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growing effect of these groups; neither the monks nor the secular clergy were sufficiently involved in preaching. 49 It was probably Innocent III who first realized fully that a compromise was necessary. In 1201, the Church, anxious to win apostolic movements as allies against more threatening heresies like the Cathars or Patarenes, made for the first time in its history a definite move to draw a line between lay and clerical preaching. 50 While approving the propositum of the Humiliati, Innocent allowed them to “proponere verbum exhortationis, monentes et inducentes ad mores honestos et opera pietatis”, but prohibited them to talk “de articulis fidei et sacramentis ecclesie.” 51 Lay preaching, which was to consist of a call to penance for the remission of the sins, and of moral edification, was allowed in public. Preaching on the articles of faith and sacraments of the church, which clearly necessitated theological education, was reserved to clergy. It was the authorization for exactly this kind of preaching that Innocent had conferred on Francis and his twelve companions in 1210, who at that time were exclusively a lay fraternity. 52 Whether, in addition to that, Innocent had 49 G.G. Coulton, Five Centuries of Religion, Vol. II: The Friars and the Dead Weight of Tradition 1200-1400 A.D. (Cambridge, 1927), p. 111 50 On the efforts of Innocent III to win over the heretical groups see Jane Sayers, Innocent III: leader of Europe, 1198-1216 (London, 1994). On the distinctive approach of Innocent III, see also M. Lambert, Medieval Heresy-Popular Movements from Bogomil to Hus (Birkenhead, 1977) pp. 95-6 51 “Vestri quoque de cetero moris erit, singulis diebus dominicis ad audiendum Dei verbum in loco idoneo convenire, ubi aliquis vel aliqui fratrum probate fidei et experte religionis, qui ‘potentes sint in opere ac sermone’ (Luc. 24, 19), licentia diocesani episcopi verbum exhortationis proponent his qui convenerint ad audiendum verbum Dei, monentes et inducentes eos ad mores honestos et opera pietatis, ita quod de articulis fidei et sacramentis ecclesie non loquantur”: Landini, Causes, p. 22n. See also Yves M.J.Congar, Lay People in the Church: A Study for a Theology of Laity, trans. Donald Attwater (London, 1959), p. 287. 52 Innocent’s reply to Francis was noted by Celano: “Ite cum Dominus, fratres, et prout Dominus vobis inspirare dignabitur, omnibus poenitentiam praedicate”: Celano I, pp. 26-7. 36
warned them about avoiding touching dogmatic questions is not known, since the evidence only comes from Franciscan writers, and not from the Roman Curia. According to Bonaventura, Innocent ordered the lay brothers in the group to receive a tonsure so that they could preach repentance freely. 53 Brooke argued it was this oral approval of the pope that enabled Franciscans to grow, for without papal sanction the Franciscans could not have spread. 54 . However, it is hard to explain how this oral sanction could pass for formal support by the papacy. After all, the early Franciscans had nothing to prove this sanction to the local bishops when they wandered from town to town and preached, unless the bishops had the knowledge of canonical permission to the preachers of penance or the tonsure that Bonaventura mentions as being regarded as a sign of papal approval. From this perspective, Innocent’s oral approval seems to have been a clever move. If Francis and his followers were not to divert from preaching solely penance and moral exhortation, then they would encounter little opposition from the local clergy, and this would be a proof of their religious orthodoxy. If however, they were to preach something heretical, they could be brought in front of the ecclesiastical authorities. Therefore, leaving them free to preach without a written, canonical sanction would be the best way to test the orthodoxy of the 53 “Approbavit regulam, dedit ‘de poenitentia praedicatum’ et laicis fratribus omnibus, qui servum Dei fuerant comitati, fecit coronas parvulas fieri, ut verbum Dei libere praedicerent.”: Bonaventura, Legenda Maior, p. 571. Exactly what this “corona parvula” means, has been discussed by Landini, Causes, pp. 30-1. It is possible that this was a special tonsure worn by laymen who had undertaken religious life. 54 Brooke, Early Franciscan, p. 60. 37
Page 1 and 2: To my family for giving me life and
Page 3 and 4: I certify that I have read this the
Page 5 and 6: ÖZET Ortaçağ Fransisken tarikat
Page 7 and 8: the department of Book Acquisition
Page 9 and 10: TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations ...
Page 11 and 12: RULES, CONSTITUTIONS AND STATUTES I
Page 13 and 14: INTRODUCTION The twelfth century wa
Page 15 and 16: to be considered an object of inter
Page 17 and 18: comparison of the educational organ
Page 19 and 20: selection, while the Dominicans mer
Page 21 and 22: which was ordered in the 1292 Paris
Page 23 and 24: laid down fourteen as the official
Page 25 and 26: light on the educational system of
Page 27 and 28: the Order provide extensive materia
Page 29 and 30: secular masters of Paris, which hel
Page 31 and 32: PART ONE: THE RISE OF LEARNING CHAP
Page 33 and 34: he claimed that Julian of Speyer wa
Page 35 and 36: attempted to show that the Vita Pri
Page 37 and 38: A story recounted by Leo in the Int
Page 39 and 40: proclaimed his reverence for theolo
Page 41 and 42: a few scholars as an invitation to
Page 43 and 44: Francis’s firm belief in divine p
Page 45 and 46: However, in arguing this, Felder se
Page 47: “Moneo quoque et exhortor eosdem
Page 51 and 52: friars might be due to the fact tha
Page 53 and 54: first friars to take steps towards
Page 55 and 56: CHAPTER II HOW DID FRIARS MINOR BEC
Page 57 and 58: eference in the sources to any type
Page 59 and 60: pronounced the Franciscans to be fa
Page 61 and 62: Regula Non Bullata. It was probably
Page 63 and 64: excommunicate. 26 The Rule of 1223
Page 65 and 66: interesting. The first cities in wh
Page 67 and 68: mentioned as an office in the order
Page 69 and 70: difficulties in supplying the lecto
Page 71 and 72: eligious order. 49 No other order u
Page 73 and 74: or stop acquiring new ones, even if
Page 75 and 76: majority was still unable to read t
Page 77 and 78: minister general had to be well-edu
Page 79 and 80: According to the chronicler, one of
Page 81 and 82: Marches of Treviso (St. Anthony), a
Page 83 and 84: Elias as the provincial minister of
Page 85 and 86: deposed, the governing body of the
Page 87 and 88: inquisitor, missionary or represent
Page 89 and 90: Paris trying to cope with the growi
Page 91 and 92: always a very poor and patched habi
Page 93 and 94: However, not all provinces shared t
Page 95 and 96: ooks, they pointed to the fifth cha
Page 97 and 98: CHAPTER III FROM ZELANTI TO BONAVEN
Page 99 and 100:
chapter of 1263 ordered the destruc
Page 101 and 102:
general’s indifference to the vio
Page 103 and 104:
Another significant event of this t
Page 105 and 106:
prophesies, and designed a new worl
Page 107 and 108:
more liable to be influenced by ima
Page 109 and 110:
Salimbene was residing in the conve
Page 111 and 112:
Adam Marsh; they were accustomed to
Page 113 and 114:
elieved that Hugh was not yet famil
Page 115 and 116:
vigorously. He saw no conflict with
Page 117 and 118:
intellectual movements within the O
Page 119 and 120:
general and as a Parisian theologia
Page 121 and 122:
explaining the Order’s position w
Page 123 and 124:
was once more unpopular with the Ch
Page 125 and 126:
in the order in a period full of ch
Page 127 and 128:
time marked out firmly the path tha
Page 129 and 130:
magis quaerant scientiam quam sapor
Page 131 and 132:
example, Salimbene writes about an
Page 133 and 134:
necessarily implying some facility
Page 135 and 136:
Franciscan Order. 22 However, his e
Page 137 and 138:
discussed below, to the interest of
Page 139 and 140:
sent to a studium, probably after p
Page 141 and 142:
the Paris convent was a studium to
Page 143 and 144:
Next we find Adam of Marsh writing
Page 145 and 146:
Was there a certain requirement to
Page 147 and 148:
which probably offered only an elem
Page 149 and 150:
discretion rather frequently, since
Page 151 and 152:
1282. 68 Here, the missing province
Page 153 and 154:
decision to go to Paris stemmed fro
Page 155 and 156:
too, as they could not diverge from
Page 157 and 158:
metaphysics. It was as early as 124
Page 159 and 160:
teachers of the future bishops of t
Page 161 and 162:
ground that the theological course
Page 163 and 164:
as the provincial ministry, or take
Page 165 and 166:
in Paris between 1248-1253, 118 and
Page 167 and 168:
was the first move of the seculars
Page 169 and 170:
Abbeville, wrote his Contra adversa
Page 171 and 172:
doctor of theology, he was quite ap
Page 173 and 174:
general point. What Esser or Marane
Page 175 and 176:
for a lifetime, there was a need to
Page 177 and 178:
eminding us of this very episode co
Page 179 and 180:
ecause these friars were unwilling
Page 181 and 182:
Petrus Anglicus, a magister in theo
Page 183 and 184:
friars. Just like other friars they
Page 185 and 186:
except at the dispensation of the c
Page 187 and 188:
An item that was common to both Ang
Page 189 and 190:
the seculars in any faculty. 57 Sim
Page 191 and 192:
corruption the actual system had br
Page 193 and 194:
invaluable in picturing the system
Page 195 and 196:
general chapter of Paris, Tuscany h
Page 197 and 198:
that different offices required dif
Page 199 and 200:
two “studia provincialia”, and
Page 201 and 202:
overcrowding of popular schools. He
Page 203 and 204:
general was to provide them. 30 Hen
Page 205 and 206:
ecent scholarship on the history of
Page 207 and 208:
evidence of Cologne’s status as a
Page 209 and 210:
of student exchange between the pro
Page 211 and 212:
ight to assign lectors for the stud
Page 213 and 214:
Francis—are represented by the ma
Page 215 and 216:
probably four years of teaching in
Page 217 and 218:
These are Minus de Senonis, Andreas
Page 219 and 220:
passed in the Narbonne constitution
Page 221 and 222:
Paris convent. 85 The final picture
Page 223 and 224:
(öffentliche) and private schools.
Page 225 and 226:
easons. They no longer had to send
Page 227 and 228:
Christ Church, we can tell that for
Page 229 and 230:
CHAPTER VII BOOKS AND LIBRARIES IN
Page 231 and 232:
superintended, and partly because F
Page 233 and 234:
Provincial chapters took great care
Page 235 and 236:
manuscripts belonging to a convent.
Page 237 and 238:
death, he left his entire library t
Page 239 and 240:
had bought, with the exception of t
Page 241 and 242:
education system. Hence, the main m
Page 243 and 244:
Brisgawie a.d. 1384..Que me scribeb
Page 245 and 246:
parvorum fratri Corrado custodi Arc
Page 247 and 248:
nevertheless did still copy books,
Page 249 and 250:
information about copyists and manu
Page 251 and 252:
manuscript, therefore, belonged to
Page 253 and 254:
“ad usum” notes on the manuscri
Page 255 and 256:
custodians and guardians, to whom t
Page 257 and 258:
CONCLUSION What Francis of Assisi h
Page 259 and 260:
However, Francis could not oppose t
Page 261 and 262:
without having books? This was the
Page 263 and 264:
The enthusiasm of the provincial mi
Page 265 and 266:
these prophecies were read, copied,
Page 267 and 268:
In time, the educational organizati
Page 269 and 270:
The silence of the Narbonne constit
Page 271 and 272:
the intellectual interests of the f
Page 273 and 274:
PRIMARY SOURCES Sources about Franc
Page 275 and 276:
“Acta et Constitutiones Capituli
Page 277 and 278:
Monumenta Historica Ad Provincias P
Page 279 and 280:
Congar, Y. M. J., Lay People in the
Page 281 and 282:
Kibre, P., Scholarly Privileges in
Page 283 and 284:
Odoardi, G., ‘Un Geniale Figlio d
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To my family for giving me life and love - Bilkent University

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