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NEWS<br />

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Property without politics?<br />

Toby Lambert, Head of Residential Development (East) at Carter Jonas looks ahead to this<br />

year’s General Election and why the development industry will be a key battleground.<br />

The position of the two main political parties could not be more diametrically<br />

opposed: Labour as YIMBYs, Conservatives as NIMBYs; Labour in support of Green<br />

Belt release, Conservatives opposed; Labour committed to housebuilding targets for<br />

both market and social/affordable housing, Conservatives blocking development<br />

through indecision and delay.<br />

This contrast is exemplified in the fact that housebuilding was a major focus of<br />

Labour’s autumn conference, whereas it was notably absent from the Conservatives’<br />

conference agenda.<br />

The need for change<br />

Most of us in the development industry recognise the need for change. As the<br />

Home Builders Federation (HBF) says, introducing its recent report Firmer<br />

Foundations, “The UK is in the midst of a housing crisis, where politics has too<br />

often got in the way of practical solutions”.<br />

Its ten-point plan for government action states that England is the hardest place in<br />

the developed world to find a home, with the lowest rates of vacant homes across<br />

all OECD nations.<br />

Despite there being a demand for change, however, I am beginning to question<br />

whether politics is the force to bring it about. Should something as important as a<br />

home become a political football, with approaches to development radically shifting<br />

with political whim or a change of government, and should the output of the<br />

development industry be so intrinsically linked to politicians’ and pundits’ desire to<br />

talk up or down the housing crisis?<br />

It was over a year ago, following a rebellion by backbench<br />

Conservative MPs, that Michael Gove promised to make<br />

government-set housing targets more flexible. The statement<br />

resulted in many local authorities stalling their local plans in<br />

anticipation of further clarification - clarification which is still<br />

awaited. And whilst the new NPPF shows that we delivered<br />

232,820 net additional dwellings in 2021/2022, this still falls short<br />

of the Government’s stated target of 300,000 homes to be built year<br />

on year from 2025.<br />

The shortage of consented land is compounded by delays in the<br />

planning system – the latter the result of the failure to resolve the<br />

nutrient neutrality problem, the under-resourcing of local planning<br />

authorities and the inertia in local plan production, especially in<br />

authorities dependent on Green Belt release for growth.<br />

The impact on the development industry is intense competition<br />

for available land, with higher bids than anticipated and less of<br />

a variance between conditional and unconditional offers. This<br />

immediately factors into viability assessments.<br />

In some cases, it dilutes the quality of new communities or substantially reduces<br />

the benefits that can be provided – from open spaces and community infrastructure<br />

to social/affordable housing, and it invariably perpetuates house price rises.<br />

With the PLC housebuilders competing for smaller sites than before, SME<br />

housebuilders are often priced out of the market. Unsurprisingly, the HBF despairs<br />

of a housing crisis, ‘decades in the making’.<br />

In part, a consequence of slower development; in part a consequence of increased<br />

house prices and increased mortgage rates, sales rates are currently as low as 0.5<br />

sales per week per operational outlet compared to an average of 1.5. This then<br />

impacts the financing of development schemes, which is already stretched by the<br />

considerable hike in interest rates.<br />

With each of these factors the result of recent political decisions, I believe the<br />

argument in favour of separating land from politics has never been more valid.<br />

There are many levels on which this could occur, and in doing so substantially<br />

benefit the functioning of the sector and the supply of new homes.<br />

A long-term approach to land assembly<br />

Land assembly is a long-term process which invariably extends beyond a single<br />

political term. But the release of land must be a continual process – not one to be<br />

delayed because greater restrictions on the Green Belt (under the Conservatives)<br />

might raise values or rushed through because the potential for CPO by Local<br />

Authorities (under Labour) might reduce values.<br />

Strategic planning should operate outside the remit of local authorities, the elected<br />

members of which are too easily swayed by constituents’ sentiment, especially in<br />

the run-up to an election.<br />

Consistency in planning gain<br />

Greater clarification and consistency are required over the provision of community<br />

benefits, social/affordable housing, biodiversity net gain and the many other<br />

demands made on developers throughout the planning process – demands which<br />

have the potential to threaten the viability of an entire scheme when announced at<br />

a late stage in its conception.<br />

The proposed Infrastructure Levy is probably not the ideal – not least because<br />

being determined by development profits – it cannot be budgeted for and therefore<br />

considerably increases uncertainty.<br />

Greater consistency in housebuilding input can only be achieved through greater<br />

consistency in the requirements made of developers.<br />

Objectivity in decision-making<br />

The developer’s utopia would include the abolition of planning committees. This<br />

would deliver the much-needed separation of development from local politics<br />

and an increased consistency and transparency in planning decisions, based on<br />

universal, objective principles.<br />

The policies need not be put in place by the Secretary of State as is currently the<br />

case with the NPPF (although that said, at the time of writing, the revisions first<br />

proposed a year ago are yet to be implemented) - but might be better drawn up by<br />

nationally based arms-length organisation.<br />

While the Regional Spatial Strategies of the early 2000s were far from utopia, the<br />

majority of the development industry would, I believe, agree that they are the<br />

closest we have been to achieving utopia when it comes to allocating land for<br />

development, and that coupled with the ‘zoning’ process that is proven to work in<br />

other countries, may provide the best solution to date.<br />

Longevity and political separation in planning principles<br />

This process would have the further benefit of allowing policies to extend beyond<br />

a five-year parliamentary term, as is necessary for example in implementing a<br />

wholescale review of the Green Belt, establishing investment zones or New Towns,<br />

or of any development reliant on new transport infrastructure.<br />

The positive elements of politics<br />

With the development industry representing such a large portion of the UK<br />

economy, the variance in economics, market forces and social demands would<br />

mean that politics could not be disassociated from the sector entirely.<br />

The involvement of politics would be largely fiscal – for example, in providing<br />

initiatives for first-time buyers to get onto the property ladder or incentivise<br />

downsizing through Stamp Duty reductions. Both are crucial to re-starting the market<br />

after a slow-down but may require a shorter-term, closely monitored application<br />

which does not create a disruptive bump in the market (as was said of Help to Buy).<br />

A single initiative to encourage baby boomers to downsize could release trillions of<br />

pounds of equity from homes, ultimately cascading down to ensure we stimulate<br />

the market from the bottom up.<br />

Conclusion – is politics-free development a reality?<br />

Within its first 100 days, the 1997 Labour Government took interest rates out of<br />

politics. This move was previously unimaginable – although it has largely been seen<br />

as successful. Could a 2024 Labour Government take planning out of politics?<br />

Perhaps not – not because it would be impossible to do so, but because the Labour<br />

Party is intent on resolving the housing crisis, and to succeed in doing so would not<br />

only be an unparalleled achievement but would almost certainly guarantee a second<br />

term.<br />

However, elements of the planning system, as we saw with Labour’s Regional<br />

Spatial Strategies and Regional Assemblies, can be successfully disentangled from<br />

politics to the advantage of all involved, politicians included.<br />

www.thepropertydrop.co.uk<br />

01600 717255<br />

info@thepropertydrop.co.uk<br />

Whilst every care is taken with materials submitted to The Property Drop the publisher cannot accept responsibility for loss<br />

or damage to such materials. Opinions expressed in articles are strictly those of the authors. This publication is copyright<br />

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and may not be reproduced in any form without written permission from the publishers. Prices and details are subject to<br />

change and the publisher can take no responsibility for omissions or errors. The inclusion of an advertiser in this paper is not<br />

necessarily a recommendation. ©The Property Drop 2024.<br />

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