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Nota Bene - University of Chicago

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�Αβε�ρκιος ω� δε γραφη�ναι), and then take the full extent <strong>of</strong> lines 18-22 as having been added by<br />

his family (whom, we notice, are never mentioned in the text <strong>of</strong> the inscriptions we have) 67 or<br />

others after his death at 72 (ε� βδομηκοστο� ν ε�τος και� δευ� τερον η�γον α� ληθω� ς), using his<br />

personified voice to call down a curse against those who might violate “my tomb” (τυ� μβος ε� μου�).<br />

The interpretation <strong>of</strong> v. 18 as a pivot seems worth further study. At any rate, Robert’s essential<br />

suggestion -- that we likely do not have a single inscription but three, and that we should not<br />

assume they all occupied the single, frontal face <strong>of</strong> the inscription -- seems well taken. Even if<br />

one theory cannot be proven to the exclusion <strong>of</strong> others, our examination and interpretation <strong>of</strong><br />

the epitaph should proceed to try on various constellations <strong>of</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> meaning and mutual<br />

influence. Even Ramsay, the finder <strong>of</strong> the stones, thought the text was inscribed on 3 faces <strong>of</strong><br />

the stone. In my judgment, for all these considerations, the question deserves to be<br />

reopened. 68<br />

The most striking parallel to the phenomenon <strong>of</strong> multiple inscriptions is the famous<br />

North African tomb monument <strong>of</strong> T. Flavius Secundus which we saw in Kasserine, which<br />

contains several inscriptions in variant sizes <strong>of</strong> lettering, explicitly building upon one another as<br />

living authorial voice passes into death and others “speak” for it. In this case the son adds 20<br />

lines to mark symbolically the age <strong>of</strong> the original author (now interred within), who had<br />

composed and had inscribed the lengthy Latin poem -- more than 4 times as many lines as our<br />

Abercius -- while alive. 69 Although this monument would have dwarfed Abercius’ in size, it<br />

Page 20<br />

perhaps provides us with the same phenomenon <strong>of</strong> a monument erected during the life <strong>of</strong> the<br />

main figure, but then also “growing” along and beyond him. Unlike Secundus père, we do not<br />

------------------------------------<br />

67 Nor in the vita Abercii, where he is presented only in the company <strong>of</strong> the “brothers and sisters” <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Christian community. It is οι� παρο� ντες who burried his body in the tomb (§79 [55]).<br />

68 “The stone on which the epitaph was engraved was a block <strong>of</strong> marble nearly square. One side was plain<br />

except for a circular garland or crown in the middle, and a broad double band <strong>of</strong> moulding round the edge. The other<br />

three sides were occupied by the inscription , which was engraved in a sunk panel surrounded by a broad band <strong>of</strong><br />

moulding” (Cities and Bishoprics <strong>of</strong> Phrygia, 425; see n. XX below on the confusion involved here between the<br />

bomos and the tymbos); followed by Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers, vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 495-966 that “the epitaph was<br />

engraved on three sides <strong>of</strong> a nearly square block <strong>of</strong> marble.” See also Abel, “Étude sur l’inscription d’Abercius,” 346<br />

(who disputes Robert’s idea that the wreath side <strong>of</strong> the stone had engraving, but argues for several different faces<br />

being inscribed).<br />

69 For a description <strong>of</strong> the monument, and exegesis <strong>of</strong> it as a good illustration <strong>of</strong> “symbolic epigraphy,” see<br />

Bodel, “Epigraphy and the ancient historian,” 39-40.

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