To my family for giving me life and love - Bilkent University

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preached to simple people by means of visible and simple things, he knew that deeds were more virtuous than words. 41 Preaching by works finds its most fervent adherent in Brother Giles, whose writings present an excellent picture of the early Franciscan ideal. “The word of God belongs not to those who hear or say it, it belongs to those who perform it.” 42 Elsewhere, Giles wrote “Summa sapientia est bona opera facere, bene custodire se et iudicia Dei considerare.” 43 He recounted a story where Francis talked to some friars who wanted to go to school. Francis told them that all knowledge was to fear and love God, and these two were enough for them. 44 While, therefore, preaching by example was to be the artillery of the Franciscan vocation, verbal preaching was also accepted as serving towards the salvation of souls. However, distinct from the contemporary clerical preaching which dwelled on doctrinal issues in the scholastic fashion, or even from homiletic preaching which drew on the Church Fathers, Francis admonished lay preaching, which simply consisted of reading passages from the Bible, calling people to virtue, love of God and repentance. Particularly, he stressed that the sermons should be short and simple: 41 Celano II, p. 193. 42 “Verbum Dei non est audientis vel dicentis, sed operantis illud. ”:Dicta Beati Aegidii Assisiensis, ed. PP. Collegii S. Bonaventurae (Florence, 1905), p. 56. For more of Brother Giles on the same lines, see ibid., pp. 55-7. 43 ibid., p. 55. 44 ”Dixit semel cuidam volenti ire ad scholas causa discendi: “Cur vis ire ad scholas? Summa totius scientiae est timere et amare Deum; haec duo sufficiunt tibi. Tantam sapientiam habet homo, quantum boni operatur, et non plus. Ergo noli confidere in sapientia tua, sed operari cum omni sollicitudine stude et in operibus illis penitus confide; unde apostolus: Non diligamus verbo neque lingua, sed opere et veritate. (John 3,18)”: ibid., p. 55-6. 34
“Moneo quoque et exhortor eosdem fratres, ut in praedicatione, quam faciunt, sint examinata et casta eorum eloquia (cfr. Ps 11,7; 17,31), ad utilitatem et aedificationem populi, annuntiando eis vitia et virtutes, poenam et gloriam cum brevitate sermonis; quia verbum abbreviatum fecit Dominus super terram (cf Rom 9,28).” 45 Neither type of preaching, by words or by deeds, really necessitated a formal instruction in theology. By the time Francis knocked on the door of the Lateran church in 1210 to ask approval for his little fraternity, the Church was making provisions and regulations to allow lay preaching, which hitherto had been associated solely with heretical groups. After the Third Lateran Council in 1179, lay fraternities that had embraced the apostolic life, like the Waldensians and the Humiliati, had broken with the Church because of its refusal to authorize preaching unconditionally. 46 The Church regarded their preaching as the main instrument for the diffusion of heresy, and Lucius III in 1184 prohibited any unauthorized preaching in public places. 47 The right to issue a licence to preach laid strictly with the local bishops. The decree made the disobedient groups heretical, but they continued preaching as it was an inevitable part of biblical imitation. 48 Yet, the prohibition backfired on the Church. It did not have enough preachers of its own to respond to the 45 RB, cap. IX, p. 234. 46 For the discussion of the authorization to preach as the pivotal problem concerning the twelfthcentury forerunners of mendicancy, see the discussion of Laurentino C. Landini, The Causes of the Clericalization of the Order of Friars Minor 1209-1260 in the light of early Franciscan Sources (Chicago, 1968), pp. 4-23. 47 “Et quoniam nonnulli sub specie pietatis, virtutem eius, iuxta quod ait Apostolus, denegantes, authoritatem sibi vindicant praedicandi, cum idem Apostolus dicat: Quomodo praedicabunt, nisi mittantur? Omnes qui vel prohibiti, vel non missi, praeter authoritatem ab Apostolica Sede, vel episcopo loci susceptam, publice vel privatim praedicare praesumpserint.”: Bullarium Diplomatum et Privilegium Sanctorum Romanorum Pontificum, ed. R.P.D. Aloysii Tomassetti Atist. Dom. Pontif., Tomus III-A Lucio III (MCLXXXI) ad Clementium IV (an. MCCLXVIII) 1858. No: 8 Decretum contra haereticos, p. 21 48 See Luke 24:45-49. 35
Page 1 and 2: To my family for giving me life and
Page 3 and 4: I certify that I have read this the
Page 5 and 6: ÖZET Ortaçağ Fransisken tarikat
Page 7 and 8: the department of Book Acquisition
Page 9 and 10: TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations ...
Page 11 and 12: RULES, CONSTITUTIONS AND STATUTES I
Page 13 and 14: INTRODUCTION The twelfth century wa
Page 15 and 16: to be considered an object of inter
Page 17 and 18: comparison of the educational organ
Page 19 and 20: selection, while the Dominicans mer
Page 21 and 22: which was ordered in the 1292 Paris
Page 23 and 24: laid down fourteen as the official
Page 25 and 26: light on the educational system of
Page 27 and 28: the Order provide extensive materia
Page 29 and 30: secular masters of Paris, which hel
Page 31 and 32: PART ONE: THE RISE OF LEARNING CHAP
Page 33 and 34: he claimed that Julian of Speyer wa
Page 35 and 36: attempted to show that the Vita Pri
Page 37 and 38: A story recounted by Leo in the Int
Page 39 and 40: proclaimed his reverence for theolo
Page 41 and 42: a few scholars as an invitation to
Page 43 and 44: Francis’s firm belief in divine p
Page 45: However, in arguing this, Felder se
Page 49 and 50: warned them about avoiding touching
Page 51 and 52: friars might be due to the fact tha
Page 53 and 54: first friars to take steps towards
Page 55 and 56: CHAPTER II HOW DID FRIARS MINOR BEC
Page 57 and 58: eference in the sources to any type
Page 59 and 60: pronounced the Franciscans to be fa
Page 61 and 62: Regula Non Bullata. It was probably
Page 63 and 64: excommunicate. 26 The Rule of 1223
Page 65 and 66: interesting. The first cities in wh
Page 67 and 68: mentioned as an office in the order
Page 69 and 70: difficulties in supplying the lecto
Page 71 and 72: eligious order. 49 No other order u
Page 73 and 74: or stop acquiring new ones, even if
Page 75 and 76: majority was still unable to read t
Page 77 and 78: minister general had to be well-edu
Page 79 and 80: According to the chronicler, one of
Page 81 and 82: Marches of Treviso (St. Anthony), a
Page 83 and 84: Elias as the provincial minister of
Page 85 and 86: deposed, the governing body of the
Page 87 and 88: inquisitor, missionary or represent
Page 89 and 90: Paris trying to cope with the growi
Page 91 and 92: always a very poor and patched habi
Page 93 and 94: However, not all provinces shared t
Page 95 and 96: ooks, they pointed to the fifth cha
Page 97 and 98:
CHAPTER III FROM ZELANTI TO BONAVEN
Page 99 and 100:
chapter of 1263 ordered the destruc
Page 101 and 102:
general’s indifference to the vio
Page 103 and 104:
Another significant event of this t
Page 105 and 106:
prophesies, and designed a new worl
Page 107 and 108:
more liable to be influenced by ima
Page 109 and 110:
Salimbene was residing in the conve
Page 111 and 112:
Adam Marsh; they were accustomed to
Page 113 and 114:
elieved that Hugh was not yet famil
Page 115 and 116:
vigorously. He saw no conflict with
Page 117 and 118:
intellectual movements within the O
Page 119 and 120:
general and as a Parisian theologia
Page 121 and 122:
explaining the Order’s position w
Page 123 and 124:
was once more unpopular with the Ch
Page 125 and 126:
in the order in a period full of ch
Page 127 and 128:
time marked out firmly the path tha
Page 129 and 130:
magis quaerant scientiam quam sapor
Page 131 and 132:
example, Salimbene writes about an
Page 133 and 134:
necessarily implying some facility
Page 135 and 136:
Franciscan Order. 22 However, his e
Page 137 and 138:
discussed below, to the interest of
Page 139 and 140:
sent to a studium, probably after p
Page 141 and 142:
the Paris convent was a studium to
Page 143 and 144:
Next we find Adam of Marsh writing
Page 145 and 146:
Was there a certain requirement to
Page 147 and 148:
which probably offered only an elem
Page 149 and 150:
discretion rather frequently, since
Page 151 and 152:
1282. 68 Here, the missing province
Page 153 and 154:
decision to go to Paris stemmed fro
Page 155 and 156:
too, as they could not diverge from
Page 157 and 158:
metaphysics. It was as early as 124
Page 159 and 160:
teachers of the future bishops of t
Page 161 and 162:
ground that the theological course
Page 163 and 164:
as the provincial ministry, or take
Page 165 and 166:
in Paris between 1248-1253, 118 and
Page 167 and 168:
was the first move of the seculars
Page 169 and 170:
Abbeville, wrote his Contra adversa
Page 171 and 172:
doctor of theology, he was quite ap
Page 173 and 174:
general point. What Esser or Marane
Page 175 and 176:
for a lifetime, there was a need to
Page 177 and 178:
eminding us of this very episode co
Page 179 and 180:
ecause these friars were unwilling
Page 181 and 182:
Petrus Anglicus, a magister in theo
Page 183 and 184:
friars. Just like other friars they
Page 185 and 186:
except at the dispensation of the c
Page 187 and 188:
An item that was common to both Ang
Page 189 and 190:
the seculars in any faculty. 57 Sim
Page 191 and 192:
corruption the actual system had br
Page 193 and 194:
invaluable in picturing the system
Page 195 and 196:
general chapter of Paris, Tuscany h
Page 197 and 198:
that different offices required dif
Page 199 and 200:
two “studia provincialia”, and
Page 201 and 202:
overcrowding of popular schools. He
Page 203 and 204:
general was to provide them. 30 Hen
Page 205 and 206:
ecent scholarship on the history of
Page 207 and 208:
evidence of Cologne’s status as a
Page 209 and 210:
of student exchange between the pro
Page 211 and 212:
ight to assign lectors for the stud
Page 213 and 214:
Francis—are represented by the ma
Page 215 and 216:
probably four years of teaching in
Page 217 and 218:
These are Minus de Senonis, Andreas
Page 219 and 220:
passed in the Narbonne constitution
Page 221 and 222:
Paris convent. 85 The final picture
Page 223 and 224:
(öffentliche) and private schools.
Page 225 and 226:
easons. They no longer had to send
Page 227 and 228:
Christ Church, we can tell that for
Page 229 and 230:
CHAPTER VII BOOKS AND LIBRARIES IN
Page 231 and 232:
superintended, and partly because F
Page 233 and 234:
Provincial chapters took great care
Page 235 and 236:
manuscripts belonging to a convent.
Page 237 and 238:
death, he left his entire library t
Page 239 and 240:
had bought, with the exception of t
Page 241 and 242:
education system. Hence, the main m
Page 243 and 244:
Brisgawie a.d. 1384..Que me scribeb
Page 245 and 246:
parvorum fratri Corrado custodi Arc
Page 247 and 248:
nevertheless did still copy books,
Page 249 and 250:
information about copyists and manu
Page 251 and 252:
manuscript, therefore, belonged to
Page 253 and 254:
“ad usum” notes on the manuscri
Page 255 and 256:
custodians and guardians, to whom t
Page 257 and 258:
CONCLUSION What Francis of Assisi h
Page 259 and 260:
However, Francis could not oppose t
Page 261 and 262:
without having books? This was the
Page 263 and 264:
The enthusiasm of the provincial mi
Page 265 and 266:
these prophecies were read, copied,
Page 267 and 268:
In time, the educational organizati
Page 269 and 270:
The silence of the Narbonne constit
Page 271 and 272:
the intellectual interests of the f
Page 273 and 274:
PRIMARY SOURCES Sources about Franc
Page 275 and 276:
“Acta et Constitutiones Capituli
Page 277 and 278:
Monumenta Historica Ad Provincias P
Page 279 and 280:
Congar, Y. M. J., Lay People in the
Page 281 and 282:
Kibre, P., Scholarly Privileges in
Page 283 and 284:
Odoardi, G., ‘Un Geniale Figlio d
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To my family for giving me life and love - Bilkent University

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