HISTORICAL GRAMMAR OF OLD PRUSSIAN

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30 V. Maþiulis ing” and I consider it to be a derivative with a suffix adj. fem. *-en` from adj. (pc. pt. pass.) Pr. *karta- ‘(what is) hung’ Lith. k³rti etc.). Cf. more detailed in PEÞ II 131–134. Pr. (E) gle[u]ptene ‘mouldboard’ = *gl’aubtenç or *gl’aubtinç arose in the same way (PEÞ II 275 f.). For Pr. suf. *-în` cf. krixtieno (E) ‘earth-swallow’ = *krîkstîn¯É (PEÞ II 275 f.). * 54. Adjctives with a suf. *-en- (: *-an-) produced: glosano ‘slowworm’ (PEÞ I 383 f.), pelanno ‘hearth’ (PEÞ III 247) and pelanne ‘ashes’, warene ‘copper cauldron’ (PEÞ IV 220), wissene ‘ledum (palustre)’ (PEÞ IV 255). * 55. Pr. suf. *-men- was used to derive consonant-stem nouns, e.g.: Pr. (E) semeno ‘plover (Brachvogel)’ = *sçmen¯É < adj. (fem.) *sçmen` WBalt., EBalt. Latv. *ðû- ‘to sew’, cf. Pr. (E) schumeno), as well as from adjectives (Balt. dial. *plesa-, cf. Pr. (E) plasmeno – PEÞ l.c.), or substantivized adjectives (Balt. *ƒzeltan, cf. Pr. (E) sealtmeno – PEÞ l.c.). This derivation was no younger than Common (or at lest West) Baltic epoch, therefore could not be productive in historical Prussian. – L.P. 19 Suf. *-in-, *-în- meant origin or belonging to a group (sort), and were used to derive nouns and adjectives from nouns. They were productive in Prussian, cf. Pr. fem. *dein` (cf. acc. sg. deinan III) ‘day’ --> deininan (III) ‘daily’, *kaims (cf. caymis E) ‘village’ --> acc. sg. kaimînan (III) ‘neighbour’. This root (similarly to Lith. k³imas ‘village’, ki…emas ‘farm, yard’, Latv. cÑems ‘idem’) represents a “centum” exception of satemization in a “satem” langiage – cf. its regular “satem’ counterpart Pr. seimîns III, Lith. ðeim$, Latv. saime, ORus. ñºìüÿ. For regular correspondences in “centum” languages cf. Go. haims ‘village’, Gk. êþìç ‘idem’. Lith. k³imas is considered to be
HISTORICAL GRAMMAR OF OLD PRUSSIAN ‘feather-bed’ (PEÞ III 292), sompisinis (E) ‘bread of coarse-ground flour’ (PEÞ IV 140) etc19 . There are also derivatives with a suffix *-în in Prussian, e.g.: adj. alkîns (III) ‘hungry’ (PEÞ I 66), subst. acc. sg. kaimînan (III) ‘neighbour’ (PEÞ II 75 f.), subst. seimîns (III) ‘family’ (PEÞ IV 93). * 57. Pr. suf. -ain- and -ein- were used to derive adjectives and substantivized adjectives, e.g.: deynayno (E) ‘morning star’ = *deinain¯É < adj. (fem.) *deinain` ‘daily’ (PEÞ I 188), g[elta]ynan (E galatynan) adv. ‘yellow’ = *geltainan (PEÞ I 344 f.), s[u]weynis (E seweynis) ‘piggery’ = *suvein- (PEÞ IV 103 f., cf. Ambrazas DDR II 57), adv. angstainai (III) ‘early’ and angsteina ‘idem’ (PEÞ I 78 f.). Note: The Germans (resp. Germanized Prussians) could confuse spellings -ain- and -ein- in Prussian texts (especially in Catechisms). * 58. Suf. -ûn was used to form substantives from verbs and (substantivized) adjectives, cf. Pr. acc. maldûnin ‘youth’ < Pr. adj. *maldûna- ‘youthful’ (PEÞ III 104 f.), Pr. percunis (E) ‘thunder’ < Balt. adj. masc. *perkûnas ‘related to *perkus “oak-tree” ’ (PEÞ III 265), Pr. alkunis (E) ‘elbow’ = *alkûnis < Balt. adj. *alkûna-/*elkûna- ‘having a bend’ (PEÞ I 67 f.), Pr. waldûns (pl. weldûnai) (III) ‘inheritor’ < Pr. *veldûnas ‘idem’ < Pr. *veld- ‘inherit’ (PEÞ IV 229), Pr. malunis (E) ‘mill’ < Pr. *malûnas ‘idem’ < Polish m_ lyn + Pr. *mal- ‘to mill’ (PEÞ III 107 f.) 20 . a borrowing from Prussian because of irregular correspondence of tone in Pr. k`ima(luke) ‘visits’ (= Pr. caymis E = acute *kaým(a)s, not circumflex o coymis! – see * 4 and ftn. 2) vs. Lith. acute k³imas ‘village’ (not cirkumflex as in ki…emas = Latv. cÑems, i.e. not o kaµmas!). As for the said “centum” exception in general, it may have been not an exception but a result of borrowing from Germanic (cf. Gothic above) into Baltic. Nevertheless some nouns, derived with a suf. -in, seem to be of archaic Baltic-Slavic origin, e.g. part of those which mark male animals in respect to basic feminine appellative, cf. Pr. (E) masc. awins ‘ram’, Lith. masc. ãvinas ‘idem’, Latv. masc. $uns ‘idem’, OSl. ovünú ‘idem’ vs. Lith. fem. avÑs ‘sheep’, OLatv. fem. avs ‘idem’, OSl. “dimin.” ovü-ca ‘idem’. – L.P. 20 Such words as Pr. waldûns (III) show that suf. *-ûn was still productive in Prussian, in spite of earlier derivatives of Common Baltic past, as e.g. Pr. percunis (E) – cf. Lith. perk«nas, Latv. dial. p@&çrk°uns, or Pr. alkunis (E) – cf. Lith. alk«në, Latv. ‡elkuonis @ – L.P. 31
Page 1: Vytautas Maþiulis HISTORICAL GRAMM
Page 4 and 5: 4 4. Declination of adjectives / 63
Page 6 and 7: 6 Abbreviations A. Sources and bibl
Page 8 and 9: 8 V. Maþiulis VBK - Vakarø baltø
Page 10 and 11: 10 impf. - imperfect indecl. - inde
Page 12 and 13: 12 V. Maþiulis Preface The researc
Page 14 and 15: 14 V. Maþiulis For the Prussian ac
Page 16 and 17: 16 V. Maþiulis and Latv. e, cf.: P
Page 18 and 19: 18 V. Maþiulis ‘life’ there: n
Page 20 and 21: 20 V. Maþiulis e.g.: br`ti (III)
Page 22 and 23: 22 V. Maþiulis I consent to the op
Page 24 and 25: 24 V. Maþiulis Pr. *s has been tur
Page 26 and 27: 26 V. Maþiulis blauzdÑkaulis / bl
Page 28 and 29: 28 V. Maþiulis b) `-stems (fem.) d
Page 32 and 33: 32 V. Maþiulis * 59. Suf. *-ôn wa
Page 34 and 35: 34 V. Maþiulis With Pr. suf. *-ôl
Page 36 and 37: 36 V. Maþiulis b) from adjectives,
Page 38 and 39: 38 V. Maþiulis 159), melato (E)
Page 40 and 41: 40 V. Maþiulis 3. DECLINATION OF S
Page 42 and 43: 42 V. Maþiulis dumis = *dûmis ‘
Page 44 and 45: 44 V. Maþiulis (not -s as in nom.
Page 46 and 47: 46 V. Maþiulis of attempts to rega
Page 48 and 49: 48 V. Maþiulis * 102. This “nasa
Page 50 and 51: 50 V. Maþiulis it turned into Pr.
Page 52 and 53: 52 V. Maþiulis * 111. Dat.pl. is f
Page 54 and 55: 54 V. Maþiulis this is not an iÙa
Page 56 and 57: 56 V. Maþiulis * 122. Acc. sg. -ie
Page 58 and 59: 58 V. Maþiulis in (> Lith. -á) be
Page 60 and 61: 60 V. Maþiulis These forms are rar
Page 62 and 63: 62 V. Maþiulis any declension was
Page 64 and 65: 64 V. Maþiulis * 147. Other a / `-
Page 66 and 67: 66 V. Maþiulis bibl.). This word (
Page 68 and 69: 68 V. Maþiulis usts / uschts, fem.
Page 70 and 71: 70 V. Maþiulis * 160. Acc. sg. mas
Page 72 and 73: 72 V. Maþiulis * 164. Nom. pl. mas
Page 74 and 75: 74 V. Maþiulis this is an innovati
Page 76 and 77: 76 V. Maþiulis * 180. I regard Pr.
Page 78 and 79: 78 V. Maþiulis Nom. 2 pers. toû (
Page 80 and 81:
80 V. Maþiulis hypotheses concern
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82 V. Maþiulis Possessive pronouns
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84 V. Maþiulis new form 1 pers. sg
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86 V. Maþiulis * 212. Note. 1 pers
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88 V. Maþiulis c) i-stems * 216. T
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90 V. Maþiulis Endzelîns SV 109,
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92 V. Maþiulis in singular103 ); f
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94 V. Maþiulis * 227. One can assu
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96 V. Maþiulis The past tense Simi
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98 V. Maþiulis I wedais ‘idem’
Page 100 and 101:
100 V. Maþiulis Infinite verbs Inf
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102 V. Maþiulis Passive present *
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104 V. Maþiulis Passive present Th
Page 106 and 107:
106 V. Maþiulis Adv. etkûmps ‘a
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Prof. Dr. Habil. Vytautas MAÞIULIS
Page 110 and 111:
110 V. Maþiulis Prof. Dr. Hab. Vyt
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HISTORICAL GRAMMAR OF OLD PRUSSIAN

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