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HISTORICAL GRAMMAR OF OLD PRUSSIAN

HISTORICAL GRAMMAR OF OLD PRUSSIAN

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<strong>HISTORICAL</strong> <strong>GRAMMAR</strong> <strong>OF</strong> <strong>OLD</strong> <strong>PRUSSIAN</strong><br />

* 10. The articulation of Pr. -a moved forward after palatals and j,<br />

i.e. was spelled as a and e irrespectively, e.g.: Pr. (E) garian = *gar’an<br />

‘tree’ vs. wargien = *var’an ‘copper’ (the spelling wargien with g shows<br />

that the informant perceived *r’ as *rj, cf. PEÞ IV 221 as well as * 24<br />

further), (III) gçide = *g…eid’a ‘waits’. At the same time the unstressed Pr.<br />

a is spelled as e sometimes, e.g. (III): sedinna ‘states’ (PEÞ IV 34 s.v.<br />

sadinna), widdewû ‘widow’ (PEÞ IV 234), (E): tresde ‘thrush’ (PEÞ IV<br />

199), wessis ‘sledge’ (PEÞ IV 232) 10 .<br />

b) Long vowels<br />

* 11. The dialect of the Elbing Vocabulary is more archaic than<br />

dialect(s) of the Catechisms in respect to the fate of Baltic long vowels,<br />

whether accented or unaccented. The fate of the final lond *-ç in the<br />

Prussian word for ‘mother’ is a good example to make this evident. This<br />

word is barytone (the ending is unstressed), but the shortening of the final<br />

vowel took place in dialects of the Catechisms only, cf. (E) mothe = *m¯Étç<br />

(the ending is long!) vs. (III) mûti (the ending is short!) < *mûtî < *m¯Étç<br />

(for these û resp. î see further ** 13, 15).<br />

* 12. Balt. *î --> WBalt. *î produced Pr. (E) *î, spelled as i, y and ie,<br />

e.g. : Pr. (E) giwato ‘life’ (cf. Lith. gyvat‡a), ylo ‘awl’ (cf. Lith. ƒyla, Latv.<br />

µlens ‘idem’), liede ‘pike’ (cf. Lith. lyd…ys, Latv. l±daka). The same WBalt.<br />

*î is spelled as i, î, ei, ey in the Catechisms. Cf. spelling of the same word<br />

final vowels are reduced to short there (this is obvious from the variations in spelling as in gen.<br />

sg. fem. menses II / mensas III < *-`s). Nevertheless this process (known as reduction of the final<br />

vowels) is not attested in the Elbing Vocabulary – cf. antis (not o ants), wosee. This shows that the<br />

inflection nom. sg. masc. -is (with its i reduced) instead of *-as hardly can be explained as a result<br />

of purely phonetic shortening (no shortening took place!). Therefore, the inflection nom. sg.<br />

masc. -s as well in the dialects of the Catechisms may be older than the reduction of the final<br />

vowels there and may have been caused by the same grammatical (not pure phonetic) reasons as<br />

in the dialects of the Elbing Vocabulary (cf. here ** 89, 91–92). – L.P.<br />

10 Spelling a as e reflects the reduction of a in the unstressed position and shows the strength of<br />

the dynamic accent in Prussian. Therefore this was namely the strong accent which caused reduction<br />

of the final (unstressed) vowels in the dialects of the Catechisms. As for mixing a and e after<br />

palatals and j, this reflects the absence of the phonematic opposition between /a/ and /e/ in all<br />

positions except initial – cf. ftn. 8. – L.P.<br />

17

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