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HISTORICAL GRAMMAR OF OLD PRUSSIAN

HISTORICAL GRAMMAR OF OLD PRUSSIAN

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<strong>HISTORICAL</strong> <strong>GRAMMAR</strong> <strong>OF</strong> <strong>OLD</strong> <strong>PRUSSIAN</strong><br />

Suffixes with a consonant -m-<br />

* 62. There is a group of numerals with a suf. *-ma- in Prussian:<br />

sepmas I ‘seventh’ (PEÞ IV 102), acc. asman III ‘eighth’ (PEÞ I 103),<br />

pirmas I ‘first’ (PEÞ III 284).<br />

It seems to have been the analogy of *pirmas ‘first’, after which Pr.<br />

adjective *pansdauma- ‘last’ (pansdaumannien III, cf. Endzelîns SV 47,<br />

PEÞ III 219 with bibl.) was formed.<br />

There are also adjectives with a suff. *-im- in Prussian: *auktima-<br />

‘high (prominent)’ (cf. PEÞ I 114 ff. s.v. aucktimmien), *deznima- ‘frequent’<br />

(cf. PEÞ II 290 f. s.v. kudesnammi), *ilgima- ‘long’ (PEÞ II 294<br />

s.v. kuilgimai).<br />

In adj. *auktuma- ‘tall’ a suffix *-um- may be traced (cf. PEÞ I 116<br />

s.v. Auctume).<br />

* 63. Pr. suf. (a-/`-stem) adj. *-ôma- ( cf. nom. pl. tickrômai ‘rightful’,<br />

-tickrôms ‘righteous’) may be reconstructed as a composition of (consonant-stem<br />

nominative) *-ôn- + *-ma-, cf. Lith. *maþô(n) + *-ma- > adj.<br />

*maþuoma- --> subst. maþ ƒuom-enë ‘minority; pauperdom’ (for another<br />

view cf. Skardþius ÞD 237, Ambrazas DDR II 60 with bibl.).<br />

Suffixes with a consonant -l-<br />

* 64. Pr. suf. *-el-/-al- is well attested in (E), cf. areli[s] ‘eagle’ =<br />

*arelîs (PEÞ I 90). It is diminutive in patowelis ‘stepfather’ = *pat¯Éwelîs<br />

(PEÞ III 234), podalis ‘(worthless) pot’ < *pôdalîs (PEÞ III 302).<br />

Pr. suf. *-il- is represented in (E): sirsilis ‘hornet’ = *sirsilîs (PEÞ IV<br />

116 f.), wobilis ‘clover’ = *(v)¯Ébil is (PEÞ IV 259).<br />

* 65. With Pr. suf. *-ail- resp. *-eil- are derived (E): scritayle ‘rim’<br />

= *skritailç (PEÞ IV 124 f.), [c]rupeyle ‘frog’ = *krupeilç (PEÞ II 287 f.).<br />

much more archaic (IE) epoch and divides it into modal IE *-s- and IE suf. adj. *-no-, which (i.e.<br />

Balt. *-na-) may be traced either in Balt. suf. *-ena, *-ana. For all this cf. PEÞ I 153. Nevertheless<br />

the difference between *-sen` and *-sn` may have originated in binomial relation between<br />

barytone and oxytone forms in Western Baltic (not in Prussian itself!). – L.P.<br />

33

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