developments of 

local administrative organization in Thailand with respect to creation of 

equity in the society. To this end, equity must be clearly defined and 

what the people are lacking must be identified by considering readiness 

of LAO’s financial and fiscal resources. It is anticipated that these new 

developments will progress gradually, that is, creating “innovation” of the 

provision of quality of life services in leading local organizations. After 

these services have been proven popular among the general public, they 

would be replicated in other LAOs. However, “massive changes” may 

occur, provided that the government lends its support. 

Second, regarding the reform of local public services to mitigate 

partiality, LAOs do not have to undertake such reform alone. Support 

from the government or collaboration with other sectors such as the 

business sector that desires to demonstrate its corporate social 

responsibility (CSR) as well as inter-disciplinary approaches will ensure 

the success of this project, rather than acting alone. 

Third, conditions of the success of new public services with respect 

to education-health-welfare and so forth rest on new knowledge, 

requiring that LAO officers need to adjust themselves. This is because 

quality of life of the people is a sensitive topic and such problems are 

individualistic. Therefore, remedial approaches must be suitable for each 

individual and solutions should not be one size fits all. 

The content of this article consists of five parts. Part 2 discusses 

about equity-related principles and theories and their application to the 

contexts of Thai locality, starting from a review of numerous examples of 

“inequity.” For instance 

a) Children/teenagers in a poor family lacking opportunities to 

attain a higher level of education (vocational level or higher


education) must work to earn money at a very young age. They 

work hard but receive a low wage. 

b) Health care services - Even though there are over 9,000 public 

health centers spreading across the country but service quality is 

not uniform. Moreover, one must accept that in many cases, 

budget allocation to operating units of Thai authorities, is done 

in such as way due to familiarity. So the method may not 

conform to the principle of equity. 1 

c) Most people in this country lack welfare. Only one-third of the 

country, that is, government employees and workers in the social 

security system receive their rights and welfare and other benefits, 

while two-thirds of Thai people, that is, farmers, laborers and 

small business owners lack many welfares. Regarding these 

problems, LAOs are in the position to help upgrade service 

quality and “close the gap.” 

Part 3 explores the progress of health-oriented public policy, that is, 

sub-district health fund which is a new tool used for behavioral 

modification that contributes to people’s health. This scheme accords 

with the principles of decentralization and public participation. This is 

done by reviewing results of an evaluative study conducted by the 

Economics Academic Service Center and records of the initiatives in each 

locality. It is worth noting that sub-district health funds began to operate 

in 2006. Initially there were 888 funds. After its operation has run for 

only a few years, the number of the funds has expanded to more than 

3,000 locations. This is a phenomenon that reflects the dynamics of 

LAOs with respect to health care services. 

Part 4 presents an analysis of future policies by creating a 

hypothetical scenario where property tax will be levied (to reduce income 

inequality) and the revenue will be used to support poor people and 

1 For example, subsidy per capita of municipality and sub-district administrative 

organization (SAO) of Thailand adheres to accustomed or customary practices in the 

past without any curiosity whether such method conforms to the principle of equity on 

horizontal or vertical axis or not. 

181


informal workers in a form of money transfer and contributions into 

truth saving funds in order to provide incentives for creation of a social 

security fund for informal workers. In addition, quantitative analysis is 

shown to assert that there is a real possibility.


Assuming Local Administrator and 

Council Member Positions 

Assoc. Prof. Trakoon Meechai 

Faculty of Political Sciences, Chulalongkorn University 

Abstract 

The objectives of the research project 

e n t i t l e d “ A s s u m i n g L o c a l 

A d m i n i s t r a t o r a n d C o u n c i l 

Member Positions” are to analyze current 

c o n f l i c t s i n l o c a l p o l i t i c s a n d l o c a l 

communities, sub-districts and villages 

between local administrative organizations 

(local administrator and local council) and 

supervisory authorities and other civil 

societies; to explore approaches for local 

politics’ structural reform which focus on the 

issues concerning local administrators and 

local councils assuming political power; and 

to strengthen local communities. This study 

underscores the issues concerning restructuring 

of the local administrative system that allows 

all sectors of local communities to take part in 

governance and local administration and the 

issues around reform approaches of the 

electoral system of local administrators and 

councils. Consequently, the system will be 

183


opened up for a greater proportional representation of civil society 

groups working as local administrators and in local councils. 

Research findings: 

1. Assuming local administrator’s position under the stipulation that 

local administrators must be directly elected by the people bestows 

strength and stability upon local administration and uplifts political 

leadership of local administrators. However, in local government’s 

executive boards, a very small proportion of women’s representation in 

the position of vice president appointed by local administrators is 

observed. 

2. Local administrative organization is a system of separation of 

powers between local government and local council but the local 

administrative organization law does not prescribe a checks and balances 

mechanism for local council. Consequently, local councils have been 

weakened and could not perform oversight functions to examine local 

government’s exercise of power. 

3. Regarding local council’s functions, the only principal role of 

local council is to enact expenditure budget ordinance of local 

administrative organization. It is observed that there are very few 

enactments of other local ordinances to control and regulate the 

provision of public services of local administrative organization. 

4. Even though local government has more dominant administrative 

roles over local council but local government’s exercise of power in the 

provision of public services is restricted under the frameworks prescribed 

by central authorities. The central authorities require that the 

administration of local government be scrutinized under a participation 

process engaged by other organizations within local administrative 

organization’s territory as follows: 

4.1 The development process of annual expenditure budget 

ordinance of local administrative organization requires 

formulation of a local development plan that has passed 

through development processes of development plans at


village and community levels. 

4.2 Strong local organization councils established under the Local 

Organization Council Act B.E. 2550 (2007) at village level 

up to provincial level within a local administrative organization’s 

territory play a collective role in formulation of development 

and operational approaches of local administrative 

organization. In some areas, local administrators and local 

council members are selected without any competition so as 

to prevent political conflicts in sub-districts and villages. 

4.3 The Department of Local Administration, Ministry of 

Interior, has expedited revitalization and development of 

village committees pursuant to the Local Administrative 

Schemes Act (Issue 11) B.E. 2511 (1968), the Ministry of 

Interior’s regulations, and the cabinet’s resolutions, 

particularly pertaining to its roles as a principal organization 

instrumental in consolidation of village plan/community 

plan. The components of a newly established village 

committee include village head, deputy village head, local 

council member who is a village resident, group leaders or 

representatives of activity groups in the village (e.g. SML, 

OTOP, village fund, public health volunteers, community 

shops, organizations set up under the community organization 

council law, farmer housewife group, saving for 

production group and women development volunteer group, 

etc.) If community committees are developed successfully, 

villages will become a strong “village institution” and will 

effect the administration of local administrative organizations 

(particularly sub-district administrative organizations and 

sub-district municipalities that have been upgraded from a 

sub-district administrative organization) 

4.4 People in villages and communities (particularly sub-district 

administrative organization and sub-district municipality) 

give less importance to local council member compared to 

local administrator, sub-district head, village head or 

185


community organization leader. When people in villages or 

communities face any problem and a local administrative 

organization is responsible for solving that problem, they will 

file grievances directly to a local administrator or sub-district 

head or village head rather than a local council member. In 

some cases, local administrators resort to “village community” 

meeting in the course of the development of village plan/ 

community plan or during the occasion that they can directly 

listen to public opinions about implementation of public 

policies. 

5. The stipulation of a similar structure for all forms of local 

administrative organization, that is, local administrators and council 

members are chosen by a direct election. Based on political, 

administrative and social fabrics as well as political culture where local 

administrative organization is not the only local government organization 

that can exercise administrative power in the provision of public services 

within a local administrative organization’s territory. However, other 

organizations also play their roles in the exercise of power, that is, central 

authorities, regional authorities, local administrators (sub-district head 

and village head), civil society organizations (committee organization 

council and various activity groups). Moreover, decision-making format 

of public policies of most local administrative organizations is not a 

majority rule in a local council (representative democracy) and the 

structure of directly elected local council alone is not representative of 

diverse groups in a locality. Meanwhile, the administrative branch’s 

determination of numerous matters requires deliberative democracy 

approach to deal with various groups in order to prevent conflicts with 

political groups, governance groups and social groups within a local 

administrative organization’s territory. 

Policy recommendations 

1. Amend Section 284 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of 

Thailand B.E. 2550 (2007) in respect to the issues concerning the 

selection process of local council members. The recommendation is there 

should be various forms of local council, that is, (1) local council


members are chosen by direct election (2) half of local council members 

are chosen by direct election and another half are represented by the civil 

society sector; and (3) local council members are represented by the civil 

society sector. The choice of a selection process of local council members 

should be resolved in accordance with people’s intents. 

2. Amend the electoral law of local administrators and council 

members by raising the issue concerning the selection process of civil 

society representatives who become local council members. The 

recommendation is there should be a selection process of civil society 

representatives at community/village level. At the level of municipality 

community (that does not have a village committee), a community 

committee screens and selects candidates. At village level (within a 

territory of municipality and sub-district administrative organization), a 

village committee selects candidates. Qualified candidates must not hold 

any position of sub-district head, village head or deputy village head. 

3. In the case of community in a municipality area, there should be 

a law that sanctions the status of community committee in a 

municipality area, setting it free from the municipality and granting it 

the status of a juristic person (similar to a law regulating the 

establishment of a juristic person of a real estate project). Village 

committee should also attain the status of a juristic person. 

4. Amend the local administrative organization law in respect to 

relationship between local government and local council. Local council 

should be bestowed greater power so that it can control and examine 

local government’s operation. In case there are conflicts between local 

government and local council and both sides cannot reach a compromise, 

conflict issues should be resolved by a public referendum. 

5. The decentralization committee submits a proposal to the 

government suggesting more enactment power of local ordinances be 

devolved to local administrative organizations. Moreover, capacitybuilding 

of local council and local council members should be 

undertaken along with awareness-raising among general public to ensure 

that people understand about local council’s roles, power and duties. 

187


6. Amend the local administrative organization law that prescribes 

drafting of expenditure budget ordinance and local ordinances and any 

administrative actions of local administrative organization that affects 

public interests in a locality or any group of people. It is suggested that 

local administrative organization should have “consultation” process that 

deals with the civil society sector (community committee, village 

committee) in affected community/village beforehand. 

7. Amend the direct election scheme of local administrators by 

stipulating that local executive board (president and vice president) be 

chosen by an election. In addition, women should be represented in a 

local executive board in the position of vice president and half of board 

members should be women.


From Conflict to Innovation: 

Participatory Budgeting in Suanmon Tambon 

Administrative Organization, Khonkaen 

Phavinee Chanyprakhang 

Abstract 

Conflict is not necessarily negative. 

S o m e t i m e s i t i s a s t i m u l u s o f 

innovation, for new, creative ideas, 

procedures or approaches to mitigate and 

s o l v e p r o b l e m s . S u a n m o n Ta m b o n 

Administrative Organization’s participatory 

b u d g e t i n g c a n b e a g o o d e x a m p l e o f 

changing conflict into innovation. This paper 

explores how Suanmon TAO managed to 

discard an old, conflicting, pork-barreling 

budget allocation approach and set up 

participatory budgeting in which citizens 

deliberate and negotiate over the distribution 

of public financial resources. Suanmon 

TAO’s participatory budgeting not only 

reduces heated conflict, but also improves 

performance and responsiveness to citizens’ 

needs. 

189

Biographical Information

Current Positions 


Professor Bovornsak Uwanno Ph D 

Secretary-General, King Prajadhipok’s Institute 

Chief Executive Officer, Princess Maha Chakri 

Sirindhorn Anthropology Centre (SAC) 

Chairman, Audit Committee for the Ministry of Justice 

State Councilor 

Education Background 

Member, Law Commission, Office of the Council of State 

of Thailand 

Honorar y Member, Office of the Public Sector 

Development Commission 

Member, National Health Systems Reform Committee 

Member, Chulalongkorn University Council 

Member, Board of Directors, Thai Asset Management 

Corporation 

Ph.D in Public Law (With High Honors), University of 

Paris 10, France 

Master of Advanced Studies in Administrative Law, 

University of Paris 2, France 

Studies in Public Law (With Honors), 

University of Paris 10, France 

Bachelor of Laws (First Class Honor), Chulalongkorn 

University 

193


Others Certified Thai Barrister, Institute of Legal Education of 

the Thai Bar 

Work Experiences 

National Defence College Class 4111 

Cabinet Secretary-General 

Dean, Faculty of Law, Chulalongkorn University 

Policy Adviser to then Prime Minister General Chatichai 

Choonhavan 

Deputy Secretary-General to the Prime Minister (Political 

Affairs) 

Senator 

Former Member, Constitution Drafting Assembly 

Advisor, Senate Standing Committee on Interior 

Administration 

Advisor, Standing Committee on Justice and Human 

Rights, Thai Parliament 

Chairman, Advisory Board to the Senate Standing 

Committee on Environment 

Chairman, Advisory Board on Legal Affairs to President 

of the Senate 

Member, Commission on the Bureaucratic and Public 

Administration Reform 

Member, Committee to decide on Information Disclosure 

on Social Sector, Public Administration and Law 

Enforcement 

Chairman, Advisory Board to then Deputy Transport 

Minister Pinij Jarusombat

Academic Works 


Member, Sub-Committee scrutinising Amendments of 

the National Constitution’s Section 211 

Bovornsak Uwanno, Public Law, Volume III: Origin and 

Juristic Methods. Bangkok: Nititham Publishing House, 

1995. 423 pages. 

Bovornsak Uwanno, Public Law, Volume II: The 

Separation of Public Law and Private Law and History of 

Public Law in Thailand. Bangkok: Nititham Publishing 

House, 1994. 334 pages. 

Bovornsak Uwanno, The system to control the 

administrative power in United Kingdom). Bangkok: 

Nititham Publishing House, 1994. 192 pages. 

Bovornsak Uwanno, Law and Alternatives for Thai 

society. Bangkok: Nititham Publishing House, 1994. 467 

pages. 

Bovornsak Uwanno, Public Law, Volume I: Development 

of Philosophies and Features of Public Law in Various 

Ages. Bangkok: Nititham Publishing House, 1994. 467 

pages. 

B o v o r n s a k U w a n n o a n d W i s s a n u K r e a - n g a m , 

Explanatory Book of the Interim Constitution B.E.2520 

(1977), First Edition. Bangkok: Nam Aksorn Publishing 

House, 1977. 195 pages. 

Bovornsak Uwanno, Lecture on Constitution of Courts 

of Justice, 713335. 1977. 92 pages. 

Bovornsak Uwanno, Lecture on Introduction to Law, 

1977. 60 pages. 

195


Bovornsak Uwanno and Wissanu Krea-ngam, The Status 

of the King according to the Constitution of the 

Kingdom of Thailand), Chulalongkorn Law Journal. No. 

3 (May – August 1977), Page148-183 

Bovornsak Uwanno, Civil and Commercial Code of Law, 

Book 6 on Heritage Law. Bangkok: Nititham Publishing 

House, 1994, 701 pages. 

Bovornsak Uwanno, Khemchai Chutiwongse, and 

Thitipan Chuerboonchai. Handbook on Negotiation for 

Thai-Foreign Joint Investment Contracts, Bangkok: The 

Board of Investment of Thailand, Chulalongkorn 

University Academic Service Center, Law Development 

a n d R e s e a r c h C e n t r e a t t h e F a c u l t y o f L a w, 

Chulalongkorn University, 1992. 239 pages. 

Bovornsak Uwanno, Text on Thai and Foreign legal 

systems Unit 2: Romano-Germanic Law Family. 

Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University’s School of 

Law. Bangkok: Victory Power Point Corp Ltd, 1985. 

Page 57- 140 (83 pages). Paper for practice on Thai and 

foreign legal systems Unit 2. Page 18-28. 10 pages. 

Bovornsak Uwanno and Khemchai Chutiwongse, Lecture 

on Contracts. Bangkok: Copy duplicated and bonded by 

Faculty of Law, Chulalongkorn University. 1977. 360 

pages.

Current positions: 

Education 

Academic Works: 


Professor Pasuk Phongpaichit 

Professor, Faculty of Economics, 

Chulalongkorn University 

Director, Political Economy Centre, 

Faculty of Economics, Chulalongkorn University. 

Director, the Research Subcommittee of the National 

Counter Corruption Commission 

Member of International Advisory Board of the 

Program on Latin American and the Asia Pacific Rim, 

University of California at San Diego (UCSD), USA. 

Ph.D Economics, University of Cambridge, U.K. 

M.A. Economics, Monash University, Australia 

B.A. Economics (Hons), Monash University, Australia 

Corruption and Democracy in Thailand Pasuk 

Phongpaichit and Sungsidh Piriyarangsan, Political 

Economy Centre, Chulalongkorn University, 1994 

The Thai political economy in the Bangkok era Pasuk 

Phongpaichit and Chris Beker, Silkworm Books 1996 

Thailand’s Illegal Economy and Public Policy Pasuk 

Phongpaichit, Nualnoi Treerat, Sungsidh Piriyarangsan, 

Political Economy Centre, Chulalongkorn University, 

1998 

197


Corruption in the Thai bureaucratic system Pasuk 

Phongpaichit, Nualnoi Treerat, Sungsidh Piriyarangsan 

presented to the National Counter Corruption 

Commission 

Illegal lottery, Brothels, Gambling dens, Illegal drug and 

Illegal Economy and Public Policy Pasuk Phongpaichit, 

Nualnoi Treerat, Sungsidh Piriyarangsan, Silkworm 

Books, 2000 

“Ban Lom Rat” published in “Withi Sungkom Thai” on 

the occasion of a century, Pridi Phanomyong, Editor 

Santisuk Soponsiri, 2001 

Illegal gambling Industry in Thailand, the United 

Kingdom, the United States, Australia, and Malaysia. 

Pasuk Phongpaichit, Nualnoi Treerat, Sungsidh 

Piriyarangsan and Kanoksak Kaewthep The Thailand 

Research Fund’s Senior Research Scholar, 1997 

Lifestyle, the Fighting Methods, the Contemporary 

People Movement, the Thailand Research Fund and 

Silkworm Books, 2002. Pasuk Phongpaichit and The 

Thailand Research Fund’s Senior Research Scholar, 2002 

Form Peasant Grils to Bangkok Masseuses, (Geneva : 

ILO, 1980), Japanese and English language 

Employment, Income and Mobilisation of Local 

Resources in Three Thai Villages, (Bangkok : ILO – 

ARTEP , 1982). 

Socio – Economic Survey of Low – Income Returnees 

and Thais in Trat, With Samart Chiasakul, Somphob 

Manarangsan and others, a Report prepared for the 

Operation Center for Displaced Persons in Thailand, 

Ministry of Interior, with support From Norwegian 

Church Aid. (Bangkok, 1985).


The Social Indicators in Thailand: The 1980’s. (Bangkok: 

NESDB, 1987). 

The New Wave of Japanese Investment in ASEAN: 

Determinants and Prospects, (Singapore: Institute of 

Southeast Asian Studies, 1990). English and Japanese 

language 

Thailand: Economy and Politics , with Chris Baker. 

(Oxford University Press, 1995) 

Corruption and Democracy in Thailand, with Sungsidh 

Piriyarangsan. (Chiangmai:Silkworm Books, 1996) 

Guns, Girls, Gambling, Ganja: Thailand’s Illegal 

Economy and Public Policy, with Sungsibh Piriyarangsan 

and Nualnoi Teerat. (Chiangmai: Silkworm Books, 

1997). 

Thailand’s Boom!, with Chris Baker. (Chiangmai: 

Silkworm Books, 1996). 

T h a i l a n d ’s B o o m a n d Bust, w i t h C h r i s Baker. 

(Chiangmai: Silkworm Books, 1997) 

199


Positions: 

Education 

Academic works: 

Professor Nithi Eawsriwong 

Chief, Department of History, Chiang Mai University’s 

Faculty of Humanities (retired in 2000) 

Ph.D: University of Michigan 

M.A (History): Chulalongkorn University, Faculty of Arts 

B.A (History): Chulalongkorn University, Faculty of Arts. 

Research works on cultural history such as The History of 

Rattanakosin in the Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya, 

(1978), the Thai Politics during the reign of King Narai 

(1979), Sunthorn Phu, the Great Poet (1981), the Thai 

Politics during the Reign of King Taksin (1986) 

Won the Sriburapha Award in 2002 

Won the Fukuoka award in 1999 

Wrote articles such as The Thoughts and Views of Nithi, 

The Community Forests, Confusion and Attitude, the 

Poor in Thailand 

Wrote books such as “Think as Buddhists”, “Think 

within their Frames of Mind Featuring Culture and a 

Way of Thinking”, “The Thai Society Footnote in the Eye 

of Analysts”, “Pens and Sails” 

Translation works such as “Buddhism, Essence and 

Development” written by Edward Conze, “The Germans 

in History” by Hubertus zu Loewenstein and “The First 

Stages of Islam”

Positions 

Education 

Work Experience: 

Director of Overall Planning Division 


Dr. Porametee Vimolsiri 

Bachelor of Economics in Quantitative Analysis in 

Economics, Chulalongkorn University, 1981-1984 

Master of International Affairs in International 

Economics, Columbia University, New York, USA, 1985- 

1986 

Ph.D. of Economics in Money and Public Finance 

Economics, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada, 1989- 

1994 

Plan and Policy Analyst Level 4, Overall Planning 

Division, Office of the National Economic and Social 

Development Board (NESDB), 1987-1993 

Plan and Policy Analyst Level 5, Economic Analysis and 

Projection Division,1994 

Plan and Policy Analyst Level 6, Economic Analysis and 

Projection Division, 1995 

Acting Head of Planning Technique Unit, Economic 

Analysis and Projection Division, 1996 

Head of Planning Technique Unit, Economic Analysis 

and Projection Division, 1997 

201


Other Positions 

Member, National Debt Policy Committee 

(Ministry of Finance) 

Member, Working Group for Money-Loaning to 

Compensate Trade Deficit (Ministry of Finance) 

Member, Working Group to Study the Government’s 

Revenue Collection (Ministry of Finance) 

Member, Working Group to Set Macroeconomic Policy 

Framework in the Country Development (Office of the 

Prime Minister’s Advisory Council) 

Member, Secretary Section, The 5th Cabinet Agenda 

Screening Committee (Prime Minister’s Office) 

Member, Working Group to Formulate and Supervise the 

Plan Execution of Power Decentralization to Local 

Administrative Organizations and Action Plan (Secretariat 

of the Prime Minister) 

Advisor, Working Group for Project on Agricultural 

Statistics and Information (Ministry of Agriculture and 

Cooperatives) 

Research-supervising Committee Member and Manager, 

Project Sponsored by Asian Development Bank for the 

Strategy Formulation for Medium Term Development 

(NESDB) 

Research-supervising Committee Member, Policy 

Research Project on Macroeconomics for the Ninth 

National Economic and Social Development Plan’s 

Macroeconomic Policy Formulation (NESDB) 

M e m b e r, C o o r d i n a t i n g C o m m i t t e e f o r t h e 

“Strengthening of Macroeconomic Statistics (SOME)“ 

project (NESDB)


Member, Working Group to Produce Price Index and 

Value for Import and Export Goods (NESDB) 

Special Lecturer, Master of Science (Economics) Evening 

Program, Faculty of Economics, Kasetsart University 

Lecturer, Graduate School, Kasetsart University 

203


Current position 

Education 

Work Experiences 

Dr Sompop Chareonkul 

Executive Vice President of Loxley Public Company 

Limited and 

Chairman of the Executive Board, Asia Security 

Management Co., Ltd. 

Commerce (1 st Class Honours), Chulalongkorn University 

MBA. (Marketing), University of Wisconsin-Madison, 

USA 

M.S. (Business Administration), University of Wisconsin 

- Madison, USA 

Ph.D. (Business Administration), University of Wisconsin 

- Madison, USA 

National Defense College (4212) 

Honorary Advisor, Software Industry Promotion Agency 

(Public Organization) (SIPA), 

Advisor to Deputy Commerce Minister 

Chief Executive Officer, Progress Information Company 

Limited 

Chairman of the Executive Board, Law Enforcement 

Technology Solutions Co., Ltd., 

Executive Director, Oriental Post Company Limited 

Director, Loxley Trading Company Limited


Director, the Civil Service Sub-Commission on Ethics 

Promotion for Public Sector Transparency 

Director, the High-Ranking Position Classification 

Committee, the Secretariat of the Cabinet 

Chairman (Entertainment) the National Defence College 

Association 

Di rector, So c i e t e C o m m e rciale L a o C o m p a n y 

LimitedTeam Foundation 

Advisor, Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of 

Commerce and Accountancy, Department of Marketing 

Radio host of the programe “Business Connection” on 

FM 96.5 station 

Columnist “Anupop” Daily News’s page 8 

205

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