i on thomas paine reviews: origins of crisis in ussr - Common Sense
i on thomas paine reviews: origins of crisis in ussr - Common Sense
i on thomas paine reviews: origins of crisis in ussr - Common Sense
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CHIAPAS UPRISING IN MEXICO<br />
THE TIME OF TRIAL BY SPACE<br />
OPEN MARXISM L<br />
I ON THOMAS PAINE<br />
REVIEWS: ORIGINS OF CRISIS IN USSR<br />
& RECOMPOSITION OF THE BRITISH STATE<br />
" I
Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong><br />
....................................................................................................<br />
C OMMON SENSF,<br />
Journal Of Ed<strong>in</strong>burgh C<strong>on</strong>ference Of Socialist Ec<strong>on</strong>omists<br />
COMMON SENSE EDINBURGH<br />
......................................................................................................<br />
Page l
Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong><br />
....................................................................................................<br />
Published <strong>in</strong> Scotland by Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong>, PO Box 31 1,<br />
Southern District OfJice, Ed<strong>in</strong>burgh, EH9 l SF, Scotland.<br />
Pr<strong>in</strong>ted by Clydeside Press, Glasgow.<br />
Typeset <strong>in</strong> 9pt Times Roman.<br />
Produced and Designed <strong>on</strong> Apple MacIntosh computers.<br />
1994 O Copyright April 1994, by Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> and the <strong>in</strong>dividual authors<br />
<strong>in</strong>dicated. All rights reserved.<br />
Editorial Committee for this issue:<br />
Werner B<strong>on</strong>efeld, Bob Goupillot, Richard Gunn, Derek Kerr, Brian McGrail.<br />
Notes for C<strong>on</strong>tributors: if at all possible send articles (<strong>of</strong> no greater than<br />
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British Library Catalogu<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Publicati<strong>on</strong> Data<br />
Ed<strong>in</strong>burgh C<strong>on</strong>ference <strong>of</strong> Socialist Ec<strong>on</strong>omists,<br />
Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong><br />
1. Social Theory<br />
2. Philosophy - Educati<strong>on</strong> - Scotland<br />
I. Title<br />
ISSN: 0957 - 240X<br />
......................................................................................................<br />
Page 2
Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong><br />
....................................................................................................<br />
C<strong>on</strong>tents<br />
Page 5 . BEYOND THE NEWS<br />
THE CHIAPAS UPRISING AND THE<br />
FUTURE OF CLASS STRUGGLE<br />
by Harry Cleaver<br />
Page l 8 . THE TIME OF TRIAL BY SPACE<br />
by Derek Kerr<br />
Page37 . OPEN MARXISM<br />
Page 38 . THE RELEVANCE OF MARIXSM TODAY<br />
by John Holloway<br />
Page 43 . HUMAN PRACTICE AND<br />
PERVERSION: BEYOND AUTONOMY<br />
AND STRUCTURE<br />
by Werner B<strong>on</strong>efeld<br />
Page 53 . MARXISM & CONTRADICTION<br />
by Richard GUM<br />
Page 60 . V.A.T. ON FUEL<br />
Page 6 2 SCIENCE AND HUMANITY: HEGEL,<br />
MARX AND DIALECTIC<br />
by Cyril Smith<br />
Page75 . THOMAS PAlNE ON COMMON SENSE<br />
by Richard GUM<br />
Page 8 2 . BOOK REVIEWS<br />
by lan Fraser, David C orm<br />
and Brim McGrail<br />
Page95 . SUBSCRIPTION AND BACK-ISSUES<br />
......................................................................................................<br />
Page 3
Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong><br />
SCIENCE as CULTURE<br />
Sac 19 (1994) <strong>in</strong>cludes:<br />
Family medic<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> American culture (David P<strong>in</strong>gitore)<br />
Evoluti<strong>on</strong>, ethics ancl the search for certa<strong>in</strong>ty (Martha McCaughey)<br />
Th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g about the human genome project (J<strong>on</strong> Turney)<br />
Gravity's Ra<strong>in</strong>bow and the Newt<strong>on</strong>IGoethe colour c<strong>on</strong>troversy<br />
(Megan Stern)<br />
SnC 20 (1994) <strong>in</strong>clucles:<br />
Academic research cr~ltures <strong>in</strong> collisi<strong>on</strong> (Stephen Hill & Tim Turp<strong>in</strong><br />
Modell<strong>in</strong>g technologies <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol (Chungl<strong>in</strong> Kwa)<br />
De-reify<strong>in</strong>g risk (Les Levidow)<br />
Desm<strong>on</strong>d and MOOIP's Ilarw<strong>in</strong>: a critique (Robert M. Young)<br />
Suhs: f2.5/$30 i~rdivid~~;~l.<br />
£50/$65 <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>al, from H:jiley hlanagement<br />
Services. 127 Sandpate Road, I:olkest<strong>on</strong>c, Kent ('T20 2M., tel: 0303 850.501 ;<br />
North Arncrica: Guilfortl I'uhls, 72 Spr<strong>in</strong>g St. NY, NY 10012. tel. 212-431 9800<br />
Iditor ial: I7rec Associat<strong>in</strong>n Jhks 1,td. 26 f'rceprove Road, lmtid<strong>on</strong> N7 9RQ.
Bey<strong>on</strong>d the News - Upris<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Mexico Page 5<br />
............................................................................................................<br />
The Chiapas Upris<strong>in</strong>g<br />
arid the Future <strong>of</strong> Class Struggle<br />
<strong>in</strong> the New World Order<br />
Harry Cleaver<br />
If you have come here to help me,<br />
You are wast<strong>in</strong>g your time. . .<br />
But if you have come because<br />
Your liberati<strong>on</strong> is bound up with m<strong>in</strong>e,<br />
Then let us work together.<br />
Aborigiml Woman<br />
Is the armed upris<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the Zapatista Nati<strong>on</strong>al Liberati<strong>on</strong> Army <strong>in</strong> the Mexican state <strong>of</strong><br />
Chiapas just another protest by the wretched <strong>of</strong> the earth <strong>in</strong> a 500 year history <strong>of</strong><br />
resistance? Is it just another foredoomed repetiti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> earlier, failed Len<strong>in</strong>ist attempts to<br />
organize the peasantry to jo<strong>in</strong> the party and smash the state. Or, are there th<strong>in</strong>gs about the<br />
upris<strong>in</strong>g which are go<strong>in</strong>g to have pr<strong>of</strong>ound effects and can teach us someth<strong>in</strong>g about how<br />
to struggle <strong>in</strong> the present period? The answer, I th<strong>in</strong>k, is that the acti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Mayan<br />
Indians <strong>in</strong> Chiapas and the way they have circulated <strong>in</strong> Mexico, to North America and<br />
around the world do <strong>in</strong>deed have some vital less<strong>on</strong>s for all <strong>of</strong> us.<br />
The Electr<strong>on</strong>ic Fabric <strong>of</strong> Struggle<br />
The most strik<strong>in</strong>g th<strong>in</strong>g about the sequence <strong>of</strong> events set <strong>in</strong> moti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> January 1, 1994<br />
has been the speed with which news <strong>of</strong> the struggle circulated and the rapidity <strong>of</strong> the<br />
mobilizati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> support which resulted. In the first <strong>in</strong>stance, from the very fist day the<br />
EZLN has been able to effectively publicize its acti<strong>on</strong>s through the fax<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> its<br />
declarati<strong>on</strong>s, and subsequent communiques, directly to a wide variety <strong>of</strong> news media. In<br />
the sec<strong>on</strong>d <strong>in</strong>stance, the circulati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> its acti<strong>on</strong>s and demands through the mass media --<br />
effective because they were totally unexpected and <strong>on</strong> enough <strong>of</strong> a scale to c<strong>on</strong>stitute
Page 6 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 1.5<br />
"newsw-- has been complemented and re<strong>in</strong>forced by a sp<strong>on</strong>taneous and equally rapid<br />
diffusi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> its demands and reports <strong>on</strong> its acti<strong>on</strong>s through computer communicati<strong>on</strong><br />
networks which c<strong>on</strong>nect vast numbers <strong>of</strong> people <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> events there both <strong>in</strong>side and<br />
outside <strong>of</strong> Mexico.<br />
This diffusi<strong>on</strong>, which flashed <strong>in</strong>to c<strong>on</strong>ferences and lists <strong>on</strong> networks such as Peacenet, the<br />
Intemet and Use.net, was then collected, sorted, compiled and sometimes synthesized and<br />
rediffused by particularly <strong>in</strong>terested parties <strong>in</strong> the nets. For example, the Lat<strong>in</strong> American<br />
Data Base at New Mexico State University began to issue a regular compendium <strong>of</strong><br />
Chiapas News. The Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy began to issue Chiapas<br />
Digest. The Mexican Rural Development discussi<strong>on</strong> group <strong>of</strong> the Applied Anthropology<br />
Computer Network began to compile news and analysis and make it available through an<br />
easily accessible gopher site: Chiapas-Zapatista News. The Institute <strong>of</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> American<br />
Studies at the University <strong>of</strong> Texas has duplicated those files at its own Lanic gopher site.<br />
Informati<strong>on</strong> about the existence and paths <strong>of</strong> access to these sources were passed from<br />
those <strong>in</strong> the know (Mexican specialists) to those who wanted to know (any<strong>on</strong>e <strong>in</strong>terested<br />
<strong>in</strong> the upris<strong>in</strong>g).<br />
As EZLN documents and news reports circulated they generated and were quickly<br />
accompanied by discussi<strong>on</strong>, additi<strong>on</strong>al <strong>in</strong>formati<strong>on</strong> from those with an <strong>in</strong>timate knowledge<br />
<strong>of</strong> Chiapas (e.g.. academics who had d<strong>on</strong>e research <strong>in</strong> the area, human rights advocates<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cerned with its l<strong>on</strong>g history <strong>of</strong> abuse) and rapidly multiply<strong>in</strong>g analyses <strong>of</strong> the<br />
develop<strong>in</strong>g situati<strong>on</strong> and its background. All <strong>of</strong> this electr<strong>on</strong>ically circulated <strong>in</strong>formati<strong>on</strong><br />
and analysis fed <strong>in</strong>to more traditi<strong>on</strong>al means <strong>of</strong> circulat<strong>in</strong>g news <strong>of</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g class struggle:<br />
militant newspapers, magaz<strong>in</strong>es and radio stati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
The Anti-NAFTA Background<br />
The rapidity <strong>of</strong> this diffusi<strong>on</strong> has been due, to a c<strong>on</strong>siderable degree, not <strong>on</strong>ly to the<br />
technical capacity <strong>of</strong> such networks but to their political resp<strong>on</strong>siveness and militancy.<br />
Basic to this rapid circulati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> news and analysis <strong>of</strong> the upris<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Chiapas, has been<br />
the experience-<strong>of</strong> the struggle aga<strong>in</strong>st the North ~rnerican gee ~rade Agreement<br />
(NAFTA).<br />
Over the last few years the fight aga<strong>in</strong>st NAFTA took the form <strong>of</strong> grow<strong>in</strong>g coaliti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
grassroot groups <strong>in</strong> Canada, the United States and Mexico. In each country a broad<br />
coaliti<strong>on</strong>, such as the Mexican Acti<strong>on</strong> Network <strong>on</strong> Free Trade, was c<strong>on</strong>stituted by knitt<strong>in</strong>g<br />
together several hundred groups opposed to the new trade pact. That knitt<strong>in</strong>g together was<br />
accomplished partly through jo<strong>in</strong>t discussi<strong>on</strong>s and acti<strong>on</strong>s and partly through the shar<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>formati<strong>on</strong> and analysis about the mean<strong>in</strong>g and implicati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the agreement.<br />
Increas<strong>in</strong>gly, computer communicati<strong>on</strong>s became a basic political tool for the extremely<br />
rapid shar<strong>in</strong>g am<strong>on</strong>g groups and <strong>in</strong>dividuals. The same processes <strong>of</strong> communicati<strong>on</strong> l<strong>in</strong>ked<br />
the coaliti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> each countxy <strong>in</strong> a manner never before seen <strong>in</strong> the Western Hemisphere.<br />
The Anti-NAFTA campaign as a whole has sometimes been called an "unholy alliance"<br />
because al<strong>on</strong>gside the grassroots networks which make up the bulk <strong>of</strong> the movement a<br />
variety <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>servatives added their voices to the c<strong>on</strong>demnati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> NAFTA, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
leadership <strong>of</strong> the AFL-C10 and politicians like Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot. Such<br />
political manoeuvres to co-opt or recoup an aut<strong>on</strong>omous movement are typical <strong>of</strong><br />
American politics (whether <strong>in</strong> the U.S., Canada or Mexico) but these efforts have failed<br />
and the character and organizati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the movement as a whole survives. Although the<br />
anti-NAFTA movement was unable to block ratificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the agreement, efforts to
Bey<strong>on</strong>d the News - Upris<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Mexico Page 7<br />
m<strong>on</strong>itor the impact <strong>of</strong> NAFTA <strong>in</strong> order to facilitate struggle aga<strong>in</strong>st it are <strong>on</strong>go<strong>in</strong>g and the<br />
goal is clearly its cancellati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
A New Organizati<strong>on</strong>al Form<br />
Bey<strong>on</strong>d the particular issue <strong>of</strong> the agreement, the process <strong>of</strong> alliance build<strong>in</strong>g has created a<br />
new /organizati<strong>on</strong>al form --a multiplicity <strong>of</strong> rhizomatically c<strong>on</strong>necteded aut<strong>on</strong>omous<br />
groups-- that is c<strong>on</strong>nect<strong>in</strong>g all k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> struggles throughout North America that have<br />
previously been disc<strong>on</strong>nected and separate.<br />
The resp<strong>on</strong>siveness <strong>of</strong> this organizati<strong>on</strong>al form to the EZLN declarati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> war derives<br />
from its compositi<strong>on</strong>. From the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g, the build<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> alliances to oppose NAFTA<br />
<strong>in</strong>volved not <strong>on</strong>ly the obviously c<strong>on</strong>cerned (U.S. workers threatened with los<strong>in</strong>g their jobs<br />
as plants were relocated to Mexico. Mexicans c<strong>on</strong>cerned with the <strong>in</strong>vasi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> U.S. capital)<br />
but a wide variety <strong>of</strong> others who could see the <strong>in</strong>direct threats <strong>in</strong> this capitalist<br />
reorganizati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> trade relati<strong>on</strong>s, e.g., ecological activitists, women's groups, human<br />
rights organizati<strong>on</strong>s and yes, organizati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous groups throughout the c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ent.<br />
Through the years <strong>of</strong> struggle aga<strong>in</strong>st NAFTA positi<strong>on</strong> papers circulated, studies were<br />
undertaken, discussi<strong>on</strong> raged about the <strong>in</strong>terc<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>cerns <strong>of</strong> all these groups.<br />
The anti-NAFTA struggle proved to be both a catalyst and a vehicle for overcom<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
separateness and isolati<strong>on</strong> which had previously weakened all <strong>of</strong> its comp<strong>on</strong>ent groups.<br />
So, when the Zapatista Nati<strong>on</strong>al Liberati<strong>on</strong> Army marched <strong>in</strong>to San Cristbal and the other<br />
towns <strong>of</strong> Chiapas not <strong>on</strong>ly did those already c<strong>on</strong>cerned with the struggles <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous<br />
peoples react quickly, but so did the much more extensive organizati<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
the anti-NAFTA struggles. Already <strong>in</strong> place, and tapped daily by a broad assortment <strong>of</strong><br />
groups were the computer c<strong>on</strong>ferences and lists <strong>of</strong> the anti-NAFTA alliances. Therefore,<br />
for a great many <strong>of</strong> those who would subsequently mobilize <strong>in</strong> support <strong>of</strong> the EZLN the<br />
fist <strong>in</strong>formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> their struggles came <strong>in</strong> the regular post<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> the NAlTA M<strong>on</strong>itor<br />
<strong>on</strong> "trade.newsU or "trade.strategyU either <strong>on</strong> Peacenet or through the Internet. Even if<br />
EZLN spokespeople had not explicitly damned NAFTA and timed their <strong>of</strong>fensive to<br />
co<strong>in</strong>cide with the first day <strong>of</strong> its operati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> Mexico, the c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s would have been<br />
made and understood throughout the anti-NAFTA network.<br />
From Communicative to Physical Acti<strong>on</strong><br />
This same pre-exist<strong>in</strong>g fabric <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s helps expla<strong>in</strong> why the <strong>in</strong>credibly rapid<br />
circulati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> news and <strong>in</strong>formati<strong>on</strong> was followed not <strong>on</strong>ly by analysis and written<br />
declarati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> support, but by a wide variety <strong>of</strong> physical acti<strong>on</strong>s as well. What was<br />
surpris<strong>in</strong>g from the early days <strong>of</strong> January right through <strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>to February, was not the<br />
widespread and heartfelt dem<strong>on</strong>strati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> support by t<strong>in</strong>y groups <strong>of</strong> leftists with<br />
traditi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al solidarity work, but the much more important rapid<br />
mobilizati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> other groups who not <strong>on</strong>ly took to the the streets, e.g., the huge<br />
dem<strong>on</strong>strati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> Mexico and smaller <strong>on</strong>es scattered through the U.S. and Canada (usually<br />
at Mexican embassies or c<strong>on</strong>sulates), but who immediately dispatched representatives to<br />
Chiapas to limit government repressi<strong>on</strong> by subject<strong>in</strong>g its acti<strong>on</strong>s to critical scrut<strong>in</strong>y,<br />
document<strong>in</strong>g its crimes and publically denounc<strong>in</strong>g them. There can be no doubt that their<br />
acti<strong>on</strong>s -- and the subsequent rapid circulati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> their f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs and declarati<strong>on</strong>s--<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tributed to blunt<strong>in</strong>g the states' military counter-<strong>of</strong>fensive, help<strong>in</strong>g (al<strong>on</strong>g with all the
Page8 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
other forms <strong>of</strong> protest <strong>in</strong> Mexico and without) force it to &-emphasize military repressi<strong>on</strong>,<br />
accept mediati<strong>on</strong> and undertake negotiati<strong>on</strong>s with an armed enemy it quite clearly would<br />
have perfered to squash (if it could, which is by no means obvious).<br />
Aut<strong>on</strong>omous Indigenous Movement<br />
Particularly important <strong>in</strong> these acti<strong>on</strong>s were not <strong>on</strong>ly groups c<strong>on</strong>cerned with human rights,<br />
both religious (e.g. the Catholic Bishops <strong>of</strong> Chiapas, the Canadian Inter-Church<br />
Committee <strong>on</strong> Human Rights <strong>in</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> America) and secular (Amnesty Internati<strong>on</strong>al,<br />
Human Rights Watch, the Mexican Nati<strong>on</strong>al Network <strong>of</strong> Civil Human Rights<br />
Organizati<strong>on</strong>s) --who have been <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g their capacity for such <strong>in</strong>terventi<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> recent<br />
years-- but also the movement <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous peoples which has been organiz<strong>in</strong>g itself<br />
locally and <strong>on</strong> an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al scale for some time now.<br />
With<strong>in</strong> Mexico, over the last several years, Indian and peasant groups and communities<br />
have been develop<strong>in</strong>g networks <strong>of</strong> cooperati<strong>on</strong> to fight for the th<strong>in</strong>gs they need: th<strong>in</strong>gs like<br />
schools, clean water, the return <strong>of</strong> their lands, freedom from state repressi<strong>on</strong> (police and<br />
army torture, jail<strong>in</strong>gs and murders), and so <strong>on</strong>. Given the fierce aut<strong>on</strong>omy <strong>of</strong> the<br />
participat<strong>in</strong>g communities sometimes based <strong>on</strong> traditi<strong>on</strong>al ethic culture and language--<br />
these networks have been shaped like the electr<strong>on</strong>ic web described above: <strong>in</strong> a horiz<strong>on</strong>tal,<br />
n<strong>on</strong>-hierarchial manner. Indeed, <strong>on</strong>e term <strong>of</strong>ten used by the participants <strong>in</strong> preference to<br />
"networks" --whose term "net" evokes be<strong>in</strong>g caught-- is "hammock", the name <strong>of</strong> a widely<br />
used, suspended sleep<strong>in</strong>g device made from loosely woven str<strong>in</strong>g that reforms itself<br />
accord<strong>in</strong>g to the needs (i.e., body shapes) <strong>of</strong> each user. These networks that have been<br />
developed to <strong>in</strong>terl<strong>in</strong>k peasant and <strong>in</strong>digenous communities not <strong>on</strong>ly c<strong>on</strong>nect villages <strong>in</strong><br />
the countryside but also reach <strong>in</strong>to the cities where neighborhoods created by rural-urban<br />
migrants reta<strong>in</strong> c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s to their rural po<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>of</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>.<br />
Many <strong>in</strong>digenous groups with clearly def<strong>in</strong>ed Indian culture and languages have not <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
organized themselves as such <strong>in</strong> self-defense but have reached out to each other across<br />
space to form regi<strong>on</strong>al and <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al alliances. This process has been go<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> an<br />
accelerat<strong>in</strong>g fashi<strong>on</strong> for several years, not <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> Mexico but throughout much <strong>of</strong><br />
Americas and bey<strong>on</strong>d. Spurred <strong>in</strong>to new efforts by the example <strong>of</strong> the Black Civil Rights<br />
Movement <strong>in</strong> North America as early as the mid 1960s (e.g., the rise <strong>of</strong> the American<br />
Indian Movement) and forced <strong>in</strong>to acti<strong>on</strong> by state backed assaults <strong>on</strong> their land <strong>in</strong> South<br />
and Central America (e.g., the enclosure <strong>of</strong> the Amaz<strong>on</strong>), <strong>in</strong>digneous peoples have been<br />
overcom<strong>in</strong>g the spacial and political divisi<strong>on</strong>s which have isolated and weakened them<br />
through alliance and mutual aid. 1<br />
In 1990 a First C<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ental Encounter <strong>of</strong> Indigenous Peoples was organized <strong>in</strong> Quito,<br />
Ecuador. Delegates from over 200 <strong>in</strong>digenous nati<strong>on</strong>s attended from throughout the<br />
hemisphere and launched a collaborative movement to achieve c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ental unity. To<br />
susta<strong>in</strong> the process a C<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ental Coord<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g Commissi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Indigenous Nati<strong>on</strong>s and<br />
Organizati<strong>on</strong>s (CONIC) was formed at a subsequent meet<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Panama <strong>in</strong> 1991.
Bey<strong>on</strong>d the News - Upris<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Mexico Page 9<br />
............................................................................................................<br />
"Zapata" by Diego Rviera
Page 10 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
The central symbol and metaphor <strong>of</strong> the effort is the Mayan image <strong>of</strong> the Eagle and<br />
C<strong>on</strong>dor with entertw<strong>in</strong>ed necks. Traditi<strong>on</strong> has it that the Eagle represents the peoples <strong>of</strong><br />
North America and the C<strong>on</strong>dor those <strong>of</strong> the Southern c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ent. The unity sought is not<br />
the unity <strong>of</strong> the political party or trade uni<strong>on</strong> --solidified and perpetuated through a central<br />
c<strong>on</strong>troll<strong>in</strong>g body-- but rather a unity <strong>of</strong> communicati<strong>on</strong> and mutual aid am<strong>on</strong>g aut<strong>on</strong>omous<br />
nati<strong>on</strong>s and peoples.<br />
A sec<strong>on</strong>d C<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ental Encounter was organized <strong>in</strong> October <strong>of</strong> 1993 at Temoaya. Mexico.<br />
One <strong>of</strong> the host<strong>in</strong>g groups at that meet<strong>in</strong>g was the Frente Independiente de Pueblos Indios<br />
(FIPI) and <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> the members <strong>of</strong> FIPI was COLPUMALI from San Cristbal, Chiapas,<br />
<strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> the towns where the EZLN <strong>of</strong>fensive began. COLPULMALI stands for<br />
Coord<strong>in</strong>adora de Organizaci<strong>on</strong>es en Lucha del Pueblo Maya para su Liberaci<strong>on</strong>, or<br />
Coord<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g Committee <strong>of</strong> Organizati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the Mayan People <strong>in</strong> Struggle for<br />
Liberati<strong>on</strong>. COLPULMALI is reportedly composed <strong>of</strong> 11 Mayan organizati<strong>on</strong>s from the<br />
three regi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Chiapas that have see the most violent fight<strong>in</strong>g s<strong>in</strong>ce January 1st.<br />
Faced with the violence <strong>of</strong> the Mexican military's counter-<strong>of</strong>fensive, FIPI sent out a call to<br />
CONIC request<strong>in</strong>g that other Indians <strong>in</strong> the network come to Chiapas as observers to help<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stra<strong>in</strong> the state violence. CONIC resp<strong>on</strong>ded immediately by organiz<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
delegati<strong>on</strong>s which travelled to the battle z<strong>on</strong>es. When they arrived <strong>in</strong> Chiapas they were<br />
received by the local <strong>of</strong>fices <strong>of</strong> the C<strong>on</strong>sejo Estatal de Organizaci<strong>on</strong>es Indigenas y<br />
Carnpes<strong>in</strong>as -- made up <strong>of</strong> 280 <strong>in</strong>digenous and peasant organizati<strong>on</strong>s throughout the state.<br />
This k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al publicity and pressure forced Mexican President Sal<strong>in</strong>as to meet<br />
with 42 representatives <strong>of</strong> the C<strong>on</strong>sejo <strong>on</strong> January 25th, a meet<strong>in</strong>g which bypassed <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
political channels <strong>of</strong> mediati<strong>on</strong> and legitimized (much to the chagr<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> the state) the<br />
aut<strong>on</strong>omous political organizati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Indians. (Not <strong>on</strong>ly has the EZLN rejected<br />
government agencies but it has also explicitly rejected any mediati<strong>on</strong> by representatives <strong>of</strong><br />
any political parties. In a January 13th communique, the EZLN stated: mediators "must<br />
not bel<strong>on</strong>g to any political party. We d<strong>on</strong>'t want our struggle to be used by the various<br />
parties to obta<strong>in</strong> electoral benefits nor do we want the heart that is beh<strong>in</strong>d our struggle to<br />
be mis<strong>in</strong>terpreted.") As a result <strong>of</strong> such <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al organizati<strong>on</strong> and acti<strong>on</strong> the positi<strong>on</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> both the EZLN and the Indians <strong>of</strong> Chiapas more generally have been dramatically<br />
strengthened <strong>in</strong> their current struggles. It is that strength which has forced the government<br />
to the barga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g table.<br />
The Roots <strong>of</strong> Organizati<strong>on</strong>: Self-valorizati<strong>on</strong><br />
These new organizati<strong>on</strong>al forms have not been created ex nihilo but have emerged <strong>on</strong> the<br />
material grounds <strong>of</strong> the self-activity <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous peoples. In a period <strong>in</strong> which<br />
affmati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> nati<strong>on</strong>al and ethnic identity have acquired dramatically negative associati<strong>on</strong>s<br />
<strong>in</strong> Europe because <strong>of</strong> the murderous brutalities be<strong>in</strong>g perpetuated <strong>in</strong> ex-Yugoslavia and <strong>in</strong><br />
parts <strong>of</strong> the former Soviet Uni<strong>on</strong>, the formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> regi<strong>on</strong>al and <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al regroup<strong>in</strong>gs<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous peoples <strong>in</strong> America work<strong>in</strong>g together <strong>in</strong> mutual support provides a strik<strong>in</strong>g<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trast.<br />
Strictly at the ideological level <strong>of</strong> nati<strong>on</strong>al and ethnic identity, the situati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> Central<br />
Europe and <strong>in</strong> America have superficial similarities --the affirmati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the right to self-<br />
determ<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> with<strong>in</strong> geographically defied spaces. The Bosnians, Serbs. Croates, Azeris,<br />
Georgians etc. all assert the right to their own land, languages and .cultures, just like the<br />
<strong>in</strong>digenous groups <strong>in</strong> America.<br />
,
Bey<strong>on</strong>d the News - Upris<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Mexico Page I1<br />
But at a deeper level <strong>of</strong> the substance <strong>of</strong> the social relati<strong>on</strong>s embodied <strong>in</strong> those cultures,<br />
languages and relati<strong>on</strong>ships to the land there seem to be fundamental differences. Whatever<br />
their differences, the desires and goals <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>testants <strong>in</strong> Central Europe appear to be<br />
<strong>in</strong>extricable (with<strong>in</strong> the present poltical c<strong>on</strong>figurati<strong>on</strong>) from the <strong>in</strong>herited structures <strong>of</strong><br />
capital accumulati<strong>on</strong> understood as structures <strong>of</strong> social command organized through the<br />
subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> life to endless work. The postcommunist politicos who have whipped<br />
nati<strong>on</strong>al and ethnic differences <strong>in</strong>to antag<strong>on</strong>ism, hatred and violence show no sign <strong>of</strong> any<br />
social project bey<strong>on</strong>d enlarg<strong>in</strong>g their share <strong>of</strong> social command. That such command<br />
should today take the form <strong>of</strong> mass slaughter, humiliati<strong>on</strong> (systematic rape) and the<br />
&structi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> communities, while tomorrow it may take the form <strong>of</strong> factory work, <strong>of</strong>fice<br />
Work and m<strong>in</strong>dless ideology is quite c<strong>on</strong>sistent with the experience <strong>of</strong> the last few hundred<br />
years <strong>of</strong> capitalism. To date, there is no evidence <strong>of</strong> any fundamental reorientati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
socio-ec<strong>on</strong>omic order <strong>of</strong> Central Europe bey<strong>on</strong>d a political reorganizati<strong>on</strong> and an enlarged<br />
use <strong>of</strong> market mechanisms to achieve accumulati<strong>on</strong>. Certa<strong>in</strong>ly, fundamental questi<strong>on</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />
does exist am<strong>on</strong>g Central European peoples; there are <strong>in</strong>dividuals and groups with deeper<br />
visi<strong>on</strong>s struggl<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st the current holocaust. Unfortunately, their power is so limited<br />
as to make their voices largely <strong>in</strong>audible <strong>in</strong> a regi<strong>on</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ated by the sounds <strong>of</strong> war and<br />
haeed.<br />
Am<strong>on</strong>g the Indian nati<strong>on</strong>s and peoples <strong>of</strong> the Americas, <strong>on</strong> the other hand, the affmati<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> nati<strong>on</strong>al identity, <strong>of</strong> cultural uniqueness and <strong>of</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic and political aut<strong>on</strong>omy is<br />
rooted <strong>in</strong> not <strong>on</strong>ly an extensive critique <strong>of</strong> the various forms <strong>of</strong> Western Culture and<br />
capitalist organizati<strong>on</strong> which were imposed <strong>on</strong> them through c<strong>on</strong>quest, col<strong>on</strong>ialism and<br />
genocide, but also <strong>in</strong> the affmati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a wide variety <strong>of</strong> renewed and re<strong>in</strong>vented practices<br />
that <strong>in</strong>clude both social relati<strong>on</strong>s and the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between human communities and the<br />
rest <strong>of</strong> nature. The struggles <strong>of</strong> the Indians <strong>in</strong> Chiapas are not <strong>on</strong>ly aga<strong>in</strong>st their<br />
exploitati<strong>on</strong>, aga<strong>in</strong>st the disrespect with which they have traditi<strong>on</strong>ally been treated, aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
the brutality <strong>of</strong> their repressi<strong>on</strong> by private thugs, police and the Mexican military, aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
the theft <strong>of</strong> their lands and its resources, but they are also aimed at expand<strong>in</strong>g the space,<br />
time and resources available to them for the elaborati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> their own ways <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g, their<br />
own cultures, religi<strong>on</strong>s, and so <strong>on</strong>. They are not fight<strong>in</strong>g for a bigger piece <strong>of</strong> the pie, but<br />
for real aut<strong>on</strong>omy from a social system which they understand very well has always<br />
enslaved them and sought to destroy their ways <strong>of</strong> life, a positive aut<strong>on</strong>omy with<strong>in</strong> which<br />
they can self-valorize, i.e., <strong>in</strong>vent and develop their own ways <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g. (This is not a<br />
process free <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>flicts. See the discussi<strong>on</strong> below about <strong>in</strong>digenous women's struggles.)<br />
Such self-valorizati<strong>on</strong> has <strong>of</strong>ten been represented by outside observers, and sometimes by<br />
those <strong>in</strong>volved directly, <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> the preservati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> traditi<strong>on</strong>, <strong>of</strong> traditi<strong>on</strong>al ways and<br />
practices. As a result, <strong>in</strong>digenous peoples have <strong>of</strong>ten been .seen as fundamentally<br />
reacti<strong>on</strong>ary, backward look<strong>in</strong>g folks with static mentalities, c<strong>on</strong>servative survivals <strong>of</strong> pre-<br />
capitalist times. The actual processes <strong>of</strong> social life withii such <strong>in</strong>digenous communities,<br />
however, is much more complex and dynamic than is comm<strong>on</strong>ly recognized. From<br />
orthodox Marxists who have seen <strong>on</strong>ly the "idiocy" <strong>of</strong> rural life and debated how to c<strong>on</strong>vert<br />
Indians and peasants <strong>in</strong>to good proletarians to the ma<strong>in</strong>stream political scientists and<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omists <strong>of</strong> the post-World War I1 era who saw <strong>on</strong>ly "irrati<strong>on</strong>ality" and debated how to<br />
modernize rural areas and make agriculture more efficient, it is not an exagerati<strong>on</strong> to say<br />
that urban <strong>in</strong>tellectuals from all po<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>on</strong> the political spectrum have misunderstood --<br />
un<strong>in</strong>tenti<strong>on</strong>ally or because it served their purposes-- the lives and desires <strong>of</strong> peasant and<br />
<strong>in</strong>digneous peoples.
Page 12 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
Yet, <strong>in</strong> the last 20 years or so peasants and Indiak have succeeded <strong>in</strong> mak<strong>in</strong>g themselves<br />
heard above the titter<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> ideologs and planners. This has happened partly because <strong>of</strong><br />
their own self-activity, the self-organizati<strong>on</strong> described above, and partly because <strong>of</strong><br />
fundamental shifts <strong>in</strong> the overall class compositi<strong>on</strong> which has made many much more<br />
will<strong>in</strong>g to listen. Not <strong>on</strong>ly have the struggles <strong>of</strong> all k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> "m<strong>in</strong>orities" led to greater<br />
<strong>in</strong>teracti<strong>on</strong> and cooperati<strong>on</strong> am<strong>on</strong>g them, but the qualitative critique <strong>of</strong> capitalism has led<br />
all k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> people to seek out alternative sources <strong>of</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g that they may want to use <strong>in</strong><br />
their own processes <strong>of</strong> self-regenerati<strong>on</strong> and self-valorizati<strong>on</strong>. On the <strong>on</strong>e hand, <strong>in</strong>digenous<br />
peoples themselves have organized around issues with a wider audience, form<strong>in</strong>g such<br />
groups as the Indigenous Envir<strong>on</strong>mental Network (IEN) -- <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> those groups which has<br />
protested state repressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> Chiapas. On the other hand, a seem<strong>in</strong>gly endless assortment<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividuals and groups from New Age romantics to militant ecologists have drawn <strong>on</strong><br />
Indian ideas and practices to reshape their lives.<br />
Nowhere has this been more obvious than <strong>in</strong> the ecological movement where many have<br />
explored <strong>in</strong>digenous attitudes and practices for <strong>in</strong>spirati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> restructur<strong>in</strong>g human<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>ships with nature. As a result it should come as no surprise to many that at the<br />
center <strong>of</strong> the wnflicts <strong>in</strong> Chiapas today is land, just as <strong>in</strong> the days <strong>of</strong> the Mexican<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary Emiliano Zapata from which the EZLN took its name. Not <strong>on</strong>ly were the<br />
Indians <strong>of</strong> Chiapas mostly excluded from the land reforms that began <strong>in</strong> 1934 under the<br />
presidency <strong>of</strong> Lazaro Cardenas, but <strong>in</strong> the years s<strong>in</strong>ce, local landlords have repeatedly used<br />
both legal and illegal means to grab more and more land away from the Indians. The<br />
process <strong>of</strong> orignal accumulati<strong>on</strong> l<strong>on</strong>g ago became permanent and the processes <strong>of</strong> enclosure<br />
have been an endless torture for Indians <strong>in</strong> Chiapas.<br />
Mweover, the explicit l<strong>in</strong>k between the EZLN declarati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> war and NAFTA derived, <strong>in</strong><br />
part, from the latter's c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong> to enclosure <strong>of</strong> Indian lands. Us<strong>in</strong>g NAFTA (and an<br />
Internati<strong>on</strong>al M<strong>on</strong>etary Fund "structural adjustment program") as an excuse. the Mexican<br />
government changed Article 27 <strong>of</strong> the 1917 C<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> that protected wmmunal land<br />
from enclosure and by so do<strong>in</strong>g made legal its sell<strong>in</strong>g and its c<strong>on</strong>centrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the hands <strong>of</strong><br />
local agribus<strong>in</strong>ess and mult<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>al wxporati<strong>on</strong>s. Already the Bannaal, the government's<br />
rural development bank, is push<strong>in</strong>g forward with massive foreclosures aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>in</strong>debted<br />
farmers. The sale <strong>of</strong> foreclosed land to foreign agribus<strong>in</strong>ess will help generate the foreign<br />
exchange to c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ue pay<strong>in</strong>g Mexico's foreign debt. This is what the Indians have seen<br />
and this is what the EZLN has po<strong>in</strong>ted out to the world. In late January. <strong>in</strong>spired by the<br />
EZLN's successes, thousands <strong>of</strong> peasants blocked entrances to a dozen banks <strong>in</strong> Tapachula,<br />
a Chiapan town near the Guatemala border. Their demands? The cancelati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> debts and \<br />
the halt<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> land foreclosures.<br />
This <strong>on</strong>-go<strong>in</strong>g history <strong>of</strong> the expropriati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous and peasant lands (which is<br />
accelerat<strong>in</strong>g the expulsi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> people h the countryside <strong>in</strong>to already h<strong>on</strong>ibly over<br />
crowded and polluted cities) is why the EZLN has labelled NAFTA a "death sentence" to<br />
the <strong>in</strong>digenous populati<strong>on</strong>. A death sentence not <strong>on</strong>ly because <strong>in</strong>dividuals will be killed<br />
(many will be murdered and starved as they fight or retreat) but because ways <strong>of</strong> life are<br />
be<strong>in</strong>g killed. This is the histoly <strong>of</strong> capitalism which American Indians have suffered and<br />
resisted for 500 years. The valorizati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capital has always meant the devaluati<strong>on</strong> and<br />
destructi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> n<strong>on</strong>capitalist ways <strong>of</strong> life, both those which preceeded it and those which<br />
have sprung up seek<strong>in</strong>g to go bey<strong>on</strong>d it. It has wme to be fairly widely recognized that<br />
am<strong>on</strong>g the vast ext<strong>in</strong>cti<strong>on</strong>s caused by the ravages <strong>of</strong> capitalism have been not <strong>on</strong>ly animal<br />
and plant species but thousands <strong>of</strong> human cultures. The Indians <strong>in</strong> Chiapas. and those<br />
support<strong>in</strong>g them throughout the hemisphere are fight<strong>in</strong>g to preserve a human diversity
which is as valuable to all <strong>of</strong> us as it is to them.<br />
Bey<strong>on</strong>d the News - Upris<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Mexico Page 13<br />
The Refusal <strong>of</strong> Development<br />
It is the c<strong>on</strong>creteness <strong>of</strong> the diverse projects <strong>of</strong> self-valorizati<strong>on</strong> which founds the Indians'<br />
struggle for aut<strong>on</strong>omy, not <strong>on</strong>ly from the ideological and political fabric <strong>of</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />
Mexico, but also from the broader capitalist processes <strong>of</strong> accurnulati<strong>on</strong>-as-impositi<strong>on</strong>-<strong>of</strong>-<br />
work --which, <strong>in</strong> the South, goes by the name <strong>of</strong> "development". In the North we come<br />
accross the use <strong>of</strong> this term but rarely, usually <strong>in</strong> regard to plans to restructure the<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>ships between poor communities and the larger ec<strong>on</strong>omy, e.g., community<br />
development, urban development. But <strong>in</strong> the South "development" has been not <strong>on</strong>ly the<br />
ideology <strong>of</strong> capitalist dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> and <strong>of</strong> socialist promises but also a strategy <strong>of</strong> choice<br />
ever s<strong>in</strong>ce the defeat <strong>of</strong> overt col<strong>on</strong>ialism.<br />
S<strong>in</strong>ce the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the EZLN <strong>of</strong>fensive, c<strong>on</strong>siderable commentary from both the state<br />
and a variety <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dependent writers have used the language <strong>of</strong> "two nati<strong>on</strong>s" to talk about<br />
the situati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> Chiapas a term made comm<strong>on</strong>place by the C<strong>on</strong>servative British writer and<br />
statesman Benjam<strong>in</strong> Disraeli over a century ago. The two nati<strong>on</strong>s, <strong>of</strong> course, are that<br />
Mexico whose development will be spuned by NAFTA and "el otro Mexico" which is<br />
backward and left beh<strong>in</strong>d. The ultimate soluti<strong>on</strong> proposed, as always, is "development".<br />
Not surpris<strong>in</strong>gly, with<strong>in</strong> less than a m<strong>on</strong>th <strong>of</strong> the open<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the EZLN <strong>of</strong>fensive, and<br />
follow<strong>in</strong>g the defeat <strong>of</strong> the rnilitaq counter-attack, the Mexican government announced<br />
that it was creat<strong>in</strong>g a "Nati<strong>on</strong>al Commissi<strong>on</strong> for Integral Development and Social Justice<br />
for Indigenous People" and promised more development aid to the area to expand those<br />
<strong>in</strong>vestments already made through its previous development project called Solidaridad On<br />
January 27th it was also announced that these regi<strong>on</strong>al development efforts (and others <strong>in</strong><br />
similar "backward" states) would be buttressed by World Bank loans <strong>of</strong> some $400 milli<strong>on</strong><br />
--loans which will <strong>in</strong>crease the already stagger<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al debt which has been at the<br />
heart <strong>of</strong> class struggle <strong>in</strong> Mexico s<strong>in</strong>ce the early 1980s.<br />
The EZLN's published resp<strong>on</strong>ses to these proposals have articulated the l<strong>on</strong>g stand<strong>in</strong>g<br />
attitudes <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> Mexico's peasant and <strong>in</strong>digenous populati<strong>on</strong>s --they have denounced<br />
these development plans as just another step <strong>in</strong> their cultural assimilati<strong>on</strong> and ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />
annihilati<strong>on</strong>. They po<strong>in</strong>t out that there have never been "two nati<strong>on</strong>s"; Chiapans have<br />
already suffered 500 hundred years <strong>of</strong> the capitalist impositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> work --they have simply<br />
been held at the bottom <strong>of</strong> the wage/mcome hierarchy. Significantly, <strong>in</strong> their <strong>in</strong>itial<br />
declarati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> war, the EZLN wrote "We use black and red <strong>in</strong> our unifoxm as our symbol <strong>of</strong><br />
our work<strong>in</strong>g people <strong>on</strong> strike." (Not surpris<strong>in</strong>gly, the states' negotiator Camacho Solis<br />
has called not <strong>on</strong>ly for an end to hostilities but for a "return to work".)<br />
The Indians also know that further "development" does not mean the return <strong>of</strong> their land or<br />
<strong>of</strong> their aut<strong>on</strong>omy. It means a c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>uati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> their expulsi<strong>on</strong> where they are reduced to<br />
impoverished wage earners or to a role well lcnown to Indians <strong>in</strong> the U.S.: attracti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
with<strong>in</strong> the tourist <strong>in</strong>dustry --a favorite "development project" for areas with "primitive"<br />
peoples. The government, <strong>on</strong>e EZLN spokespers<strong>on</strong> wrote, sees Indians "as noth<strong>in</strong>g more<br />
than anthropological objects, touristic curiostities, or part <strong>of</strong> a 'Jurassic Park'." Of<br />
govenunent development programs? The people <strong>of</strong> Chiapas know them well: 'The<br />
program to improve the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> poverty, this small sta<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> social democracy which<br />
the Mexican state throws about and which with Sal<strong>in</strong>as de .Gortari carries the name<br />
Pr<strong>on</strong>asol [a so-called "social development fund"] is a joke which costs tears <strong>of</strong> blood to
Page 14 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
those who live under the ra<strong>in</strong> and sun." In a statement issued <strong>on</strong> January 31st. the<br />
Indigenous Revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary Clandest<strong>in</strong>e Committee -- General Command (CCRI-CG) <strong>of</strong> the<br />
EZLN po<strong>in</strong>ted out that 'The federal government is ly<strong>in</strong>g when it talks about us. . . .<br />
There is no greater rupture <strong>in</strong> communities than the c<strong>on</strong>temptible death that federal<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omic programs <strong>of</strong>fer us."<br />
But the free trade pact will open U.S. markets to Mexican exports. Sal<strong>in</strong>as and Cl<strong>in</strong>t<strong>on</strong><br />
have promised, Mexico will develop faster. This too the EZLN understands all too well.<br />
Chiapas is already an export oriented ec<strong>on</strong>omy; it always has been: "the southeast<br />
c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ues to export primary materials. just as they did 500 years ago, and c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ues to<br />
export capitalism's pr<strong>in</strong>cipal producti<strong>on</strong>: death and misery." Is this just rhetoric? The<br />
EZLN knows the facts <strong>in</strong> excruciat<strong>in</strong>g detail: 'The state's natural wealth doesn't <strong>on</strong>ly leave<br />
by way <strong>of</strong> roads. Chiapas loses blood through many ve<strong>in</strong>s: through oil and gas ducts,<br />
electric l<strong>in</strong>es, tra<strong>in</strong> cars, bank accounts, trucks and vans. boats and planes, through<br />
clandest<strong>in</strong>e paths, gaps and forest trails. This land c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ues pay<strong>in</strong>g tribute to the<br />
imperialists: petroleum, electric energy, cattle, m<strong>on</strong>ey, c<strong>of</strong>fee, banana, h<strong>on</strong>ey, corn, cacao,<br />
tobacco, sugar, soy, mel<strong>on</strong>, sorghum, mamey, mango, tamar<strong>in</strong>d, avocado and Chiapan<br />
blood flows as a result <strong>of</strong> the thousand some teeth sunk <strong>in</strong>to the throat <strong>of</strong> southeastern<br />
Mexico." Do Cl<strong>in</strong>t<strong>on</strong> and Sal<strong>in</strong>as really th<strong>in</strong>k they can sell export oriented development<br />
to Indians who are already all too pa<strong>in</strong>fully familiar with the dra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g away <strong>of</strong> the wealth<br />
<strong>of</strong> their land?<br />
NAFTA also opens Mexico to U.S. exports and from the Indians' po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> view the most<br />
threaten<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> these is corn. the basic food crop <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>digenous populati<strong>on</strong> and an<br />
important source <strong>of</strong> cash <strong>in</strong>come. Although their rejecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> cheap food imports has not<br />
received the same media coverage as that <strong>of</strong> rice farmers <strong>in</strong> Japan or French farmers <strong>in</strong><br />
Europe (aga<strong>in</strong>st the GATT), the story is the same: a recogniti<strong>on</strong> that a flood <strong>of</strong> cheap food<br />
produced with highly capital (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g chemical) <strong>in</strong>tensive methods <strong>in</strong> the U.S. will drive<br />
down prices and drive them from the land. Already they are suffer<strong>in</strong>g from low prices for<br />
c<strong>of</strong>fee, another cash crop, due to a withdrawal <strong>of</strong> government support from that producti<strong>on</strong>,<br />
so their antag<strong>on</strong>ism spr<strong>in</strong>gs not from speculati<strong>on</strong> but from bitter experience. (The<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omic impact from low c<strong>of</strong>fee prices has been deepened by the disrupti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the current<br />
harvest caused by the states' military counter<strong>of</strong>fensive. While the government has<br />
apparently promised some US$11 milli<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> emergency aid, the Banrural has also said that<br />
it would not change its plans to foreclose <strong>on</strong> endebted farmers.)<br />
The Indians also know that development means ecological destructi<strong>on</strong>. The follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />
passage h an EZLN document is sadly rem<strong>in</strong>iscent <strong>of</strong> Karl Marx's earliest ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />
writ<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>on</strong> new laws <strong>in</strong> Germany that made it a crime for peasants to gather wood <strong>in</strong> the<br />
forest. 'They take the petroleum and gas away and leave the stamp <strong>of</strong> capitalism as<br />
change: ecological destructi<strong>on</strong>, agricultural scraps, hyper<strong>in</strong>flati<strong>on</strong>, alcoholism, prostituti<strong>on</strong><br />
and poverty. The beast is not satisfied and extends its tentacles to the Lacand<strong>on</strong> Forest:<br />
eight petroleum deposits are under explorati<strong>on</strong>. . . . The trees fall and dynamite explodes<br />
<strong>on</strong> land where peasants me not allowed to cut down trees to cultivate the land. Every me<br />
that is cut down costs them a f<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> 10 m<strong>in</strong>imum wages and a jail sentence. The poor<br />
cannot cut down trees while the petroleum beast, every day more <strong>in</strong> foreign hands, can.<br />
The peasants cuts them to survive, the beast to plunder. . . . Inspite <strong>of</strong> the trend <strong>of</strong><br />
ecological awareness, the extracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> wood c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ues <strong>in</strong> Chiapas' forests. Between 1981<br />
and 1989 2,4777 meters cubed <strong>of</strong> precious woods, c<strong>on</strong>ifers and tropical tree types, were<br />
taken out <strong>of</strong> Chiapas. . . . In 1988 wood exports brought a revenue <strong>of</strong> 23,900,000,000<br />
pesos, 6,000% more than <strong>in</strong> 1980. . . . Capitalism is <strong>in</strong> debt for everyth<strong>in</strong>g that it takes
away."<br />
Bey<strong>on</strong>d the News - Upris<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Mexico Page l5<br />
The EZLN program would restore the land to its peoples. It would abolish the debts <strong>of</strong><br />
farmers and demand repayment <strong>of</strong> the debt owed by those who have exploited the people<br />
and their land. The Indians <strong>of</strong> Chiapas would forget about "development" and beg<strong>in</strong> the<br />
rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> their world. They would not do it <strong>in</strong> <strong>on</strong>e way, through a plan drawn up<br />
by a central committee; they would do it many ways, accord<strong>in</strong>g to their diverse<br />
understand<strong>in</strong>gs, worked out and coord<strong>in</strong>ated through cooperative efforts.<br />
The Aut<strong>on</strong>omous Demands <strong>of</strong> Women with<strong>in</strong> the Indian Movement<br />
This refusal <strong>of</strong> development has grown to <strong>in</strong>clude the rejecti<strong>on</strong> not <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>of</strong> government<br />
sp<strong>on</strong>sored, topdown development plans and projects, but also the re<strong>in</strong>forcement and<br />
strengthen<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> old <strong>in</strong>justices <strong>in</strong> Chiapan societies and culture. Al<strong>on</strong>gside the struggle<br />
aga<strong>in</strong>st land c<strong>on</strong>centrati<strong>on</strong>, the exploitati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> wage labor and political repressi<strong>on</strong>, there<br />
has also grown up a critique <strong>of</strong> racism (discrim<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> lat<strong>in</strong>os/mestizos aga<strong>in</strong>st Indians)<br />
and <strong>of</strong> gender roles and the c<strong>on</strong>signment <strong>of</strong> women to the bottom <strong>of</strong> society. The<br />
patriarchal character <strong>of</strong> Mexican society is well known; that <strong>of</strong> the Indian communities<br />
less recognized but <strong>of</strong>ten no less real. The struggle for the "survival" <strong>of</strong> Indian culture has<br />
also <strong>in</strong>volved the struggle for its transformati<strong>on</strong> --from with<strong>in</strong>. In this case. as usual,<br />
those who have suffered most have been at the forefr<strong>on</strong>t <strong>of</strong> the fight for change.<br />
In traditi<strong>on</strong>al Indian society, when the good land was theirs, before they were pushed <strong>in</strong>to<br />
poor forest lands <strong>of</strong>ten far away hm good water sources, life was not so hard. Their<br />
agricultural practices were <strong>of</strong>ten land <strong>in</strong>tensive rather than labor <strong>in</strong>tensive and they were<br />
able to reap an abundant and diverse harvest. But as their land was stolen h m them and it<br />
became harder and harder to survive <strong>on</strong> fewer and fewer resources; life became <strong>in</strong>creasmgly<br />
difficult, especially for women. Some <strong>of</strong> their traditi<strong>on</strong>al tasks, such as food preparati<strong>on</strong><br />
and clean<strong>in</strong>g, have always <strong>in</strong>volved a lot <strong>of</strong> work, but the situati<strong>on</strong> worsened. For<br />
example, it is generally Indian women who must be up at the crack <strong>of</strong> dawn to gr<strong>in</strong>d corn<br />
for the day's bread: tortillas. It is generally Indian women who must haul water for<br />
cook<strong>in</strong>g, dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g, clean<strong>in</strong>g and bath<strong>in</strong>g. It is generally Indian women who cut firewood<br />
(now illegal) and haul it home for cook<strong>in</strong>g. It is generally Indian women who do the<br />
cook<strong>in</strong>g, and take care <strong>of</strong> the children, and <strong>of</strong> the sick. But hard work makes str<strong>on</strong>g<br />
women --if it doesn't kill them-- and such women have challenged their traditi<strong>on</strong>al roles.<br />
This challenge found support <strong>in</strong> the EZLN and acceptance from its leaders. Not <strong>on</strong>ly were<br />
women encouraged to jo<strong>in</strong> the EZLN but they have been. accord<strong>in</strong>g to all accounts, treated<br />
as equals to the po<strong>in</strong>t that many women have <strong>of</strong>ficer status and-men and women are<br />
expected to cany the burdens <strong>of</strong> work and fight<strong>in</strong>g equally. When Indian women organized<br />
<strong>in</strong> dozens <strong>of</strong> communities to produce a code <strong>of</strong> women's rights, the EZLN leadership<br />
composed <strong>of</strong> Mayan leaders --the CCRICG-- adopted the wde unanimously. The<br />
'Women's Law" <strong>in</strong>cluded the rights <strong>of</strong> all women, "regardless <strong>of</strong> race, creed, color or<br />
political affiliati<strong>on</strong>", "to participate <strong>in</strong> the struggle <strong>in</strong> any way that their desire and<br />
capacity determ<strong>in</strong>e", the right to "work and receive a just salary", the right to "decide the<br />
number <strong>of</strong> children they have and care for", the right "to participate <strong>in</strong> the matters <strong>of</strong> the<br />
community and have charge if they are freely and democratically elected", the right (al<strong>on</strong>g<br />
with children) "to Primary Attenti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> their health and nutriti<strong>on</strong>", the right "to choose<br />
their partner and are not obliged to enter <strong>in</strong>to marriage", the right "to be free <strong>of</strong> violence<br />
from both relatives and strangers. Rape and attempted rape will be severely punished", the
Page 16 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
right to "occupy positi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> leadership <strong>in</strong> the organizati<strong>on</strong> [EZLN] and hold military<br />
ranks <strong>in</strong> the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary armed forces", and f<strong>in</strong>ally "all the rights and obligati<strong>on</strong>s which<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary laws and regulati<strong>on</strong>s give". Accord<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>on</strong>e report, when <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> the male<br />
committee members quipped 'The good part is that my wife doesn't understand Spanish,<br />
an EZLN <strong>of</strong>ficer told him: "You've screwed yourself, because we're go<strong>in</strong>g to translate it<br />
<strong>in</strong>to all the [Mayan] languages." Clearly, the passage <strong>of</strong> this Bill <strong>of</strong> Rights reflects both<br />
the problems and <strong>on</strong>go<strong>in</strong>g struggles <strong>of</strong> women with<strong>in</strong> the diverse Indian cultures <strong>of</strong><br />
Chiapas. What is unusual and excit<strong>in</strong>g about these developments is how those struggles<br />
are not be<strong>in</strong>g marg<strong>in</strong>alized or subord<strong>in</strong>ated to "class <strong>in</strong>terests" but are be<strong>in</strong>g accepted as<br />
<strong>in</strong>tegral parts <strong>of</strong> the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary project.<br />
C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>?<br />
I began this brief discussi<strong>on</strong> with a questi<strong>on</strong> about whether the revolt <strong>in</strong> Chiapas is just<br />
<strong>on</strong>e more local revolt, or someth<strong>in</strong>g more. I th<strong>in</strong>k it is much more. Once we understand<br />
its sources, motivati<strong>on</strong>s and methods, I th<strong>in</strong>k we can learn a great deal. It does not <strong>of</strong>fer a<br />
formula to be immitated; its new organizati<strong>on</strong>al forms are not a substitute for old formulas<br />
--Len<strong>in</strong>ist or social democratic. It provides someth<strong>in</strong>g different: an <strong>in</strong>spir<strong>in</strong>g example <strong>of</strong><br />
how a workable soluti<strong>on</strong> to the post-socialist problem <strong>of</strong> revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary organizati<strong>on</strong> and<br />
struggle can be sought. The struggles <strong>of</strong> the Indians <strong>in</strong> Chiapas, like the anti-NAFTA<br />
movement which laid the groundwork for their circulati<strong>on</strong>, dem<strong>on</strong>strate how organizati<strong>on</strong><br />
can proceed locally, regi<strong>on</strong>ally and <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>ally through a diversity <strong>of</strong> forms which can<br />
be effective precisely to the degree that they weave a fabric <strong>of</strong> cooperati<strong>on</strong> to achieve the<br />
(<strong>of</strong>ten quite different) c<strong>on</strong>crete material projects <strong>of</strong> the participants. We have known for<br />
some time that a particular organizati<strong>on</strong> can <strong>on</strong>ly be substituted for the processes <strong>of</strong><br />
organizati<strong>on</strong> at great peril. It is a less<strong>on</strong> we have learned the hard way <strong>in</strong> struggle for, and<br />
then aga<strong>in</strong>st ,trade uni<strong>on</strong>s, social democratic and revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary parties.<br />
What we see today is the emergence <strong>of</strong> just such a fabric <strong>of</strong> cooperati<strong>on</strong> am<strong>on</strong>g the most<br />
diverse k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> people, l<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g sectors <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g class throughout the <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
wage and <strong>in</strong>come hierarchy. That fabric has not appeared suddenly, out <strong>of</strong> the blue; it has<br />
been woven. And <strong>in</strong> its weav<strong>in</strong>g many threads have broken, and been retied, or new knots<br />
have been designed to replace those which could not hold. It is not easy to c<strong>on</strong>struct a<br />
hammock, to use the Mexican word, but we see that it is possible.<br />
In many ways the revolt <strong>in</strong> Chiapas is an old story, 500 years old. But it is also a very<br />
new, and excit<strong>in</strong>g story. The ZLN <strong>of</strong>fensive has taken place with<strong>in</strong> and been supported<br />
by an <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al movement <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous peoples. That movement itself has<br />
established many c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s with other k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> people, other sectors <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g<br />
class, from blue collar factory workers fear<strong>in</strong>g job loss, to white collar <strong>in</strong>tellect workers<br />
us<strong>in</strong>g the most advanced technological means <strong>of</strong> communicati<strong>on</strong> and organizati<strong>on</strong><br />
available. Ever s<strong>in</strong>ce the rise <strong>of</strong> capitalism imposed work<strong>in</strong>g class status <strong>on</strong> most <strong>of</strong> the<br />
world's people, they have struggled. In those struggles isolati<strong>on</strong> has meant weakness and<br />
defeat, c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> has meant strength. C<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> comes with mutual recogniti<strong>on</strong> and the<br />
understand<strong>in</strong>g that struggles can be complementary and mutually re<strong>in</strong>forc<strong>in</strong>g. As l<strong>on</strong>g as<br />
workers <strong>in</strong> the U.S. and Canada saw Mexicans as alien others, parts <strong>of</strong> the unknown Third<br />
World, capital could play the latter <strong>of</strong>f aga<strong>in</strong>st the former. But struggles throughout the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ent have forced a degree <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> that such bl<strong>in</strong>dness is becom<strong>in</strong>g easier and<br />
easier to overcome. Part <strong>of</strong> the work <strong>of</strong> the anti-NAFTA movement <strong>in</strong>volved the<br />
assessment <strong>of</strong> dangers and the discussi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> alternative approaches <strong>in</strong> the light <strong>of</strong> diverse
Bey<strong>on</strong>d the News - Upris<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Mexico Page 17<br />
situati<strong>on</strong>s and needs. Part <strong>of</strong> the work <strong>in</strong>volved circulat<strong>in</strong>g the results <strong>of</strong> that research and<br />
those c<strong>on</strong>sultati<strong>on</strong>s to a wider audience. The result has been the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> a<br />
transformati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>sciousness and understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the North American work<strong>in</strong>g<br />
class and a c<strong>on</strong>sequent growth <strong>in</strong> the ability to cooperate. <strong>in</strong> struggle.<br />
Today, the upris<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Chiapas results <strong>in</strong> c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ent-wide mobilizati<strong>on</strong>. But this is not the<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly such mobilizati<strong>on</strong>. Mexican factories which could <strong>on</strong>ce repress militant workers<br />
with impunity are now subject to observati<strong>on</strong> and sancti<strong>on</strong> by workers from the U.S. and<br />
Canada who are <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly <strong>in</strong>terven<strong>in</strong>g to c<strong>on</strong>stra<strong>in</strong> repressi<strong>on</strong> just as <strong>in</strong>digenous<br />
militants and human rights activists have <strong>in</strong>te~ened to help the ULN. Mult<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
corporati<strong>on</strong>s who could pay <strong>of</strong>f Mexican <strong>of</strong>ficials and dump toxic wastes <strong>in</strong>to communities<br />
al<strong>on</strong>g the border are today subjected to i n d scrut<strong>in</strong>y and sancti<strong>on</strong> by waken and<br />
ecologists. When the EZLN demands, as it has, that Chiapan workers be paid wages equal<br />
to those North <strong>of</strong> the border, it is a demand heard, understood and supported by <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g<br />
numbers <strong>of</strong> those Northern workers whose wages are be<strong>in</strong>g driven downward by<br />
"competiti<strong>on</strong>" from the South. When the Indian communities <strong>of</strong> Chiapas fight for their<br />
land, it is <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly understood by those elsewhere not as reacti<strong>on</strong>ary but as the<br />
equivalent <strong>of</strong> the struggles <strong>of</strong> waged workers for more m<strong>on</strong>ey, less work and more<br />
opportunity to develop alternatives to capitalism.<br />
Today, the social equivalent <strong>of</strong> an earthquake triggered by the EZLN <strong>on</strong> January 1st is<br />
rumbl<strong>in</strong>g through Mexican society. Every day br<strong>in</strong>gs reports <strong>of</strong> people mov<strong>in</strong>g bey<strong>on</strong>d<br />
amazement and c<strong>on</strong>cern to acti<strong>on</strong>. Peasants and Indians completely ~ndependent <strong>of</strong> the<br />
EZLN are tak<strong>in</strong>g up its battle cries and occupy<strong>in</strong>g municipal government build<strong>in</strong>gs,<br />
blocad<strong>in</strong>g banks and demand<strong>in</strong>g their lands and their rights. Students and workers are be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>in</strong>spired not just to "support the campes<strong>in</strong>os" but to launch their own strikes aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> and exploitati<strong>on</strong> throughout the social factory. How far these aftershocks will<br />
reach and how much they will change the world will depend not just <strong>on</strong> the EZLN or <strong>on</strong><br />
theIndians <strong>of</strong> Chiapas, but <strong>on</strong> the rest <strong>of</strong> us.
Page 18 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
The Time <strong>of</strong> Trial by Space?<br />
Critical reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong><br />
Henri Lefebvre's epoch <strong>of</strong> space.<br />
Derek Kerr<br />
"Abstract space, which is the tool <strong>of</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>, asphyxiates<br />
whatever is c<strong>on</strong>ceived with<strong>in</strong> it and then strives to emerge"<br />
"'Change life!' 'Change society!' These precepts mean noth<strong>in</strong>g<br />
without the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> an appropriate space....So l<strong>on</strong>g as everyday<br />
life rema<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> thrall to abstract space ...so l<strong>on</strong>g must the project <strong>of</strong><br />
'chang<strong>in</strong>g life' rema<strong>in</strong> no more than a political rally<strong>in</strong>g-cry ...."<br />
(Lefebvre 1991. pp 370.59)<br />
The respatialisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> critical social theory<br />
The break up <strong>of</strong> Eastern Europe, the chang<strong>in</strong>g form <strong>of</strong> the European Uni<strong>on</strong> and the general<br />
dec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a comparatively stable post-war capitalism have provoked such<br />
fragmentati<strong>on</strong>, dissociati<strong>on</strong> and recomb<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> places, spaces and events at all spatial<br />
levels that questi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space and nature have been placed firmly <strong>on</strong> the political agenda<br />
Numerous protest movements have also dem<strong>on</strong>strated the way <strong>in</strong> which "spatial<br />
knowledge" is used for the enforcement and c<strong>on</strong>testati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> power relati<strong>on</strong>s. For example,<br />
such knowledge came to the fore <strong>in</strong> the 1989 People's Movement <strong>in</strong> Bei~mg through their<br />
strategic use <strong>of</strong> the Square <strong>of</strong> Heavenly Peace. Given the cultural si@cance <strong>of</strong> this<br />
place, "us<strong>in</strong>g, occupy<strong>in</strong>g, and c<strong>on</strong>quer<strong>in</strong>g [it] ... became the primary means to negotiate and<br />
eventually struggle for the exercise <strong>of</strong> legitimate power <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a." (Pieke 1993 p167)<br />
Also the struggles, for example, over comm<strong>on</strong> land (Reed 1991). over the shanty houses<br />
<strong>of</strong> Brita<strong>in</strong> (Szczelkun 1993) and over the destructi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the envir<strong>on</strong>ment are essentially<br />
struggles over the spatiality <strong>of</strong> social existence. All these changes and struggles have<br />
resulted <strong>in</strong> a grow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>cept and reality <strong>of</strong> space and a desire to understand<br />
and expla<strong>in</strong> the restructur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> geographical space. While this has been largely pursued<br />
through the descriptive empiricism or subjective idealism characteristic <strong>of</strong> the traditi<strong>on</strong>al<br />
academic divisi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour. there has also been, as Soja (1989) puts it, a grow<strong>in</strong>g
Trial by Space: Reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> Lefebvre Page 19<br />
"reasserti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong> critical social theory" and an explorati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>tersecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
geography and the Marxist traditi<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Harvey, for example, has d<strong>on</strong>e much to advance our understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the processes <strong>of</strong><br />
urban and regi<strong>on</strong>al restnctur<strong>in</strong>g over the last two decades. Sigruficant <strong>in</strong> this respect has<br />
been his attempts to elaborate up<strong>on</strong> the ways <strong>in</strong> which these processes manifest<br />
themselves <strong>in</strong> a spatially uneven way <strong>in</strong> and through the c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ual producti<strong>on</strong> and<br />
des'mcti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the built envir<strong>on</strong>ment. This emphasis reflects Harvey's belief that<br />
"historical materialism has to be u p m to historical-geographical materialism" and this<br />
is to be achieved through "the <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space and spatial<br />
c<strong>on</strong>figurati<strong>on</strong>s as an active element with<strong>in</strong> the core <strong>of</strong> Marxian theoris<strong>in</strong>gW(l989 pp 6.4).<br />
Smith also seeks the <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> nature and space <strong>in</strong>to the Marxian theory <strong>of</strong> capitalist<br />
development and advances the propositi<strong>on</strong> "that uneven development is the hallmark <strong>of</strong> the<br />
geography <strong>of</strong> capitalism. ... the systematic geographical expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
<strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> the very c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> and structure <strong>of</strong> capital." Like Harvey, he draws up<strong>on</strong><br />
Mm's analysis <strong>of</strong> capitalism. "For", declares Smith. "when <strong>on</strong>e draws out the spatial<br />
implicati<strong>on</strong>s and dimensi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Mm's analysis, especially m Capital, the basis <strong>of</strong> uneven<br />
development theory is then ready at hand." (Smith 1990 pp xii, xvi). Soja disagrees with<br />
this <strong>in</strong>terpretati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> "Mm's analysis" but shares a comm<strong>on</strong> desire. By build<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> the<br />
work <strong>of</strong> Foucaul~ Giddens. Berger, Breman, James<strong>on</strong> and, above all, Henri Lefebvre, Soja<br />
seeks "to spatialise the historical narrative. to attach to duree an endur<strong>in</strong>g critical human<br />
gwgraphy .... to make room for the <strong>in</strong>sights <strong>of</strong> an <strong>in</strong>terpretative human geography, a spatial<br />
hermeneutic." (Soja 1989 ppl-2) This desire, by Soja and others, to redress the balance<br />
away from historicism and towards a new spatialised discourse <strong>of</strong> social change reflects a<br />
grow<strong>in</strong>g belief that c<strong>on</strong>temporary society is mov<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to "the epoch <strong>of</strong> space" (Foucault<br />
1986 p22) <strong>in</strong> which the <strong>in</strong>nocent spatiality <strong>of</strong> social life hides c<strong>on</strong>sequences for us. As<br />
Soja, for example, puts it, "today ... it may be space more than time that hides<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sequences from us, the mak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> geography' more than the 'mak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> history' that<br />
provides the most reveal<strong>in</strong>g tactical and theoretical world." (1989 p 1) In this way,<br />
postmodemism becomes a periodis<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>in</strong> which gwgraphy <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly matters as<br />
a vantage po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> critical <strong>in</strong>sight, <strong>on</strong>e which, <strong>in</strong> James<strong>on</strong>'s terms, "raise(s) spatial issues<br />
as a fundamental organis<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>cern" (1984 p 89)<br />
The purpose <strong>of</strong> this review article, however, is not to address this c<strong>on</strong>temporary debate but<br />
to return to <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> its most important founders - Henri L$ebvre. Lefebvre was perhaps<br />
the most <strong>in</strong>fluential figure shap<strong>in</strong>g the course and character <strong>of</strong> French Marxist theory and<br />
philosophy from the early 1930's to at least the late 1950's. Furthermore. as Soja rightly<br />
po<strong>in</strong>ts out, he became, after the 1950's. the lead<strong>in</strong>g spatial theoretician <strong>in</strong> Western<br />
Marxism and the most forceful advocate for the reasserti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong> critical social<br />
theory.(1989 p 47) But knowledge <strong>of</strong> his c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong> to this debate is still limited partly<br />
because few <strong>of</strong> his works have been translated <strong>in</strong>to English. More significant, however,<br />
is the fact that most Angleph<strong>on</strong>e commentators <strong>on</strong> Lefebvre have focused <strong>on</strong> his<br />
<strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> existential Marxism and his critique <strong>of</strong> Althusser and usually pass over his<br />
<strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> space and spatiality with a cursory nod or even blank <strong>in</strong>comprehensi<strong>on</strong>.<br />
(chFY (1994) ~355)<br />
Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Soja (1989 p47), Hegelian <strong>in</strong>fluences permeate Lefebvre's early Marxism and<br />
this led him to reta<strong>in</strong> a strand <strong>of</strong> 'objective idealism' with<strong>in</strong> the materialist dialectic. He<br />
also took a stance, throughout his works, aga<strong>in</strong>st dogmatic reducti<strong>on</strong>ism <strong>in</strong> favour <strong>of</strong> a<br />
more open ended dialectic which resulted <strong>in</strong>, what Soja refers to as, a "flexible, open and<br />
cautiously eclectic Marxism able to grow and adapt without predeterm<strong>in</strong>ed truncati<strong>on</strong>."
Page 20 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
(1989 p 48) Through his engagement with existential phenomenology and Althusserian<br />
structuralism, Lefebvre developed what became a c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g theme with<strong>in</strong> his later work,<br />
namely to rec<strong>on</strong>textualise Marxism through a materialist <strong>in</strong>terpretati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> spatiality and to<br />
uncover the role <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong> social reproducti<strong>on</strong> and <strong>in</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g survival <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism. This theme was stimulated by Lefebvre's <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> the students<br />
movements which culm<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>in</strong> the extraord<strong>in</strong>ary 'movement' <strong>of</strong> May 1968. It was<br />
dur<strong>in</strong>g this period that Lefebvre became attached to the idea that social space <strong>in</strong> general and<br />
the urban c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> daily life <strong>in</strong> particular (as compared to a narrow focus <strong>on</strong> work-<br />
place politics) were central <strong>in</strong> the evoluti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary sentiments and politics.<br />
Seven books were written <strong>on</strong> these themes between 1968 and 1974, with The Producti<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> Space as the culm<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g work <strong>in</strong> this sequence. For many. the events <strong>of</strong> May 68 <strong>in</strong><br />
France engendered a retreat from. even a repudiati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong>. historical materialism (eg. Jean<br />
Francois Lyotard). Lefebvre however reta<strong>in</strong>ed his commitment to Marxism, a particular<br />
Hegelian versi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> it which, for Lefebvre, had to be modified to suite modern times.<br />
This modificati<strong>on</strong> was forged by br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g Marx and Nietzsche <strong>in</strong>to a explosive<br />
c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>tati<strong>on</strong> with Hegel and was focused up<strong>on</strong> respatialis<strong>in</strong>g critical theory. (Lefbvre<br />
1991, pp21-4) Lefebvre's purpose was "to prise open the sutures between 'immobilised<br />
space' and 'realised Reas<strong>on</strong>' by br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong>to human histo~y and<br />
disclos<strong>in</strong>g the social processes through which 'abstract space' has been historically<br />
superimposed over 'lived space'." (Gregory 1994, p354)<br />
Lefebvre's work is complex but he appears, follow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>numerable crises <strong>of</strong> capitalism and<br />
the events <strong>of</strong> 1968, to be attempt<strong>in</strong>g to uncover how capitalism has survived, how it<br />
might be underm<strong>in</strong>ed and what form <strong>of</strong> society will emerge. For Lefebvre, the survival <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism is due to (a) capital's ability to reproduce its relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> and (b) its<br />
ability to achieve this by occupy<strong>in</strong>g and produc<strong>in</strong>g space. In other words, "capitalism has<br />
found itself able to amuate (if not resolve) its <strong>in</strong>ternal c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s for a century, and<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sequently, <strong>in</strong> the hundred years s<strong>in</strong>ce the writ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Capital, it has succeeded <strong>in</strong><br />
achiev<strong>in</strong>g 'growth'. We cannot calculate at what price, but we do know the means: by<br />
occupy<strong>in</strong>g space, by produc<strong>in</strong>g a space." (Lefbvre 1976, pp 20, 21) Lefebvre's aim is,<br />
therefore, to elucidate the specificity <strong>of</strong> the capitalist mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space as this is<br />
the space that preserves capitalism yet is also the place <strong>in</strong> which the f<strong>in</strong>al episodes <strong>of</strong> the<br />
capitalist debacle are be<strong>in</strong>g played out. He attempts to achieve this aim through<br />
modify<strong>in</strong>g Marxism and by then sketch<strong>in</strong>g out "the l<strong>on</strong>g history <strong>of</strong> space." (Lefbvre 1991,<br />
p116) This history is what Foucault calls a specific "history <strong>of</strong> the present". As such<br />
it embraces a specific sequence <strong>of</strong> spatialities <strong>in</strong> the form <strong>of</strong> a "strategic hypothesis" (rather<br />
than the recitati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a chr<strong>on</strong>ology) pregnant with political implicati<strong>on</strong>s which "straddles<br />
the breach between science and utopia, reality and ideality." (Lefebvre 1991, p60) In this<br />
way Lefebvre hoped to disclose tendencies embedded <strong>in</strong> the present whose potential<br />
realisati<strong>on</strong> was absent from our anticipati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the future. "Today", declares Lefebvre,<br />
"everyth<strong>in</strong>g that derives from history and from historical time must undergo a test .... Why?<br />
Because noth<strong>in</strong>g and no <strong>on</strong>e can avoid ~ ial by space - an ordeal which is the modern<br />
world's answer to the judgement <strong>of</strong> God or the classical c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> fate." (Lefbvre 1991,<br />
p416) Both Marxism and capitalism are <strong>on</strong> trial; the case for the prosecuti<strong>on</strong> must now<br />
be presented and challenged<br />
How Capitalism has survived and did Marx get it wr<strong>on</strong>g?<br />
In his analysis <strong>of</strong> the survival <strong>of</strong> capitalism Lefebvre br<strong>in</strong>gs to the fore the importance <strong>of</strong>
Trial by Space: Reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> Lcfehvre Page 21<br />
the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> which he feels "resolves a c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />
Marx's thought which, to him, could not have appeared as a c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>." (Lefebvre 1976<br />
p20) Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Lefebvre, Marx's view was that as the productive forces develop they<br />
would be c<strong>on</strong>stra<strong>in</strong>ed by the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> and that the revoluti<strong>on</strong> was go<strong>in</strong>g to<br />
leap over these c<strong>on</strong>stra<strong>in</strong>ts. However capitalism has developed yet the revoluti<strong>on</strong> has not<br />
come. "So what is essential?" asks Lefebvre, "it is the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the social<br />
rel~ti~ns, i.e. the ability <strong>of</strong> capitalism to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> itself dur<strong>in</strong>g and bey<strong>on</strong>d its critical<br />
moments." (Lefebvre 1976 p70). For Lefebvre this is an <strong>in</strong>sight which is not adequately<br />
developed by Man, but he feels that this is understandable because its significance <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
became apparent towards the end <strong>of</strong> Mm's life. What Lefebvre claims is that dur<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
n<strong>in</strong>eteenth century, the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the means <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> (i.e. labour power,<br />
<strong>in</strong>struments <strong>of</strong> labour) was the critical moment <strong>of</strong> capitalism's survival and c<strong>on</strong>sequently it<br />
was this aspect that was the focus <strong>of</strong> Marx's work. (Lefebvre 1976 p 43) However,<br />
towards the end <strong>of</strong> Marx's life, the problem c<strong>on</strong>cern<strong>in</strong>g the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
producti<strong>on</strong> came to the fore. "The f<strong>in</strong>al aspect <strong>of</strong> reproducti<strong>on</strong>, the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> social<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>s, does not beg<strong>in</strong> to overtake the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the means <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> until<br />
towards the end <strong>of</strong> the n<strong>in</strong>eteenth century, when it beg<strong>in</strong>s to pose new problems."<br />
(Lefebvre 1976 p9-10) C<strong>on</strong>sequently it was <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> 1863 that Marx came up with the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> 'total reproducti<strong>on</strong>' as <strong>in</strong> the "unpublished chapter" <strong>of</strong> Capital. It was then.<br />
accord<strong>in</strong>g to Lefebvre, that Mm realised that "the problem can therefore no l<strong>on</strong>ger be a<br />
simple <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the means <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>, but the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>." (Lefebvre 1976 p46) For Lefebvre, this <strong>in</strong>sight "has been<br />
pushed aside and quite literally repressed by Marxists s<strong>in</strong>ce Marx and as a result, the<br />
questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capitalism's survival could not be adequately addressed, at least not until post<br />
1968. "The central questi<strong>on</strong> began to appear <strong>on</strong> the horiz<strong>on</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g the sec<strong>on</strong>d world<br />
war, but with such amaz<strong>in</strong>g slowness that it did not actually emerge from the mists until<br />
after May 1968. No less than three rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> capitalist social relati<strong>on</strong>s with<strong>in</strong><br />
half a century were needed before these rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong>s could become the 'object' <strong>of</strong><br />
reflecti<strong>on</strong>, <strong>of</strong> critical c<strong>on</strong>sciousness." (Lefebvre 1976 p 50)<br />
But this belated <strong>in</strong>sight raised another issue that M m did not address, namely, the issue <strong>of</strong><br />
space. For Lefebvre, the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> implies the ability to<br />
reproduce "the land-labour-capital relati<strong>on</strong>, the c<strong>on</strong>stitutive tr<strong>in</strong>ity <strong>of</strong> capitalist society."<br />
(1976 p8) This, given the 'land' element, therefore implies the ability to occupy and<br />
produce an appropriate space. "When the forces <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> make a leap forward, but<br />
capitalist relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> rema<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> tact, the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space itself replaces - or,<br />
rather, is superimposed up<strong>on</strong> - the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> th<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> space .... space as a whole has<br />
become the place where the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> is located."<br />
(Lefebvre 1976 pp 62.85) This marks a departure from Marx's problematic, which for<br />
Lefebvre means <strong>in</strong>dustrialisati<strong>on</strong>, render<strong>in</strong>g it unsuitable for understand<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>temporary<br />
capitalism: "the problematic <strong>of</strong> space ... has displaced the problematic <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dustrialisati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
It has not, however, destroyed that earlier set <strong>of</strong> problems: the social relati<strong>on</strong>ships that<br />
obta<strong>in</strong>ed previously still obta<strong>in</strong>; the new problem is precisely the problem <strong>of</strong> their<br />
reproducti<strong>on</strong>." (Lefebvre 1991 p 89) More significant, however, is the fact that, accord<strong>in</strong>g<br />
to Lefebvre. Marx's Capital was an expositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the capital-labour relati<strong>on</strong> rather than the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stitutive tr<strong>in</strong>ity <strong>of</strong> capitalist society. "Marx's <strong>in</strong>itial <strong>in</strong>tenti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> Capital was to<br />
analyse and lay bare the capitalist mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> and bourgeois society <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> a<br />
b<strong>in</strong>ary (and dialectical) model that opposed capital to labour .... This polarity may make it<br />
possible to grasp the c<strong>on</strong>flictual development <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> a formal manner, and so to<br />
articulate it <strong>in</strong>telligibly, but", argues Lefebvre, "it presupposes the disappearance from the<br />
picture <strong>of</strong> a third cluster <strong>of</strong> factors: namely the land, the landown<strong>in</strong>g class, ground rent and
Page22 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
agriculture as such .... In the c<strong>on</strong>text <strong>of</strong> this schema the space <strong>of</strong> social practice is<br />
imperceptible; time has but a very small part to play; and the schema itself is located <strong>in</strong> an<br />
abstract mental spa ce....Marx quickly became aware - as he was bound to do - <strong>of</strong> resistance<br />
to this reductive schema" argues Lefebvre. "Such resistance came from several sides, and<br />
<strong>in</strong> the fust place from the very reality under c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong> - namely, the Earth. On a<br />
world scale, landed property showed no signs <strong>of</strong> disappear<strong>in</strong>g, nor did the political<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> landowne rs.... Nor, c<strong>on</strong>sequently, did ground rent suddenly aband<strong>on</strong> the field<br />
to pr<strong>of</strong>its and wages." (p 323-4)<br />
However what this read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Capital appears to miss is the fact that Mm was fully<br />
aware <strong>of</strong> the barriers posed to capital by landed property but that this reality could <strong>on</strong>ly be<br />
understood, c<strong>on</strong>cretely, through a prior understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the form and c<strong>on</strong>tradictory<br />
tendencies <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> the capital-labour relati<strong>on</strong>. By start<strong>in</strong>g with the capital relati<strong>on</strong><br />
Mm did not presuppose the disappearance <strong>of</strong> landed pmperty. the third factor, but was<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cerned with render<strong>in</strong>g the real c<strong>on</strong>crete <strong>in</strong>telligible. Only <strong>in</strong> this way is it possible to<br />
uncover the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory ways <strong>in</strong> which the capital rehi<strong>on</strong> attempts to transform.<br />
<strong>in</strong>corporate and subord<strong>in</strong>ate landed property to its sway as a necessary prec<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong> to its<br />
very existence. Lefebvre, however, appears to suggest that Marx changed his ideas,<br />
between the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g and end <strong>of</strong> Capital, to account for the empirical reality <strong>of</strong> the<br />
'tr<strong>in</strong>ity' and that it was the eventual awareness <strong>of</strong> this reality that account for "the<br />
peculiarities <strong>of</strong> a 'plan' that is exceed<strong>in</strong>gly hard to c<strong>on</strong>struct - that <strong>of</strong> Capital." (1991 p324)<br />
Thus, as Lefebvre puts it, at the close <strong>of</strong> Capital the "issue <strong>of</strong> land and its ownership re-<br />
emerges, and this <strong>in</strong> a most emphatic way .... Lastly. and most significantly, M m now<br />
proposed his 'tr<strong>in</strong>ity formula', accordkg to which there were three, not two, elements <strong>in</strong><br />
the capitalist mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> and <strong>in</strong> bourgeois society" (1991 p324-5) This marks a<br />
chge for Lefebvre, as he claims that M m now realised that his Capital should have<br />
been based <strong>on</strong> these three factors and not just two: "And three. I repeat, rather than two:<br />
the earlier b<strong>in</strong>ary oppositi<strong>on</strong> ..., had been aband<strong>on</strong>ed." (1991 p325) Therefore. rather than<br />
see<strong>in</strong>g the 'tr<strong>in</strong>ity' as a further c<strong>on</strong>cretisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the capital relati<strong>on</strong> and not just a reality<br />
counterposed to a faulty mental schema based <strong>on</strong> a b<strong>in</strong>ary oppositi<strong>on</strong>, Lefebvre suggests<br />
that Marx aband<strong>on</strong>ed the capital relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> favour <strong>of</strong> the 'tr<strong>in</strong>ity' and that it was this late<br />
c<strong>on</strong>versi<strong>on</strong> that partly expla<strong>in</strong>s "why Marx failed to br<strong>in</strong>g his work to a c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>."<br />
(ibid.) But if this was the case, then M m would be no different from Ricardo and the<br />
vulgar ec<strong>on</strong>omy that was to follow.<br />
In this way, then, Lefebvre argues that the po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> departure for understand<strong>in</strong>g modem<br />
society is the capitalist "tr<strong>in</strong>ity", rather than the unrnediated capital relati<strong>on</strong>, thereby<br />
mov<strong>in</strong>g away from Marx <strong>in</strong> accentuat<strong>in</strong>g the significance <strong>of</strong> landed property and <strong>in</strong> the<br />
process obscur<strong>in</strong>g the fundamental difference between capitalism and feudalism.<br />
kurthermore, Lefebvre suggests that the 'problematic' <strong>of</strong> land a i space is now completely<br />
different from that which existed when Marx was writ<strong>in</strong>g Cmital therefore necessitat<strong>in</strong>g<br />
even more modificati<strong>on</strong>s to Marx's "schema". "Each <strong>of</strong> &e c<strong>on</strong>cepts <strong>of</strong> Marxism may G<br />
taken up <strong>on</strong>ce more, and carried to a higher level. without any significunt moment <strong>of</strong> the<br />
theory as a whole be<strong>in</strong>g lost. On the other hand if they are c<strong>on</strong>sidered <strong>in</strong> the sett<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
Marx's expositi<strong>on</strong>, these c<strong>on</strong>cepts and their theoretical articulati<strong>on</strong> no l<strong>on</strong>ger have an<br />
object. The renewal <strong>of</strong> Marx's c<strong>on</strong>cepts is best effected by tak<strong>in</strong>g full account <strong>of</strong> space."<br />
(1991 p343, my emphasis) In fact, Lefebvre does not favour the Mm <strong>of</strong> Capital as it<br />
"envisages a strict formal structure, but <strong>on</strong>e which impoverishes because <strong>of</strong> its<br />
reducti<strong>on</strong>ism." (1991 p102). Instead Lefebvre favours the Mm <strong>of</strong> the Grundrirse as here<br />
we f<strong>in</strong>d "another plan and a more fruitful <strong>on</strong>e", <strong>on</strong>e that is more open ended and hence can<br />
accommodate the c<strong>on</strong>cepts suitable for modern times. (ibid.) While it is true that Marx's
Triul by Space: Reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> Lefehvre Puge 23<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cepts can be carried to a higher level and would benefit by tak<strong>in</strong>g full account <strong>of</strong> space,<br />
it is also argued here that Lefebvre's approach does appear to displace the central core <strong>of</strong><br />
Marx's theory and that, c<strong>on</strong>trq to Lefebvre. Marx's expositi<strong>on</strong> still holds.<br />
F<strong>in</strong>ally, Lefebvre rejects Mm's (and Hegel's) method as this "was based <strong>on</strong> an analysis <strong>of</strong><br />
historical time" (1991 p331) but today the problematic is that <strong>of</strong> space. 'To recognise<br />
space, to recognise what 'takes place' there and what it is used for, is to resume the<br />
dialectic", but "it is no l<strong>on</strong>ger Marx's dialectic, just as Marx's was no l<strong>on</strong>ger<br />
Hegel's .... The dialectic today no l<strong>on</strong>ger cl<strong>in</strong>gs to historicity and historical time." (1976 pp<br />
17, 14) In other words, while the Hegelian dialectic displaced historical time <strong>in</strong> favour <strong>of</strong><br />
the fetishisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong> the service <strong>of</strong> the state, Mm's "<strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong>" <strong>of</strong> this dialectic,<br />
accord<strong>in</strong>g to Lefebvre, not <strong>on</strong>ly marked a denial <strong>of</strong> idealism but also a rejecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong><br />
favour <strong>of</strong> a "vigorous re<strong>in</strong>statement <strong>of</strong> historical time as revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary time." (1991 p21)<br />
For Lefebvre the Marxian dialectic <strong>of</strong>fers a limited perspective because "there are spatial<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s which imply and expla<strong>in</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> historical time, though without<br />
be<strong>in</strong>g reducible to them." (ibid.) The old dialectic is therefore no l<strong>on</strong>ger appropriate for<br />
grasp<strong>in</strong>g modem society and must liberate itself from time. 'The dialectic thus emerges<br />
from time and actualises itself, operat<strong>in</strong>g now, <strong>in</strong> an unforeseen manner, <strong>in</strong> space." (1991<br />
p 128) This aspect <strong>of</strong> Lefebvre's work will be returned to below, but it is argued here that<br />
the dialectic never went away and that Marx's was not a dialectic <strong>of</strong> time, but <strong>of</strong> the<br />
presence <strong>of</strong> labour <strong>in</strong> capital. The result <strong>of</strong> Lefebvre's particular read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Marx is that<br />
Marx is sentenced to historical time and Lefebvre to wander <strong>in</strong> space. Therefore, while<br />
Lefebvre provides many stimulat<strong>in</strong>g and thought provok<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>sights, it is never quite clear<br />
what his theory <strong>of</strong> space is nor how or why his history <strong>of</strong> space changes from <strong>on</strong>e form to<br />
another.<br />
On the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space<br />
Hav<strong>in</strong>g found Marxism want<strong>in</strong>g, Lefebvre turns to develop his theory <strong>of</strong> space. This<br />
theory, the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space, is important to Lefebvre as it directly addresses both the<br />
basis and functi<strong>on</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> social reality and therefore answers a fundamental, yet neglected<br />
questi<strong>on</strong> with<strong>in</strong> social theory: "what is the mode <strong>of</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> social relati<strong>on</strong>s?" (1991<br />
p401) Lefebvre's answer is that "social relati<strong>on</strong>s, which are c<strong>on</strong>crete abstracti<strong>on</strong>s, have no<br />
real existence save <strong>in</strong> and through space. Their underp<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g is spatial. In each<br />
particular case, the c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> between this underp<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g and the relati<strong>on</strong>s it supports calls<br />
for analysis." (1991 p404) This emphasis <strong>on</strong> space by Lefebvre, however, tends to<br />
<strong>in</strong>troduce a dualism which haunts his expositi<strong>on</strong>: social relati<strong>on</strong>s appear to be aspatial and<br />
are somehow c<strong>on</strong>nected to an asocial space as underp<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g! Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Lefebvre, the<br />
analysis <strong>in</strong>volved must imply and expla<strong>in</strong> a genesis and also c<strong>on</strong>stitute a critique <strong>of</strong> the<br />
social forms (such as capitalism or feudalism) that have transformed the space under<br />
c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong>. This emphasis <strong>on</strong> genesis and critique is important as it means that the<br />
knowledge sought is not directed at space itself, nor does it c<strong>on</strong>struct models, typologies<br />
or prototypes <strong>of</strong> space; rather, it <strong>of</strong>fers "an expositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space" <strong>in</strong> which<br />
the critical moment - ie. a critique <strong>of</strong> established knowledge - is the essential th<strong>in</strong>g. (ibid.)<br />
"Knowledge <strong>of</strong> space so understood implies the critique <strong>of</strong> space." (1991 p 405)<br />
Lefebvre starts by reject<strong>in</strong>g the dom<strong>in</strong>ant philosophical and scientific "c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong>s" <strong>of</strong><br />
space <strong>in</strong> order to develop a "critical knowledge" <strong>of</strong> space, <strong>on</strong>e which overcomes the<br />
separati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>cept and reality and which is therefore based <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>cept and reality <strong>of</strong>
Page 24 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space. As Lefebvre rightly po<strong>in</strong>ts out, philosophy, <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand,<br />
tends to c<strong>on</strong>cern itself with "mental" space, a space which is formulated <strong>in</strong> the head <strong>of</strong> the<br />
th<strong>in</strong>ker before be<strong>in</strong>g projected <strong>on</strong>to reality and which thereby reduces that c<strong>on</strong>crete reality<br />
to the absmact. The sciences, <strong>on</strong> the other hand, do start through a c<strong>on</strong>k<strong>on</strong>tati<strong>on</strong> with<br />
reality, but waver between descripti<strong>on</strong> and dissecti<strong>on</strong>. Th<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> space or pieces <strong>of</strong> space<br />
(devoid <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tent) are described <strong>in</strong> accordance with a scientific divisi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour which<br />
artificially divides space <strong>in</strong>to tnmcated fragments thereby "sett<strong>in</strong>g up mental barriers and<br />
practico-social fr<strong>on</strong>tiers" that frustrates a "science <strong>of</strong> space". (1991 pp 89. 7)<br />
Furthermore, the science <strong>of</strong> space has aff<strong>in</strong>ities with logic, with theories <strong>of</strong> assemblies,<br />
systems <strong>of</strong> coherence and as such is unable to grasp the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> social space.<br />
(1976 p18) A "science <strong>of</strong> space" is therefore complicit <strong>in</strong> reproduc<strong>in</strong>g the status quo as it<br />
fails to uncover the social relati<strong>on</strong>ships, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the class relati<strong>on</strong>, that are latent <strong>in</strong><br />
space. Lefebvre therefore seeks not a science <strong>of</strong> space but a knowledge (theory) <strong>of</strong> the<br />
producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space as this grasps the genesis and form <strong>of</strong> space as a whole and has<br />
"affmities with dialectical thoughl which grasps the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space." (1976 p18)<br />
Such a knowledge requires a "unitary theory", <strong>on</strong>e which can bridge the gap between the<br />
space <strong>of</strong> the philosopher and the space <strong>of</strong> those who c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>t and c<strong>on</strong>stitute the spatiality<br />
<strong>of</strong> every day life. What is required are c<strong>on</strong>cepts that recognise their socio-historical<br />
determ<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> and which reach out bey<strong>on</strong>d themselves. It is for this reas<strong>on</strong> that Lefebvre<br />
draws up<strong>on</strong> the "c<strong>on</strong>crete universals" (1991 p72) <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> and the act <strong>of</strong> produc<strong>in</strong>g as<br />
these c<strong>on</strong>cepts "extend bey<strong>on</strong>d philosophy" and, at the same time, c<strong>on</strong>stitute the basis for<br />
transcend<strong>in</strong>g the particularity <strong>of</strong> the "scientific" specialists (1991 p15). It is <strong>on</strong>ly through<br />
the c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space that a knowledge <strong>of</strong> space becomes possible, <strong>on</strong>e<br />
which can reveal the "truth <strong>of</strong> space" as opposed to the "true space" <strong>of</strong> traditi<strong>on</strong>al<br />
philosophy and its epistemological <strong>of</strong>fshoots. The latter, "true space", emerges from the<br />
th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g head and has the dual functi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> reduc<strong>in</strong>g "real" space to the abstract and <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>duc<strong>in</strong>g m<strong>in</strong>imal differences (1991 p398). The "truth <strong>of</strong> space", <strong>on</strong> the other hand, is<br />
generated by "analysis-followed-byexpositi<strong>on</strong>" and ties space to social practice and to<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cepts derivative <strong>of</strong> practice (1991 ~~9,398-9). In this way, the reality <strong>of</strong> social space<br />
reveals itself, renders itself <strong>in</strong>telligible to the th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g head. "Social space calls for a<br />
theory <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>, and it is this theory", argues Lefebvre. "that c<strong>on</strong>firms its truth."<br />
(1991 p399)<br />
"A new c<strong>on</strong>cept, that <strong>of</strong> the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space, appears at the start; it must<br />
'operate' or 'work' <strong>in</strong> such a way as to shed light <strong>on</strong> processes from which it<br />
cannot separate itself because it is a product <strong>of</strong> them. Our task, therefore, is<br />
to employ this c<strong>on</strong>cept by giv<strong>in</strong>g it free re<strong>in</strong> without for all that accord<strong>in</strong>g<br />
it, after the fashi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Hegelians, a life and strength <strong>of</strong> its own qua<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cept - without, <strong>in</strong> other words, accord<strong>in</strong>g an aut<strong>on</strong>omous reality to<br />
knowledge. Ultimately, <strong>on</strong>ce it has illum<strong>in</strong>ated and thereby validated its<br />
own com<strong>in</strong>g-<strong>in</strong>to-be<strong>in</strong>g, the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space (as theoretical c<strong>on</strong>cept and<br />
practical reality <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>dissoluble c<strong>on</strong>juncti<strong>on</strong>) will become clear, and our<br />
dem<strong>on</strong>smati<strong>on</strong> will be over: we shall have arrived at a truth '<strong>in</strong> itself and for<br />
itself, complete and yet relative." (1991 pp66-7)<br />
In develop<strong>in</strong>g the "noti<strong>on</strong>s and term<strong>in</strong>ology" <strong>in</strong>volved, Lefebvre gives an <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g<br />
elaborati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> the rati<strong>on</strong>ality immanent to that<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cept and its c<strong>on</strong>tent (ie. activity). (1991 pp68-73) As he po<strong>in</strong>ts out. all productive<br />
activity is def<strong>in</strong>ed "less by <strong>in</strong>variable or c<strong>on</strong>stant factors than by the <strong>in</strong>cessant to-and-fro<br />
between temporality (successi<strong>on</strong>, c<strong>on</strong>catenati<strong>on</strong>) and spatiality (simultaneity.<br />
synchr<strong>on</strong>icity)". (1991 p71) The rati<strong>on</strong>ality <strong>of</strong> space is thus not the outcome <strong>of</strong> a quality
Trial by Space: Reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> Lefebvre Puge 25<br />
or property <strong>of</strong> human acti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> general. On the c<strong>on</strong>trary, it is itself the orig<strong>in</strong> and source<br />
<strong>of</strong> the rati<strong>on</strong>ality <strong>of</strong> acti<strong>on</strong>. (1991 p72) This c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ds its ground <strong>in</strong> the<br />
body which Lefebvre claims has been betrayed, aband<strong>on</strong>ed and denied by western<br />
philosophy. (1991 p407, see also the work <strong>of</strong> Foucault) For Lefebvre, the body serves as<br />
po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> departure and dest<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> and c<strong>on</strong>stitutes the foundati<strong>on</strong> up<strong>on</strong> which the space <strong>of</strong><br />
particular society is built. (1991 pp194, 188) "Bodies - deployments <strong>of</strong> energy - produce<br />
space and produce themselves, al<strong>on</strong>g with their moti<strong>on</strong>s, accord<strong>in</strong>g to the laws <strong>of</strong><br />
[discrim<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>] spa =....This thesis is so persuasive", declares Lefebvre, "that there<br />
seems to be little reas<strong>on</strong> for not extend<strong>in</strong>g its applicati<strong>on</strong> - with all due precauti<strong>on</strong>s - to<br />
social space. This would give us the c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> a specific space produced by forces (i.e.<br />
productive forces) deployed with<strong>in</strong> a (social and determ<strong>in</strong>ed/detexm<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g) spatial practice."<br />
(1991 p171) By def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g spatiality as the mode <strong>of</strong> existence and ever present outcome <strong>of</strong><br />
productive activity, Lefebvre c<strong>on</strong>cludes that space is not just a relati<strong>on</strong> but is "<strong>in</strong>herent to<br />
property relati<strong>on</strong>ships (especially the ownership <strong>of</strong> the earth, <strong>of</strong> the land) and also closely<br />
bound up with the forces <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> (which impose a form <strong>on</strong> that earth or land)."<br />
(1991 p85) Though a praiuct to be used, to be c<strong>on</strong>sumed, it is also a means <strong>of</strong><br />
producti<strong>on</strong>; networks <strong>of</strong> exchange and flows <strong>of</strong> raw materials and energy fashi<strong>on</strong> space and<br />
are determ<strong>in</strong>ed by it." (ibid.) The implicati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> this <strong>in</strong>terpretati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> social space, is<br />
that it cannot be treated as a th<strong>in</strong>g am<strong>on</strong>g other th<strong>in</strong>gs, a product am<strong>on</strong>g other products.<br />
Rather, it subsumes th<strong>in</strong>gs produced, and encompasses their <strong>in</strong>terrelati<strong>on</strong>ships <strong>in</strong> their<br />
coexistence and simultaneity. Furthermore, this c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> social space means that<br />
there are an unlimited multiplicity, or uncountable set, <strong>of</strong> social spaces, generically<br />
referred to as "social space", which "<strong>in</strong>terpenetrate <strong>on</strong>e another andlor superimpose<br />
themelves up<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong>e ~nother."(l991 p86-7)<br />
The implicati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Lefebvre's c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> is that each mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> produces and<br />
expresses itself through its own space. However, because Lefebvre has aband<strong>on</strong>ed the<br />
Mm <strong>of</strong> Capital the relati<strong>on</strong> between the "mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>" and "its" space is never<br />
specified. In fact Lefebvre appears to hold to a structuralist c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> and therefore fears<br />
the reducti<strong>on</strong>ism <strong>of</strong> the spatial to the "ec<strong>on</strong>omic". "Each mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> has its<br />
space; but the characteristics <strong>of</strong> space do not amount to the general characteristics <strong>of</strong> the<br />
mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>; ... The reducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the aesthetic, <strong>of</strong> the social and the mental to the<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omic was a disastrous error." (1991 p382) Instead, Lefebvre attempts <strong>of</strong> develop a<br />
method which is able to apprehend social space as such, <strong>in</strong> its genesis and its form, with<br />
its own specific time or times (the rhythm <strong>of</strong> daily life), and its particular centres and,<br />
what Lefebvre calls, polycentrism (apora, temple, stadium, etc.) At the basis <strong>of</strong> this<br />
method is a recogniti<strong>on</strong> that social space <strong>in</strong> all epochs c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>s and expresses two<br />
<strong>in</strong>terrelated sets <strong>of</strong> relati<strong>on</strong>s, the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> and reproducti<strong>on</strong>, which gives rise<br />
to what Lefebvre terms their spatial practice. The advent <strong>of</strong> capitalism, however,<br />
complicates matters. In capitalist society, social space, accord<strong>in</strong>g to Lefebvre, c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>s a<br />
"tripartite order<strong>in</strong>g" which assigns (more <strong>of</strong> less) an appropriate place to (1) biological<br />
reproducti<strong>on</strong>, (2) the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour power, and (3) the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the social<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>. While <strong>in</strong>extricably bound up with <strong>on</strong>e another, social space must<br />
discrim<strong>in</strong>ate between the three <strong>in</strong> order to "localise" them. (1991 p32) To make matters<br />
more complicated, social space <strong>in</strong> all epochs also expresses specific represent& <strong>of</strong> the<br />
<strong>in</strong>teracti<strong>on</strong> between the social relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> and reproducti<strong>on</strong> which serve to<br />
ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> these social relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> a state <strong>of</strong> coexistence and cohesi<strong>on</strong>. These<br />
representati<strong>on</strong>s are largely symbolic and, <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> reproducti<strong>on</strong>. are<br />
divided <strong>in</strong>to fr<strong>on</strong>tal, public, overt - and hence coded - relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand, and <strong>on</strong> the<br />
other, covert, clandest<strong>in</strong>e and repressed relati<strong>on</strong>s which may or may not be coded.
Page26 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
The above differentiati<strong>on</strong> gives rise to a "c<strong>on</strong>ceptual triad for analys<strong>in</strong>g all epochs, <strong>on</strong>e<br />
which is central to Lefebvre's method: "the perceived-c<strong>on</strong>ceived-lived triad (<strong>in</strong> spatial<br />
terms: spatial practice, representati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space, representati<strong>on</strong>al spaces) [which] loses all<br />
force if it is treated as an abstract 'model"'. (1991 p40)<br />
Lefebvre outl<strong>in</strong>es this c<strong>on</strong>ceptual mad <strong>in</strong> abstracti<strong>on</strong> as follows (1991 pp33-9):<br />
1 Spatial practice: The spatial practice <strong>of</strong> a society secretes that society's space; it<br />
propounds and presupposes it, <strong>in</strong> a dialectical <strong>in</strong>teracti<strong>on</strong>; it produces it slowly and surely<br />
as it masters and appropriates it. Spatial practice embraces producti<strong>on</strong> and reproducti<strong>on</strong>,<br />
and the particular locati<strong>on</strong>s and spatial sets characteristic <strong>of</strong> each social formati<strong>on</strong>. Spatial<br />
practice ensures c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>uity and some degree <strong>of</strong> cohesi<strong>on</strong>.'<br />
2 Representati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space: This is c<strong>on</strong>ceptualised space, the space <strong>of</strong> scientists,<br />
planners, urbanists, technocratic subdividers - all <strong>of</strong> whom identify what is lived and what<br />
is perceived with what is c<strong>on</strong>ceived. This is the dom<strong>in</strong>ant space <strong>in</strong> any society and is tied<br />
to the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> and to the 'order' which those relati<strong>on</strong>s impose. and hence to<br />
knowledge, to signs, to codes, and to 'fr<strong>on</strong>tal' relati<strong>on</strong>s. Particularly important is the<br />
spatial order<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> towns and cities, as well as the <strong>in</strong>dividual build<strong>in</strong>gs.<br />
3 Representati<strong>on</strong>al spaces. This is space as directly lived through its associated images<br />
and symbols, and hence the space <strong>of</strong> '<strong>in</strong>habitants' and 'users'. This is the dom<strong>in</strong>ated - and<br />
hence passively - experienced - - space which the imag<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> seeks to change and<br />
appropriate. It overlays space, mak<strong>in</strong>g symbolic use <strong>of</strong> its objects.<br />
Reuresentati<strong>on</strong>al smces need obev no rules <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>sistencv or cohesiveness. Redolent<br />
with imag<strong>in</strong>ary and symbolic elements, they have their source <strong>in</strong> history - <strong>in</strong> the history<br />
<strong>of</strong> a people as well as <strong>in</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> each <strong>in</strong>dividual bel<strong>on</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g to the people.<br />
Representati<strong>on</strong>al spaces thus may be said to tend towards more or less coherent systems <strong>of</strong><br />
symbols and signs, sometimes coded, sometimes not, l<strong>in</strong>ked to the clandest<strong>in</strong>e or<br />
underground side <strong>of</strong> social life, as also to art.<br />
For Lefebvre, then, spatial practice, representati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space and representati<strong>on</strong>al spaces,<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tribute <strong>in</strong> different ways to the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space accord<strong>in</strong>g to their qualities and<br />
amibutes, accord<strong>in</strong>g to the society or mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> questi<strong>on</strong> and accord<strong>in</strong>g to the<br />
historical period. All that is left is for Lefebvre to trace out the "l<strong>on</strong>g history <strong>of</strong> space".<br />
<strong>on</strong>e which is "appropriated through and expressed <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> this c<strong>on</strong>ceptual mad." (1991<br />
~116)<br />
The l<strong>on</strong>g history <strong>of</strong> space<br />
As Gregory po<strong>in</strong>ts out, two overlapp<strong>in</strong>g narratives run through Lefebvre's history <strong>of</strong><br />
space. The fmt is a positive account that charts the horiz<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> "urban society" <strong>in</strong> which<br />
the project <strong>of</strong> self-realisati<strong>on</strong> is supposed to be accomplished. The sec<strong>on</strong>d is a more<br />
In capitnlist society. for example, spatial pradce anbodies a close associati<strong>on</strong>, with<strong>in</strong> pmcived spaa<br />
bawrm daiiy reality (daily rout<strong>in</strong>e) and uhm reality (the mum and nawodrs which l<strong>in</strong>k up the phm sa aside for<br />
work, 'private' life and leisure). This associati<strong>on</strong> is a paradoxical <strong>on</strong>e, because it <strong>in</strong>cludes the most exmme<br />
separati<strong>on</strong> between the places it l<strong>in</strong>ks together. In terms <strong>of</strong> social space, and <strong>of</strong> each member <strong>of</strong> a giva society's<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>ship to that space, this cohesi<strong>on</strong> imphes a guaranteed level <strong>of</strong> comperence and a specific level <strong>of</strong><br />
pe$ome.
Trial by Space: Reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> Lefehvre Page 27<br />
negative account that traces a "de-corporealisati<strong>on</strong>" <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong> the West, but <strong>on</strong>e which<br />
also c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>s the potential for the space <strong>of</strong> difference. (1994 p368) The sec<strong>on</strong>d is the<br />
most significant i d <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g andis the <strong>on</strong>e which will be outl<strong>in</strong>ed . It c<strong>on</strong>stitutes a<br />
history <strong>of</strong> the present, and has <strong>orig<strong>in</strong>s</strong> which "lie very far away from us" and a "goal and a<br />
significance that are still far distant." (Lefebvre 1991 p409) This historicism is based <strong>on</strong><br />
a "philosophy" which embraces the "real" and the "possible" <strong>in</strong> order to open up horiz<strong>on</strong>s<br />
that are c<strong>on</strong>cealed by c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al categories <strong>of</strong> thought. Those horiz<strong>on</strong>s are approached<br />
from the past, through a sequence <strong>of</strong> spaces that culm<strong>in</strong>ate <strong>in</strong> the hegem<strong>on</strong>y <strong>of</strong> "abstract"<br />
space, the space <strong>of</strong> capitalism. While this sequence is related to a parallel successi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
modes <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>, as discussed above, Lefebvre rejects what he would see as a <strong>on</strong>e to<br />
<strong>on</strong>e reducti<strong>on</strong>ism. The schema, while it c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>s many <strong>in</strong>sights, is therefore largely<br />
descriptive and he says little about the struggles <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> mov<strong>in</strong>g form <strong>on</strong>e space to the<br />
next (and thus bears someth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> comm<strong>on</strong> with the Althussarianism that he rightly<br />
rejects!). With<strong>in</strong> this history, Lefebvre does however make an important c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong> by<br />
attempt<strong>in</strong>g to establish a c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> between the history <strong>of</strong> the body and that <strong>of</strong> space.<br />
What he sketches is a shift "from the space <strong>of</strong> the body to the body-<strong>in</strong>-space" a shift which<br />
"facilitates the spirit<strong>in</strong>g-away or scotomizati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the body." (1991 p201)<br />
In the 'beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g', then, space <strong>in</strong> "primitive" societies is dom<strong>in</strong>ated by analogical space.<br />
The physical form <strong>of</strong> the dwell<strong>in</strong>g and the village itself typically represent and reproduces a<br />
dev<strong>in</strong>e body that is itself a projecti<strong>on</strong>, <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>in</strong> distorted form, <strong>of</strong> the human body. In the<br />
"ancient" world, the built form <strong>of</strong> the political city <strong>in</strong>scribes a cosmological space whose<br />
elements and c<strong>on</strong>figurati<strong>on</strong> are supposed to express the architecture <strong>of</strong> the cosmos. This<br />
would also entail the sacraliz<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> space around a central po<strong>in</strong>t at which the creative force<br />
<strong>of</strong> the gods is focused. These two forms <strong>of</strong> representati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space display properties <strong>of</strong><br />
what Lefebvre refers to more generally as absolute space. Absolute space be<strong>in</strong>g by<br />
def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong> religious as well as political, implies the existence <strong>of</strong> religious <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
which subject it to the two major mechanisms <strong>of</strong> identificati<strong>on</strong> and imitati<strong>on</strong>. (1991 p236)<br />
As guardian <strong>of</strong> civic unity absolute space c<strong>on</strong>denses, harbours all diffuse forces at play.<br />
But as Lefebvre po<strong>in</strong>ts out, absolute space is complex, be<strong>in</strong>g both imag<strong>in</strong>ary and real.<br />
'There is thus a sense <strong>in</strong> which the existence <strong>of</strong> absolute space is purely mental, and hence<br />
'imag<strong>in</strong>ary'. In another sense, however, it also has social existence ... because <strong>in</strong> the<br />
temple, <strong>in</strong> the city, <strong>in</strong> m<strong>on</strong>uments and palaces, the imag<strong>in</strong>ary is transformed <strong>in</strong>to the real."<br />
(1991 p251) Yet absolute space cannot be reduced to these places, <strong>in</strong> and <strong>of</strong> themselves,<br />
as it is located nowhere. It has no place because it embraces all places. "In short,<br />
absolute (religious and political) space is made up <strong>of</strong> sacred or cursed<br />
locati<strong>on</strong>s .... Everyth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the societies under c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong> was situated, perceived and<br />
<strong>in</strong>terpreted <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> such places. Hence absolute space cannot be understood <strong>in</strong> terms<br />
<strong>of</strong> a collecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> sites and signs; to view it <strong>in</strong> thus is to misapprehend it <strong>in</strong> the most<br />
fundamental way. Rather, it is <strong>in</strong>deed a space, at <strong>on</strong>ce <strong>in</strong>dist<strong>in</strong>guishably mental and<br />
social, which comprehends the entire existence <strong>of</strong> the group c<strong>on</strong>cerned [e.g.. the city<br />
state] and it must be so understood. In a space <strong>of</strong> this k<strong>in</strong>d there is no 'envir<strong>on</strong>ment', nor<br />
even, properly speak<strong>in</strong>g, any 'site' dist<strong>in</strong>ct from the overall texture." (1991 p240)<br />
Dur<strong>in</strong>g the decl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> the Roman Empire and until about the 10th century, tombs, shr<strong>in</strong>es<br />
and relics were central to Christianity. Lefebvre refers to this ritualisati<strong>on</strong> and<br />
solemnisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> death as the c<strong>on</strong>secrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a "cryptic space" which was the subterranean<br />
locus <strong>of</strong> absolute space, <strong>of</strong> the "world. But out <strong>of</strong> this emerged a space which was<br />
relativised and historical, a space <strong>of</strong> secular life 'freed' from politico-religious space, the<br />
space <strong>of</strong> signs <strong>of</strong> death and n<strong>on</strong>-body. (1991 ~256). Not that absolute space disappeared<br />
<strong>in</strong> the process; rather it survived as the bedrock <strong>of</strong> this hirforical space and formed the
Page 28 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
basis <strong>of</strong> representati<strong>on</strong>al spaces (religious, magical and political symbolism). (1991 p48)<br />
This change was seen <strong>in</strong> the urban landscape which turned the space which preceded il the<br />
space <strong>of</strong> the 'world', up<strong>on</strong> its head. "In c<strong>on</strong>trast to the maleficent utopia <strong>of</strong> the<br />
subterranean 'world', it proclaimed a benevolent and lum<strong>in</strong>ous utopia where knowledge<br />
would be <strong>in</strong>dependent, and <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong> serv<strong>in</strong>g an oppressive power would c<strong>on</strong>tribute to the<br />
strengthen<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> an authority grounded <strong>in</strong> reas<strong>on</strong>." (1991 p256) The great cathedrals, <strong>in</strong><br />
particular, marked this <strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space and c<strong>on</strong>centrated the diffuse mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> space<br />
<strong>on</strong>to the rrledieval town. They "decrypt" space. mark<strong>in</strong>g the emancipati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> society from<br />
the crypt and from cryptic space. It was from this <strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space that historical space<br />
emerged, the space <strong>of</strong> exchange and communicati<strong>on</strong>s, the space <strong>of</strong> accumulati<strong>on</strong>, <strong>in</strong> which<br />
the urban form and the state played a central role. 'The historical mediati<strong>on</strong> between<br />
medieval (or feudal) space and the capitalist space which was to result from accumulati<strong>on</strong><br />
was located <strong>in</strong> urban space - the space <strong>of</strong> those 'urban systems' which established<br />
themselves dur<strong>in</strong>g the transiti<strong>on</strong>." (1991 p268) Space and time were urbanised - <strong>in</strong> other<br />
words, the time and space <strong>of</strong> commodities and merchants ga<strong>in</strong>ed the ascendancy, with their<br />
measures, accounts, c<strong>on</strong>tracts and c<strong>on</strong>tractors. (1991 p277-8) Urban space took over the<br />
reigns <strong>of</strong> power from the feudal lords and was fated to become the theatre <strong>of</strong> a compromise<br />
between the decl<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g feudal system, the commercial bourgeoisie, oligarchies, and<br />
communities <strong>of</strong> craftsmen. It further became "abstracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> acti<strong>on</strong>" - active abstracti<strong>on</strong> -<br />
vis-a-vis the space <strong>of</strong> nature, generality as opposed to s<strong>in</strong>gularities, and the universal<br />
pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>in</strong> statu nascendi, <strong>in</strong>tegrat<strong>in</strong>g specificities even as it uncovered them. (1991<br />
p269) Later, <strong>in</strong> a sec<strong>on</strong>d spiral <strong>of</strong> spatial abstracti<strong>on</strong>, the state took over: the towns and<br />
their burghers lost not <strong>on</strong>ly c<strong>on</strong>trol <strong>of</strong> space, but also their dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> over the forces <strong>of</strong><br />
producti<strong>on</strong>. as these forces broke through all previous limits mark<strong>in</strong>g the shift from<br />
commercial to <strong>in</strong>dustrial capital. The "ec<strong>on</strong>omic sphere" burst out <strong>of</strong> its urban c<strong>on</strong>text,<br />
that c<strong>on</strong>text be<strong>in</strong>g itself overturned <strong>in</strong> the process, although the town survived as a centre,<br />
as the locus <strong>of</strong> a variety <strong>of</strong> compromises. The transiti<strong>on</strong>al period (16th C), then marked<br />
the rise <strong>of</strong> the town as a unified entity and as a "subject" al<strong>on</strong>g with a "code <strong>of</strong> space" (e.g.<br />
the town was given a written form, described graphically: plans proliferated). "[The town]<br />
no l<strong>on</strong>ger ascribed a metaphysical character to itself as imago mundi, centre and epitome <strong>of</strong><br />
the Cosmos. Instead it assumed its own identity and began to represent itself<br />
geographically ...." (1991 p278) By the time it had thus asserted itself, however, its<br />
eclipse by the state was already imm<strong>in</strong>ent. (1991 ~~269,271)'<br />
This overturn<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the town by the "ec<strong>on</strong>omic sphere" and its eclipse by the state as<br />
capitalism emerges gives rise to what Lefebvre refers to as ubstract Face. Dur<strong>in</strong>g this<br />
period a change occurred <strong>in</strong> the "representati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space"; symbolic space was<br />
overshadowed by logical space with the rise <strong>of</strong> l<strong>in</strong>ear perspective. The "world<strong>in</strong>g" <strong>of</strong><br />
perspectival space was closely bound up with the growth <strong>of</strong> commercial and bank<strong>in</strong>g<br />
capital <strong>in</strong> Renaissance Italy. This turned the visual field <strong>in</strong>to a commodity: that space<br />
was rendered a "property" <strong>of</strong> the spectator who appropriated it. (Gregory 1994 p390)<br />
Perspective was not just a visual ideology but also what Lefebvre refers to as a code <strong>of</strong><br />
space (and what Foucault would have called a technology <strong>of</strong> power). The same<br />
geomeeical techniques were used <strong>in</strong> architecture, cartography and art. While this code <strong>of</strong><br />
space organised the built form and forms <strong>of</strong> representati<strong>on</strong> it also erased the liv<strong>in</strong>g body<br />
itself, for, as Gregory puts it, "this is a space d-nated by the eye and the gaze. " (1994<br />
p392) This process <strong>of</strong> decorporeabati<strong>on</strong> was completed with the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
L Katznels<strong>on</strong> takes a lead fmn Lefcbvx but is critical <strong>of</strong> his account <strong>of</strong> the role <strong>of</strong> the tom <strong>in</strong> the transiti<strong>on</strong><br />
fran feudalism to capitalism. Ihe criticism is that LefMs account is too sweep<strong>in</strong>g and miss- the subtilty <strong>of</strong><br />
the towns role. Perhaps this is true, but it seems to miss the po<strong>in</strong>t that Lefebvre was advanc<strong>in</strong>g a stratigic<br />
hypothesis rather than a detailed history <strong>of</strong> the transiti<strong>on</strong>.
Trial by Space: Reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> Lefebvre Page 29<br />
abstract space <strong>of</strong> 20th century capitalism. . "By the time this process is complete, space<br />
has no social existence <strong>in</strong>dependently <strong>of</strong> an <strong>in</strong>tense, aggressive and repressive<br />
visualisati<strong>on</strong> .... The rise <strong>of</strong> the visual realm entails a series <strong>of</strong> substituti<strong>on</strong>s and<br />
displacernents by means <strong>of</strong> which it overwhelms the whole body and usurps its role."<br />
(Lefebvre 1991 p286) The abstract space <strong>of</strong> capitalism, then, is a "phallic-visualgeometric<br />
space" (Lefebvre 1991 ~289). <strong>on</strong>e which is a medium <strong>of</strong> exchange tend<strong>in</strong>g to<br />
absorb use. This <strong>in</strong> no way excludes its political use, rather the opposite. It is <strong>in</strong> this<br />
space that the "world <strong>of</strong> commodities" is deployed al<strong>on</strong>g with its logic (calculati<strong>on</strong>,<br />
plann<strong>in</strong>g, programm<strong>in</strong>g) and its world-wide strategies, as well as the power <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey and<br />
that <strong>of</strong> the political state. With<strong>in</strong> this space, the town - <strong>on</strong>ce the forc<strong>in</strong>g-house <strong>of</strong><br />
accumulati<strong>on</strong> and the centre <strong>of</strong> historical space - has dis<strong>in</strong>tegrated. (Lefebvre 1991 pp53,<br />
307) "The outcome has been an authoritarian and brutal spatial practice, whether<br />
Haussmann's or the later, codified versi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the Bauhaus or Le Corbusier ...." (1991<br />
~308)<br />
Given the importance <strong>of</strong> the state <strong>in</strong> the formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> abstract space, Lefebvre outl<strong>in</strong>es his<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> the state, <strong>on</strong>e which is both <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g and at odds with much <strong>of</strong> the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>temporary debate. The state, for Lefebvre, is a differentiated unity <strong>of</strong> violence and<br />
territory. "Sovereignty implies 'space', and what is more it implies a space aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
which violence, whether latent or overt, is directed - a space established and c<strong>on</strong>stituted by<br />
violence." (1991 p280) The development <strong>of</strong> accumulati<strong>on</strong> through violence broke the old<br />
spatial forms giv<strong>in</strong>g rise to the nati<strong>on</strong> state, based <strong>on</strong> a circumscribed territory, that<br />
triumphed over both the city state and the imperial state. The violence <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> the<br />
state's c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> and reproducti<strong>on</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>in</strong> nature, as much with respect to the<br />
sources mobilised as with respect to the stakes - namely land and wealth. At the same<br />
time it aggressed all <strong>of</strong> nature, impos<strong>in</strong>g laws up<strong>on</strong> it and carv<strong>in</strong>g it up adm<strong>in</strong>istratively<br />
accord<strong>in</strong>g to criteri<strong>on</strong> quite alien to the <strong>in</strong>itial characteristics <strong>of</strong> either the land or its<br />
<strong>in</strong>habitants. (ibid) What is <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g and extremely useful is Lefebvre's emphasis <strong>on</strong> the<br />
spatiality <strong>of</strong> the state. "Without the c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> space and <strong>of</strong> its producti<strong>on</strong> the framework<br />
<strong>of</strong> power (whether as reality or c<strong>on</strong>cept) simply cannot achieve c<strong>on</strong>creteness." (1991 p281)<br />
The space is that <strong>of</strong> a centralised power which sets itself above other power and elim<strong>in</strong>ates<br />
it. This <strong>in</strong>sight is worth emphasis<strong>in</strong>g. The relati<strong>on</strong>ship befween <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>s other than<br />
the state itself (eg. university, tax authority, judiciary) and the effectiveness <strong>of</strong> those<br />
<strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>s has no need <strong>of</strong> the mediati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> space to achieve self-<br />
representati<strong>on</strong>, for the space <strong>in</strong> which they functi<strong>on</strong> is def<strong>in</strong>ed by statutes which fall<br />
with<strong>in</strong> the political space <strong>of</strong> the state. "By c<strong>on</strong>trast the state framework, and the state as<br />
framework, cannot be c<strong>on</strong>ceived <strong>of</strong> without reference to the <strong>in</strong>strumental space that they<br />
make use <strong>of</strong>. Indeed each new form <strong>of</strong> the state, each new form <strong>of</strong> political power,<br />
<strong>in</strong>troduces its own particular way <strong>of</strong> partiti<strong>on</strong><strong>in</strong>g space, its own particular adm<strong>in</strong>istrative<br />
classificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> discourses about space and about th<strong>in</strong>gs and people <strong>in</strong> space." (1991 p281)<br />
Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Lefebvre, the abstract space <strong>of</strong> capitalism, as expressed <strong>in</strong> and through the<br />
state. has a particular form and nature and "it" is also the space through which the<br />
capitalist 'tr<strong>in</strong>ity' is rendered c<strong>on</strong>crete. "In this way the capitalist 'tr<strong>in</strong>ity' is established <strong>in</strong><br />
space - that tr<strong>in</strong>ity <strong>of</strong> land-capital-labour which cannot rema<strong>in</strong> abstract and which is<br />
assembled <strong>on</strong>ly with<strong>in</strong> an equally tri-faceted <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>al space: a space that is first <strong>of</strong> all<br />
global, and ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed as such - the space <strong>of</strong> the sovereignty, where c<strong>on</strong>stra<strong>in</strong>ts are<br />
implemented, and hence a fetishised space, reductive <strong>of</strong> differences; a space, sec<strong>on</strong>dly, that<br />
isfragmnted, separat<strong>in</strong>g, disjunctive, a space that locates specificities, places or localities,<br />
both <strong>in</strong> order to c<strong>on</strong>trol them and <strong>in</strong> order to make them negotiable; and a space, f<strong>in</strong>ally,<br />
that is hiermhica& rang<strong>in</strong>g from the lowliest places to the noblest, from the tabooed to
Page 30 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
the sovereign." (1991 p282) Abstract space is thus the mode <strong>of</strong> existence <strong>of</strong>, what to<br />
Lefebvre are, two processes. First is the <strong>in</strong>tensified commodificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space (e.g.<br />
geometric grid <strong>of</strong> property rights) and through space. (Lefebvre 1991 p341; 1979 p289)<br />
Sec<strong>on</strong>d there is the heightened bureaucratisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space (adm<strong>in</strong>istrative spaces) and<br />
through space. (1979 p288) As a c<strong>on</strong>sequence, "capitalist and neocapitalist space is a<br />
space <strong>of</strong> quantificati<strong>on</strong> and grow<strong>in</strong>g homogeneity, a merchandised space where all the<br />
elements are exchangeable and thus <strong>in</strong>terchangeable; a police space <strong>in</strong> which the state<br />
tolerates no resistance and no obstacles. Ec<strong>on</strong>omic space and political space thus<br />
c<strong>on</strong>verge toward the elim<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> all differences." (Lefebvre 1979 p293) The <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
differences it tolerates are those that result from the need to occupy specific spaces for the<br />
producti<strong>on</strong> and c<strong>on</strong>sumpti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> commodities as use-values. (This is an aspect that Smith<br />
1990 develops) 'This is a space, therefore, that is homogeneous yet at the same time<br />
broken up <strong>in</strong>to fragments. " (Lefebvre 1991 p342) The homogeneity <strong>of</strong> abstract space<br />
comes therefore largely from the state and as such "abstract space is a tool <strong>of</strong> power."<br />
(ibid. p390-1) Furthermore, accord<strong>in</strong>g to Lefebvre, abstract space is that space from<br />
which previous histories have been removed and <strong>in</strong> which "lived" time, our time, is no<br />
l<strong>on</strong>ger <strong>in</strong>telligible. "With the advent <strong>of</strong> modernity time has vanished from space. It is<br />
recorded solely <strong>on</strong> measur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>strumen ts.... Lived time loses its form and its social<br />
<strong>in</strong>terest - with the excepti<strong>on</strong>, that is, <strong>of</strong> time spent work<strong>in</strong>g. Ec<strong>on</strong>omic space<br />
subord<strong>in</strong>ates time to itself; political space expels it as threaten<strong>in</strong>g and dangerous (to<br />
power)." (1991 p95) Interest<strong>in</strong>gly, this reality <strong>of</strong> capitalism is someth<strong>in</strong>g Lefebvre<br />
criticised Marx for focus<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> and it also suggests that a "trial by time" is just as<br />
important as the "trial by space."<br />
Lefebvre makes an important po<strong>in</strong>t about the built envir<strong>on</strong>ment <strong>in</strong> capitalism. Capitalist<br />
society no l<strong>on</strong>ger totalizes its elements, nor seeks to achieve such a total <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong><br />
through m<strong>on</strong>uments. Instead, it strives to distil its essence <strong>in</strong>to build<strong>in</strong>gs. Build<strong>in</strong>gs<br />
displace m<strong>on</strong>uments and as "the homogeneous matrix <strong>of</strong> capitalist space, successfully<br />
comb<strong>in</strong>e the object <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol by power with the object <strong>of</strong> commercial exchange." (1991<br />
p227) As Lefebvre puts it, "the build<strong>in</strong>g effects a brutal c<strong>on</strong>densati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> social<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>ships" and "embraces, and <strong>in</strong> so do<strong>in</strong>g reduces. the whole paradigm <strong>of</strong> spa ce...."<br />
(ibid) Such c<strong>on</strong>densati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> society's attributes is easily discernible <strong>in</strong> the style <strong>of</strong><br />
adm<strong>in</strong>istrative build<strong>in</strong>gs from the n<strong>in</strong>eteenth century <strong>on</strong>, <strong>in</strong> schools, railway stati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />
town halls, etc. Hous<strong>in</strong>g (which replaces the qualitative c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> residence) also<br />
assumes an important place by becom<strong>in</strong>g the space that guarantees reproductivity, be it<br />
biological, social or political. (1991 p232) But as Lefebvre argues, "displacement is<br />
every bit as important here as c<strong>on</strong>densati<strong>on</strong>; witness the predom<strong>in</strong>ance <strong>of</strong> 'amenities',<br />
which are a mechanism for the localizati<strong>on</strong> and 'punctualisati<strong>on</strong>' <strong>of</strong> activities, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g<br />
leisure pursuits, sports and games." These are thus c<strong>on</strong>centrated <strong>in</strong> specially equipped<br />
'spaces' which are as clearly demarcated as factories <strong>in</strong> the world <strong>of</strong> work. "They supply<br />
'syntagmatic' l<strong>in</strong>ks between activities with<strong>in</strong> social space as such - that is, with<strong>in</strong> a space<br />
which is determ<strong>in</strong>ed ec<strong>on</strong>omically by capital, dom<strong>in</strong>ated socially by the bourgeoisie, and<br />
ruled politically by the state." (1991 p227) These <strong>in</strong>sights <strong>on</strong> the m<strong>on</strong>umentbuild<strong>in</strong>g<br />
differentiati<strong>on</strong> are extremely important, but Lefebvre does not explicitly relate this<br />
differentiati<strong>on</strong> to the chang<strong>in</strong>g form <strong>of</strong> social labour. In other words, <strong>on</strong>e way <strong>of</strong><br />
understand<strong>in</strong>g the importance <strong>of</strong> build<strong>in</strong>gs, <strong>on</strong>e not advanced by Lefebvre, is <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong><br />
the cornmodificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour power. Given the formal separati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> society and land<br />
through the mediati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> modem landed property and the dissoluti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the pre capitalist<br />
hierarchical order based <strong>on</strong> pers<strong>on</strong>al dependency, then build<strong>in</strong>gs become the primary and<br />
<strong>in</strong>escapable social form <strong>in</strong> and through which this necessary and unique commodity is<br />
organised, c<strong>on</strong>trolled and reproduced. Build<strong>in</strong>gs enforce and symbolise a system <strong>of</strong>
Trial by Space: Reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> Lefebvre Page 31<br />
....................... ...................................................................................<br />
dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> that is <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> the commodificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour power and the result<strong>in</strong>g<br />
commodity form <strong>of</strong> social reproducti<strong>on</strong>. Build<strong>in</strong>gs are thus central to abstract space and as<br />
such are themselves reduced to abstract spaces (e.g. <strong>of</strong>fice blocks designed to <strong>of</strong>fer<br />
homogeneous space).<br />
By emphasis<strong>in</strong>g space and the capitalist "tr<strong>in</strong>ity", however, Lefebvre takes a different tack<br />
and tends to over-emphasise the role <strong>of</strong> the built envir<strong>on</strong>ment <strong>in</strong> the survival <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism. For him, 'real property' and the 'c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>dustry', and to be sure also<br />
architcture, now play a lead<strong>in</strong>g role; they are no l<strong>on</strong>ger a sec<strong>on</strong>dary form <strong>of</strong> circulati<strong>on</strong>, no<br />
l<strong>on</strong>ger a backward branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dustry that they <strong>on</strong>ce were. (1991 p335) "Capitalism has<br />
taken possessi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the land, and mobilised it to the po<strong>in</strong>t where this sector is fast<br />
becom<strong>in</strong>g central. Why? Because it is a new sector - and hence less beset by the<br />
obstacles, surfeits, and miscellaneous problems that slow down old <strong>in</strong>dustries." (ibid)<br />
What Lefebvre means by this is not clear, however, for c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> is just as old or new<br />
as any other branch <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> and <strong>in</strong> fact tends to c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>t more obstacles than other<br />
sectors. In any event, Lefebvre dist<strong>in</strong>guishes the c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong>/developrnent sector from<br />
other branches <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> which he refers to as the 'classical' sectors and suggests that<br />
the former is replac<strong>in</strong>g the latter. "Capital has rushed <strong>in</strong>to the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong><br />
preference to the classical forms <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> - <strong>in</strong> preference to the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
means <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> (mach<strong>in</strong>ery) and the <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>sumer goods. This process accelerates<br />
whenever 'classical' sectors show the slightest sign <strong>of</strong> flagg<strong>in</strong>g." (ibid) And while not<strong>in</strong>g<br />
that the state may have to regulate this sector from time to time, Lefebvre argues that this<br />
"does not mean the elim<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space as a sector which presupposes<br />
the existence <strong>of</strong> other forms <strong>of</strong> circulati<strong>on</strong> but which nevertheless tends to displace the<br />
central activities <strong>of</strong> corporate capitalism. For it is space, and space al<strong>on</strong>e, that makes<br />
possible the deployment <strong>of</strong> the (limited but real) organizati<strong>on</strong>al capacity <strong>of</strong> this type <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism." (p. 335-6, my emphasis) However, while the c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong>/ development<br />
sector's role <strong>in</strong> the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space is obviously important, it is not clear why or how<br />
this sector should become the lead<strong>in</strong>g sector with<strong>in</strong> capitalism <strong>in</strong> general and <strong>in</strong> the<br />
producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong> particular. It is all sectors <strong>of</strong> society that "produce" space and<br />
require developed space <strong>in</strong> which to functi<strong>on</strong> and it is <strong>on</strong>ly because <strong>of</strong> this fact that a<br />
specific divisi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour has evolved to produce and circulate developed space. The<br />
c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong>/development sector is <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> restructur<strong>in</strong>g urban areas <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> the<br />
'logic <strong>of</strong> capital' and it does over-produce and become the object <strong>of</strong> speculati<strong>on</strong> like any<br />
other sector <strong>of</strong> the ec<strong>on</strong>omy. But the sector can <strong>on</strong>ly c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ue to operate and acquire<br />
exchange value as l<strong>on</strong>g as it provides use values and it is not this sector that def<strong>in</strong>es the<br />
usefulness <strong>of</strong> its commodities. Rather, the use value <strong>of</strong> developed space is def<strong>in</strong>ed by<br />
capital <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> its attempts to expand and ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> itself through its c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ual struggle<br />
to <strong>in</strong>corporate, c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> and (re)form social labour.<br />
C<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space to differential space<br />
We now return to Lefebvre central thesis: that the triumph and potential downfall <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism h<strong>in</strong>ges <strong>on</strong> the problematic <strong>of</strong> space for modern society faces a "trial by space"<br />
<strong>in</strong> which space becomes "a matter <strong>of</strong> life and death." (1991 pp416, 417). "If space as a<br />
whole has become the place where the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> is<br />
located, it has also become the terra<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> vast c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>tati<strong>on</strong> which creates its centre now<br />
here, now there and which, therefore, cannot be either localised or diffused." In fact, we<br />
are faced with "the explosi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> spaces. Neither capitalism nor the state can ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> the<br />
chaotic, c<strong>on</strong>tradictory space they have produced." The bourgeoisie and the capitalist<br />
system "f<strong>in</strong>d themselves unable to reduce practice (the practico-sensory realm, the body,
Page 32 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
social-spatial practice) to their abstract space and hence new, spatial, c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s arise<br />
and make themselves felt." (Lefebvre 1976 p85; 1979 p290; 1991 p63) Here Lefebvre<br />
br<strong>in</strong>gs to the fore the new c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> 20th century capitalism (e.g. centre/periphery,<br />
global/local), but he tends to open up a dualism by referr<strong>in</strong>g to these as c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
space. "Socio-political c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s are realized spatially .... ;it is <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> space that such<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flicts come effectively <strong>on</strong>to play and <strong>in</strong> so do<strong>in</strong>g they become c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space."<br />
(Lefebvre 1991 p365) Thus, accord<strong>in</strong>g to Lefebvre, there are "c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space"<br />
which are different from and becom<strong>in</strong>g more important than the "c<strong>on</strong>madicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> space"<br />
which, for him, are "the classical c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s engendered by history and by historical<br />
time." But, argues Lefebvre, "this must emphatically not be taken as imply<strong>in</strong>g that<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s and c<strong>on</strong>flicts <strong>in</strong> space (deriv<strong>in</strong>g from time) have disappeared. They are still<br />
present ...<strong>in</strong> particular, with the c hs c<strong>on</strong>flicts which flow from them. The c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> space, however, envelop historical c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s. cany them to a higher level, and<br />
amplify them <strong>in</strong> the process <strong>of</strong> reproduc<strong>in</strong>g them." (1991 p333-4; emphasis <strong>on</strong> class,<br />
m<strong>in</strong>e) There is a sense, then, <strong>in</strong> which Lefebvre appears to accept the abstracti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalist society. Class struggle and history are reduced to abstract time and exist <strong>in</strong> the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>er <strong>of</strong> abstract space, while this space has c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> its own which can then<br />
externally "envelop historical c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s". But by separat<strong>in</strong>g out c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
space from those <strong>in</strong> space and by reduc<strong>in</strong>g class smuggle and history to the latter, it is not<br />
clear what c<strong>on</strong>stitutes the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space. The result is that Lefebvre tends to<br />
reproduce the dualism <strong>of</strong> space and society that marks much <strong>of</strong> the past and present debate<br />
<strong>on</strong> (social) space.' If social relati<strong>on</strong>s are <strong>in</strong>herently spatial and temporal then there can be<br />
no separati<strong>on</strong> id<strong>of</strong> dualism.<br />
However, c<strong>on</strong>trary to the implicati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Lefebvre's particular read<strong>in</strong>g, it is suggested that<br />
Marx was not limit<strong>in</strong>g his analysis to time, but to uncover<strong>in</strong>g the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the capital relati<strong>on</strong> (see B<strong>on</strong>efeld 1993) as it attempts to transform and<br />
express itself through the spatial and temporal modalities <strong>of</strong> existence. It is the capital<br />
relati<strong>on</strong> that c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ually attempts to subord<strong>in</strong>ate the whole (space) <strong>of</strong> society to the<br />
abstract logic <strong>of</strong> l<strong>in</strong>ear time, the tick<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the factory clock. This abstract time is not<br />
the c<strong>on</strong>crete history <strong>of</strong> capitalism, but rather is the dom<strong>in</strong>ant and c<strong>on</strong>tradictory tendency<br />
through which that history expresses itself, <strong>on</strong>e which c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ually attempts to reduce the<br />
<strong>in</strong>ternally related and qualitative nature <strong>of</strong> both space and time to the quantitative metric<br />
<strong>of</strong> value. As such, the form, nature and very existence <strong>of</strong> "capitalist space" expresses and<br />
adheres <strong>in</strong> and through the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory and antag<strong>on</strong>istic presence <strong>of</strong> labour <strong>in</strong> capital.<br />
This is the dialectic, not <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> time nor <strong>of</strong> space but <strong>of</strong> the presence <strong>of</strong> the power <strong>of</strong><br />
labour with<strong>in</strong> capital, a negative dialectic, a dialectic <strong>of</strong> negati<strong>on</strong> with no certa<strong>in</strong> synthesis.<br />
There can therefore be no dist<strong>in</strong>cti<strong>on</strong>, real or analytic, between c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> space and<br />
<strong>of</strong> space as spatial c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s have no existence apart from this c<strong>on</strong>tradictory form <strong>of</strong><br />
social labour. The history <strong>of</strong> capitalism is, therefore, n<strong>on</strong>e other than the struggle over<br />
and through space as capital attempts to 'transform the entire spatial existence <strong>of</strong> society<br />
<strong>in</strong>to a mach<strong>in</strong>e for the producti<strong>on</strong> and quhntitative expansi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> surplus value <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong><br />
the metric <strong>of</strong> socially necessary labour time. Marx's Capital was c<strong>on</strong>cerned with lay<strong>in</strong>g<br />
bear the "differentia specifics" <strong>of</strong> the capital relati<strong>on</strong> as a liv<strong>in</strong>g social, hence temporal<br />
and spatial, form. C<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space, therefore, and the geography <strong>of</strong> capitalism,<br />
can <strong>on</strong>ly be understood <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> these c<strong>on</strong>tradictory tendencies <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> the reality <strong>of</strong><br />
the capital relati<strong>on</strong>, not by mentally abstract<strong>in</strong>g space out and reimpos<strong>in</strong>g it <strong>on</strong> reality as<br />
an extra variable. In fact Lefebvre displays a tensi<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> his work for he appears to<br />
recognise this <strong>in</strong> a way that underm<strong>in</strong>es his dist<strong>in</strong>cti<strong>on</strong> between c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> and <strong>in</strong><br />
space. "Space has no power '<strong>in</strong> itself, nor does space as such determ<strong>in</strong>e spatial<br />
See Smith (1990) chapter 3 <strong>on</strong> this and for an alternative <strong>in</strong>terpretati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Lefebvre s s Soja (1989).
Trial by Space: Reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> Lefebvre Puge 33<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s. These are c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong>. society - c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s between <strong>on</strong>e th<strong>in</strong>g and<br />
another with<strong>in</strong> socie ty... - that simply emerge <strong>in</strong> space, at the level <strong>of</strong> space, and so<br />
engender the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space." (1991 p358) If the social is <strong>in</strong>herently spatial and<br />
can <strong>on</strong>ly exists as such, then the former cannot be juxtaposed to the latter; social<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s do not exist <strong>in</strong> space but express themselves spatially.<br />
Hav<strong>in</strong>g moved from the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory nature <strong>of</strong> abstract space to c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space,<br />
Lefebvre suggests that the latter c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>s the potential space for the emergence <strong>of</strong> a new<br />
order, that <strong>of</strong> djfserentiul space. "The 'right to difference' is a formal designati<strong>on</strong> for<br />
someth<strong>in</strong>g that may be achieved through practical acti<strong>on</strong>, through effective struggle -<br />
namely c<strong>on</strong>crete differences ....This is a 'right' whose <strong>on</strong>ly justificati<strong>on</strong> lies <strong>in</strong> its c<strong>on</strong>tent;<br />
it is thus diametrically opposed to the right <strong>of</strong> property, which is given validity by its<br />
logical and legal form as the basic code <strong>of</strong> relati<strong>on</strong>ships under the capitalist mode <strong>of</strong><br />
producti<strong>on</strong>." (Lefebvre 1991 p396-7) But given the emphasis placed <strong>on</strong> spatiality by<br />
Lefebvre, space "itself" appears to become the <strong>in</strong>strument <strong>in</strong> mov<strong>in</strong>g towards, as well as<br />
the goal <strong>of</strong>, this new order: "space is becom<strong>in</strong>g the pr<strong>in</strong>cipal stake <strong>of</strong> goal-directed acti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
and struggles" and as such marks "a transiti<strong>on</strong>al period between the mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
th<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> space and mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space." (1991 p410) Space, then, for Lefebvre,<br />
is not simply a medium. "its role is less and less neutral, more and more active, both as<br />
<strong>in</strong>strument and goal, as means and as end. C<strong>on</strong>f<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g it to so narrow a category as that <strong>of</strong><br />
'medium' is c<strong>on</strong>sequently woefully <strong>in</strong>adequate." (1991 p41 1) It is not clear what Lefebvre<br />
means here, although he does refer to the possibility that the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> (abstract)<br />
space can give rise to "counter projects" and "counter spaces", <strong>on</strong>es which counter quantity<br />
with quality, exchange value with use value, and give rise to differential space. Here,<br />
Lefebvre makes an important dist<strong>in</strong>cti<strong>on</strong> between Ltduced differences - differences <strong>in</strong>ternal<br />
to the whole and brought <strong>in</strong>to be<strong>in</strong>g by that whole as a necessary moment <strong>in</strong> its<br />
reproducti<strong>on</strong> - and produced differences which escape the systems rule. He also po<strong>in</strong>ts out<br />
that the latter can <strong>in</strong> turn become reduced differences by be<strong>in</strong>g forced back <strong>in</strong>to the system<br />
hough c<strong>on</strong>stra<strong>in</strong>t and violence. In this respect, given Lefebvre's c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the state<br />
as "organiser <strong>of</strong> space", the state becomes the pr<strong>in</strong>cipal means through which emerg<strong>in</strong>g<br />
differential space is c<strong>on</strong>f<strong>in</strong>ed to the "<strong>in</strong>duced or "reduced" variety. But as space is central<br />
to achiev<strong>in</strong>g the new order for Lefebvre, the state must become the object <strong>of</strong> struggle. its<br />
"ability to <strong>in</strong>tervene <strong>in</strong> space must be turned back aga<strong>in</strong>st it, by grass-roots oppositi<strong>on</strong>."<br />
(1991 p383) What form this "oppositi<strong>on</strong>" takes, nor how space becomes an <strong>in</strong>strument<br />
and goal <strong>of</strong> this oppositi<strong>on</strong>. is not elaborated <strong>on</strong> by Lefebvre. Earlier <strong>in</strong> his work,<br />
Lefebvre does however refer to the subversive power <strong>of</strong> the body (1991 p89) and to the<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> class struggle. "Indeed," argues Lefebvre, "it is that struggle al<strong>on</strong>e which<br />
prevents abstract space from tak<strong>in</strong>g over the whole planet and paper<strong>in</strong>g over all differences.<br />
Only the class struggle has the capacity to differentiate, to generate differences which are<br />
not <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic to ec<strong>on</strong>omic growth gua strategy, 'logic' or 'system' ...." (1991 p55) But this<br />
capacity is limited because the class struggle does not appear to be <strong>in</strong>ternal to the capital<br />
relati<strong>on</strong> but enters from the outside, for, as Lefebvre puts it, "the class struggle is waged<br />
under the hegem<strong>on</strong>y <strong>of</strong> the bourgeoisie." (1991 p59). Also, as noted above, class<br />
struggle and history refer to the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> space, whereas it is the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
space that are important for Lefebvre.<br />
C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong><br />
To c<strong>on</strong>clude, then, Lefebvre grovides many <strong>in</strong>sights and br<strong>in</strong>gs to the fore the forgotten,<br />
yet ever present, spatiality <strong>of</strong> social existence and the ways <strong>in</strong> which that spatiality is<br />
produced, lived and experienced and how it can <strong>in</strong> turn serve to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> social relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong>
Page 34 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
a state <strong>of</strong> coexistence and cohesi<strong>on</strong>. Particularly important is his elaborati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> abstract<br />
space, the form and functi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the "build<strong>in</strong>g" and the processes <strong>of</strong> urbanisati<strong>on</strong>, and the<br />
ways <strong>in</strong> which space and violence c<strong>on</strong>stitutes the essence and modus operandi <strong>of</strong> the state.<br />
In this respect Lefebvre captures well <strong>on</strong>e aspect <strong>of</strong> the nature <strong>of</strong> yace which marks our<br />
time, abstract space. However, it is argued here, that such <strong>in</strong>sights can be developed <strong>in</strong> a<br />
more theoretically and politically fruitful way by not separat<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space<br />
from c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> space and elevat<strong>in</strong>g the former over the latter. This is important<br />
because some <strong>of</strong> the tendencies <strong>in</strong> Lefebvre's approach reproduce the society-spae dualism<br />
which means that his account <strong>of</strong> the spatiality <strong>of</strong> capitalism is essentially static and<br />
becomes an object to be struggled for. While capital may attempt to c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ually achieve<br />
the "annihilati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space by time" (Marx 1973 p 539), this is the process <strong>of</strong> form<strong>in</strong>g<br />
abstract space, capitalist space. It is n<strong>on</strong>e other than the c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ual struggle to commodify<br />
labour power and transform the spatiality <strong>of</strong> social c<strong>on</strong>crete labour to the abstract,<br />
mean<strong>in</strong>gless and quantitative expansi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> alien wealth through the producti<strong>on</strong> and<br />
realisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> surplus value. Merely to attempt to <strong>in</strong>vert (mentally) this tendency and<br />
displace time by space merely obscures the dynamic and c<strong>on</strong>tradictory nature <strong>of</strong> the capital<br />
relati<strong>on</strong> and the ways <strong>in</strong> which this expresses itself <strong>in</strong> a spatially uneven way through,<br />
what Smith refers to as, "the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space <strong>in</strong> its own image" (1990 p xv). The<br />
crucial commodity is labour power and the spatially and temporally chang<strong>in</strong>g ability <strong>of</strong><br />
capital to "c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> the unc<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>able" (Holloway 1991 p 75) and to transform that power<br />
<strong>in</strong>to surplus value. The basis <strong>of</strong> differential space as a mode <strong>of</strong> existence, not as goal but<br />
as <strong>in</strong>strument, is this "unc<strong>on</strong>trollable chaos at the heart <strong>of</strong> capital"(ibid.), <strong>on</strong>e which<br />
c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ually underm<strong>in</strong>es abstract space and forces capital to keep mov<strong>in</strong>g around the globe<br />
<strong>in</strong> search for an impossible "spatial fix".<br />
The importance <strong>of</strong> the debate <strong>on</strong> the spatiality <strong>of</strong> capitalism is that it raises to the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sciousness the fact that "space can be made to hide c<strong>on</strong>sequences from us, how<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> power and discipl<strong>in</strong>e are <strong>in</strong>scribed <strong>in</strong>to the apparently <strong>in</strong>nocent spatiality <strong>of</strong><br />
social life ...." (Soja 1989 p 6) Space is a means by which to b<strong>in</strong>d as well as separate, to<br />
<strong>in</strong>clude as well as exclude, and precisely by br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g to life a critical c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space<br />
Lefebvre (and the subsequent debate) has "provided some <strong>of</strong> the tools for decod<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
spatial metaphors that 'script' our efforts to <strong>in</strong>tegrate, negotiate, and theorise different<br />
'positi<strong>on</strong>s'." (Smith 1990 p 171) This is the critical and revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary potential <strong>in</strong>herent<br />
<strong>in</strong> Lefebvre's c<strong>on</strong>cept, the producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> space. More importantly, however, is the fact<br />
that the c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> br<strong>in</strong>gs to the fore the questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> form and directly relates<br />
spatiality to the specific form <strong>of</strong> labour. Furthermore, to "change life!", to return to the<br />
quotati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Lefebvre's given at the start <strong>of</strong> this article, space will be an "<strong>in</strong>strument" <strong>in</strong><br />
the struggle for change, but will certa<strong>in</strong>ly not be the "goal" <strong>of</strong> that struggle, as Lefebvre<br />
suggests. The goal <strong>of</strong> struggle is the FORM taken by labour and its aboliti<strong>on</strong> as<br />
imposed "work. Only by chang<strong>in</strong>g the form <strong>of</strong> labour will life and the spatiality <strong>of</strong> that<br />
life change, but the latter will change as result, as outcome, not as goal. An<br />
understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the spatiality <strong>of</strong> life will provide a powerful means <strong>of</strong> organis<strong>in</strong>g<br />
struggle. But to struggle aga<strong>in</strong>st the spatiality <strong>of</strong> life without chang<strong>in</strong>g the form <strong>of</strong><br />
labour will simply reproduce the abstract space that asphyxiates all <strong>of</strong> life.<br />
Acknowledgements: Thanks go to Wemer B<strong>on</strong>efeld and Bob Goupillot for their<br />
helpful comments. This article arises out <strong>of</strong> a research project <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong>/<br />
property development <strong>in</strong>dustry which is funded by The Leverhulme Trust.
Trial by Space: Reflecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> Lefebvre Page 35<br />
REFERENCES<br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeld. W. (1993) The Recompositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the British State Dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1980s.<br />
Dartmouth Press, Aldershot.<br />
Foucault, M. (1986)<br />
"Of other spaces" Diacritics Vol. 16 pp 22-7.<br />
Gregory, D. (1994) Geographicallrnag<strong>in</strong>atiorrs Blackwell, Oxford.<br />
Harvey, D. (1989) The Urban Experience Blackwell, Oxford.<br />
Holloway. J. (1991) "In the Beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g was the Scream" Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong>, (11)<br />
pp 69-77, Ed<strong>in</strong>burgh<br />
James<strong>on</strong>, F. (1984)<br />
"Postmodernism, or the cultural logic <strong>of</strong> late capitalism"<br />
New Lefi Review, (146) pp 53-92 L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Katznels<strong>on</strong>, I. (1992) Marxism and the City Clarend<strong>on</strong> Press<br />
Lefebvre, H. (1976) The Survival <strong>of</strong> Capitalism Allis<strong>on</strong> & Busby<br />
Lefebvre, H. (1979) "Space: social product and use value" <strong>in</strong> Frieberg, J.W. (d.)<br />
Critical Sociology Irv<strong>in</strong>gt<strong>on</strong> Publicati<strong>on</strong>s<br />
Lefebvre, H. (1991) The Producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Space Blackwell<br />
Mm, K (1973) Grundrisse Pelican<br />
Pieke, F.N. (1993) "Images <strong>of</strong> protest and the use <strong>of</strong> urban space <strong>in</strong> the 1989<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Peoples Movement" <strong>in</strong> Nas, P.J.M.(ed.) Urban<br />
Symbolism E.J. Brill<br />
Reed,F. (1991) On Comm<strong>on</strong> Ground Work<strong>in</strong>g Press<br />
Smith, N. (1990) Uneven Development Blackwell<br />
Soja, E. (1989) Postmodern Geogrqphies Verso<br />
Szczelkun, S. (1993) The C<strong>on</strong>spiracy <strong>of</strong> Good Taste Work<strong>in</strong>g Press
Open Marxism - Introducti<strong>on</strong>- Pux~37<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
Open Marxism<br />
The follow<strong>in</strong>g three papers outl<strong>in</strong>e aspects <strong>of</strong> the ideas underly<strong>in</strong>g the project announced <strong>in</strong><br />
W. B<strong>on</strong>efeld. R. Gunn and K. Psychopedis (eds.) Open Marxism (2 vols) Pluto Press<br />
1992. Versi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the papers have been presented at the annual C<strong>on</strong>ference <strong>of</strong> Socialist<br />
Ec<strong>on</strong>omists, and at the universities <strong>of</strong> Ed<strong>in</strong>burgh. Lancaster, Warwick. Manchester<br />
(Metropolitan), Glasgow, Paris VII, Mexico City and Puebla A third volume <strong>of</strong> Open<br />
Mmism is forthcom<strong>in</strong>g from Plum Press.
Page 38 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
The Relevance <strong>of</strong><br />
Marxism Today<br />
John Holloway<br />
I am <strong>of</strong> the generati<strong>on</strong> who came to Marxism after 1968. I menti<strong>on</strong> this because<br />
when I use Marxist categories now, I <strong>of</strong>ten have the impressi<strong>on</strong> that I am speak<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Lat<strong>in</strong>. that I am speak<strong>in</strong>g an ancient language that few people understand, a<br />
language that may so<strong>on</strong> be dead. There is no l<strong>on</strong>ger the same educati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> this<br />
language as there was ten or fdteen years ago: there are no l<strong>on</strong>ger so many people<br />
read<strong>in</strong>g Capital, for example, which is so basic to the understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the Marxist<br />
language. And, whatever we th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>of</strong> the dis<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Soviet Uni<strong>on</strong>, we<br />
have to recognise that for many people it implies also the dis<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxist<br />
theory. There exists a real possibility that Marxism could die out as a form <strong>of</strong><br />
expressi<strong>on</strong>, just as happened to Lat<strong>in</strong>.<br />
Does it matter if it dies? Does Marxism still have any relevance?<br />
To answer the questi<strong>on</strong>. it is worth hy<strong>in</strong>g to remember what it was that attracted us<br />
to Marxism <strong>in</strong> the first place. The reply is fairly obvious: we were look<strong>in</strong>g for a<br />
radical critique <strong>of</strong> society, a negative theory <strong>of</strong> society. Motivated by what we saw<br />
and lived - the Vietnam War, the Cuban revoluti<strong>on</strong>, the events <strong>of</strong> '68 <strong>in</strong> Mexico,<br />
France and many other parts <strong>of</strong> the world, the waves <strong>of</strong> strikes and militant trade<br />
uni<strong>on</strong>ism, etc. etc. - we were look<strong>in</strong>g for a theory <strong>of</strong> the world that would fit with<br />
our experience, with our oppositi<strong>on</strong> to exist<strong>in</strong>g society. We were look<strong>in</strong>g not so<br />
much for a theory <strong>of</strong> society as a theory aga<strong>in</strong>st society. The attracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism<br />
was that it <strong>of</strong>fered us a theory aga<strong>in</strong>st exist<strong>in</strong>g society, a negative theory <strong>of</strong> society,<br />
a theory <strong>of</strong> our rejecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> society, our scream aga<strong>in</strong>st society. It <strong>of</strong>fered us a theory<br />
which was not a sociology, nor an ec<strong>on</strong>omics, nor a political science, but an anti-<br />
sociology, an antiec<strong>on</strong>omics, an anti-political science.<br />
My jirst thesis is that Marxism is not a theory <strong>of</strong> society, but a theory aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
society, and to judge its relevance talay it has to be seen <strong>in</strong> this light<br />
If we take that as our start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t, then the questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the relevance <strong>of</strong> Marxism<br />
today resolves itself <strong>in</strong>to two questi<strong>on</strong>s. Firstly: do we still need a theory aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
society? And sec<strong>on</strong>dly: if we do, is Marxism the theory we are look<strong>in</strong>g for?<br />
The first questi<strong>on</strong> is rhetorical: it seems to me obvious that we need a theory that<br />
gives foundati<strong>on</strong> to a radical critique <strong>of</strong> society. To be c<strong>on</strong>v<strong>in</strong>ced <strong>of</strong> that, it is
Open Marxism - The Relevance <strong>of</strong> Marxism Today Page 39<br />
sufficient to th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>of</strong> the misery that can be found <strong>in</strong> the streets <strong>of</strong> any city, or <strong>of</strong><br />
the enormous <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> world poverty <strong>in</strong> recent years.<br />
The reply to the sec<strong>on</strong>d questi<strong>on</strong>. whether Marxism provides us with the best<br />
critique <strong>of</strong> society, requires more c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
It is clear that there are many theories which proSide a radical critique <strong>of</strong> society, and<br />
that some <strong>of</strong> these theories have succeeded <strong>in</strong> throw<strong>in</strong>g light <strong>on</strong> aspects <strong>of</strong> social<br />
opessi<strong>on</strong> which have been neglected by Marxism. Fem<strong>in</strong>ism is the most obvious<br />
example. Also aris<strong>in</strong>g from the social restlessness <strong>of</strong> those years, fem<strong>in</strong>ism has<br />
succeeded <strong>in</strong> develop<strong>in</strong>g a critique <strong>of</strong> gender relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> this society which has<br />
reached a much wider public than Marxism and which has put down deep roots <strong>in</strong><br />
the way people behave. It is important to recognise the force <strong>of</strong> the criticism which<br />
many fem<strong>in</strong>ists have made <strong>of</strong> the bl<strong>in</strong>dness <strong>of</strong> Marxism towards gender oppressi<strong>on</strong>,<br />
and <strong>of</strong> their more general criticism <strong>of</strong> the 'machismo-len<strong>in</strong>ismo' <strong>of</strong> the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary<br />
traditi<strong>on</strong>. Green theory is another example <strong>of</strong> a (sometimes) radical critique <strong>of</strong><br />
exist<strong>in</strong>g society which has succeeded <strong>in</strong> illum<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g important aspects <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism which had received little attenti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the Marxist traditi<strong>on</strong>.<br />
But. if we accept the criticisms <strong>of</strong> the bl<strong>in</strong>dness <strong>of</strong> Marxism towards these aspects<br />
<strong>of</strong> capitalism. then how can we defend the claim <strong>of</strong> Marxism to occupy a central<br />
(and unique) positi<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the critique <strong>of</strong> capitalism?<br />
The answer is surely that there is a fundamental difference between Marxism and the<br />
other forms <strong>of</strong> radical critique <strong>of</strong> capitalism. The difference is this: while the other<br />
theories are theories <strong>of</strong> social dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> or oppressi<strong>on</strong>, Marxism takes that<br />
oppressi<strong>on</strong> as its start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t. The questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism is not: 'how do we<br />
understand social oppressi<strong>on</strong>?, but 'given that we live <strong>in</strong> an oppressive society.<br />
how can we understand the fragility <strong>of</strong> that oppressi<strong>on</strong>?' There is an important<br />
<strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong> here. Obviously, a theory <strong>of</strong> the fragility <strong>of</strong> capitalist dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> implies<br />
a theory <strong>of</strong> that dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>. but the perspective is very different. If we take<br />
fem<strong>in</strong>ism, for example, we can say that it illum<strong>in</strong>ates social oppressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> an<br />
important manner, but it does not have a theory <strong>of</strong> social change, it does not have a<br />
theory <strong>of</strong> the <strong>crisis</strong> <strong>of</strong> patriarchal dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>. All the categories <strong>of</strong> Marxism, <strong>on</strong> the<br />
other hand. are c<strong>on</strong>structed <strong>on</strong> the basis <strong>of</strong> the historically transitory character <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism, the whole analysis <strong>of</strong> capitalism is developed throught the perspective<br />
<strong>of</strong> its fragility. This perspective is expressed <strong>in</strong> c<strong>on</strong>centrated manner through the<br />
central category <strong>of</strong> form (see the c<strong>on</strong>eibuti<strong>on</strong> by B<strong>on</strong>efeld <strong>in</strong> this issue).<br />
The po<strong>in</strong>t can be illustrated by tak<strong>in</strong>g the example <strong>of</strong> neo-liberalism: there are a lot<br />
<strong>of</strong> radical studies show<strong>in</strong>g the socially damag<strong>in</strong>g effects <strong>of</strong> neo-liberal policies.<br />
These studies are <strong>of</strong>ten very important, but it seems to me that the cutt<strong>in</strong>g edge <strong>of</strong><br />
Marxism is sharper. The specifically Marxist questi<strong>on</strong> would be: 'right, we know<br />
that neo-liberalism is nasty, but where are its c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s? Or, <strong>in</strong> what sense is<br />
neo-liberalism an expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the fragility, the vulnerability <strong>of</strong> capitalism?<br />
It is sometimes said that Marxism does not have a clear theory <strong>of</strong> <strong>crisis</strong>, and<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omists discuss the relative merits <strong>of</strong> underc<strong>on</strong>sumpti<strong>on</strong> theory,<br />
disproporti<strong>on</strong>ality theory and the tendency for the rate <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>it to fall. However,<br />
this discussi<strong>on</strong> generally misses the crucial po<strong>in</strong>t that Marxism does not have a<br />
theory <strong>of</strong> <strong>crisis</strong> because it is a theory <strong>of</strong> <strong>crisis</strong>, a theory <strong>of</strong> the <strong>crisis</strong>, the rupture,
Page 40 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
the fragility fo capitalism. It is an attempt to understand capitalism from the<br />
perspective <strong>of</strong> its c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s. The theories which seem to c<strong>on</strong>vert Marxism <strong>in</strong>to<br />
a theory <strong>of</strong> capitalist reproducti<strong>on</strong> (regulati<strong>on</strong> theory, neo-Grarnscianism etc) lose<br />
sight <strong>of</strong> the very core <strong>of</strong> Marxism.<br />
The sec<strong>on</strong>d thesis which I wish to advance, then, is that Marxism is not a theory<br />
<strong>of</strong> cqitalist oppressi<strong>on</strong> but <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> that oppressi<strong>on</strong>. This gives<br />
Marxism a special relevance for any pers<strong>on</strong> or movement <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> a radical<br />
transformati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> society.<br />
How can we understand the fragility (or c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s) <strong>of</strong> capitalism? The third<br />
thesis that I want to suggest is that the fragility <strong>of</strong> capitalism is the expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
the power <strong>of</strong> labour.<br />
S<strong>in</strong>ce this thesis goes aga<strong>in</strong>st much <strong>of</strong> the Marxist traditi<strong>on</strong>, it is necessary to<br />
expla<strong>in</strong> it.<br />
In the so-called 'orthodox' traditi<strong>on</strong>, a clear separati<strong>on</strong> is made between the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> capitalism, <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand, and class struggle, <strong>on</strong> the other. In<br />
this perspective, the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> capitalism exist <strong>in</strong>dependently <strong>of</strong> class<br />
struggle: they are objective laws <strong>of</strong> capitalist development. The development <strong>of</strong><br />
these c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s def<strong>in</strong>e the objective framework with<strong>in</strong> which class struggle<br />
develops. The specific c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism to class struggle is understood <strong>in</strong><br />
terms <strong>of</strong> the analysis <strong>of</strong> the objective c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> struggle. Marxism, from be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
a theory <strong>of</strong> struggle, becomes transformed <strong>in</strong>to a theory <strong>of</strong> the objective c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> struggle.<br />
In this separati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> and struggle can be found the core <strong>of</strong> the so-called<br />
'<strong>crisis</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism'. Certa<strong>in</strong>ly, it is has been argued that the idea that objective<br />
c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s are <strong>on</strong> our side played, perhaps, a positive role <strong>in</strong> stimulat<strong>in</strong>g and<br />
strengthen<strong>in</strong>g the struggle aga<strong>in</strong>st capitalism, but the more the d6nouement <strong>of</strong><br />
history has been postp<strong>on</strong>ed, the more obvious the problems <strong>of</strong> this approach have<br />
become.<br />
The basic problem is that this approach implies a theoretical and <strong>of</strong>ten practical<br />
subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> struggle to the objective c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s, and therefore an underm<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>of</strong> the power <strong>of</strong> labour <strong>in</strong> its struggle aga<strong>in</strong>st capital. This subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> struggle<br />
has taken very c<strong>on</strong>crete forms <strong>in</strong> recent years <strong>in</strong> the discussi<strong>on</strong>s around the c<strong>on</strong>cept<br />
<strong>of</strong> 'post-Fordism'. Often it has been argued that the class struggle has to submit to<br />
the <strong>in</strong>evitable tendency towards the creati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a new 'post-Fordist' mode <strong>of</strong><br />
regulati<strong>on</strong>. A notorious example is provided by the argument made by Stuart Hall<br />
dur<strong>in</strong>g the m<strong>in</strong>ers' strike <strong>in</strong> Great Brita<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> 1984-1985: accord<strong>in</strong>g to Hall, it was<br />
necessary for the m<strong>in</strong>ers to recognise the <strong>in</strong>evitability <strong>of</strong> submitt<strong>in</strong>g to the<br />
'<strong>in</strong>escapable l<strong>in</strong>es <strong>of</strong> historical tendency and directi<strong>on</strong>' - an elegant, post-structuralist<br />
expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> pure determ<strong>in</strong>ism.<br />
If Marxism is identified with this approach, it is easy to see why people talk <strong>of</strong> a<br />
<strong>crisis</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism. On the <strong>on</strong>e hand, it is difficult to rec<strong>on</strong>cile many <strong>of</strong> the<br />
unforeseen changes <strong>in</strong> the world with this idea <strong>of</strong> '<strong>in</strong>escapable l<strong>in</strong>es <strong>of</strong> historical<br />
tendency and directi<strong>on</strong>'; and, <strong>on</strong> the other, it is clear that this type <strong>of</strong> Marxism has<br />
little attracti<strong>on</strong> as a theory <strong>of</strong> struggle.
Open Marxism - The Relevance <strong>of</strong> Marxism Today Page41<br />
The sepmti<strong>on</strong> between struggle and c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> is characteristic <strong>of</strong> the traditi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
Marxist 'orthodoxy', but it is not a feature <strong>of</strong> Mm's work, nor <strong>of</strong> a l<strong>on</strong>g. almost<br />
subterranean traditi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism (Pashukanis, Rub<strong>in</strong>, Block Adorn, Pannekoek.<br />
the young Lukacs, Agnoli. am<strong>on</strong>g very many others.). In this perspective, there is<br />
no dualism-tween c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> and struggle. On the c<strong>on</strong>trary: Marxism is<br />
fundamentally anti-dualist Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Mm. from the early works through the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> value theory <strong>in</strong> Capital, the <strong>on</strong>ly creative forces shap<strong>in</strong>g society and<br />
its development is labour, human creativity. We are the <strong>on</strong>ly gods: human creati<strong>on</strong><br />
(labour) is the <strong>on</strong>ly c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power <strong>in</strong> society. There are no objective forces<br />
external to labour.<br />
The <strong>on</strong>ly social power is labour. but labour is divided aga<strong>in</strong>st itself. The divisi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
labour aga<strong>in</strong>st itself is a c<strong>on</strong>stant c<strong>on</strong>flict, a c<strong>on</strong>flict between labour and itself, or<br />
rather between labour and its alienated form as capital - what we call class struggle.<br />
But this c<strong>on</strong>flict is not symmetrical. In the c<strong>on</strong>flict between labour and its<br />
alienati<strong>on</strong>, it is clear that the alienati<strong>on</strong> depends <strong>on</strong> labour, but labour does not<br />
depend <strong>on</strong> its alienati<strong>on</strong> Capital cannot exist without labour, but labour can exist<br />
without capital. Capital depends <strong>on</strong> labour for its existence. This dependency is at<br />
the same time both the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capital and the class struggle. The dynamic<br />
<strong>of</strong> capitalism is the dynamic <strong>of</strong> capital's dependency <strong>on</strong> labour, a dependency that is<br />
expressed <strong>in</strong> the wnstant flight forward <strong>of</strong> capital <strong>in</strong> its ceaseless attempt to free<br />
itself fiom its dependency. <strong>in</strong> an etanal search for perfect dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>. for the total<br />
subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour. This flight <strong>of</strong> capital is expressed most clearly <strong>in</strong> times <strong>of</strong><br />
open <strong>crisis</strong>: what becomes apparent <strong>in</strong> the fall <strong>of</strong> the rate <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>it. for example, is<br />
the cost to capital <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g an adequate subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour.<br />
How can we rec<strong>on</strong>cile this visi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the omnipotence <strong>of</strong> labour and <strong>of</strong> capital <strong>in</strong><br />
flight with what has been happen<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the world <strong>in</strong> the last fifteen years? In this<br />
time there have been very important defeats <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g class and revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary<br />
movements <strong>in</strong> many parts <strong>of</strong> the world, a deteriorati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the liv<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
very large secti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the world's populati<strong>on</strong>, an <strong>in</strong>tensificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> work. a rise <strong>in</strong><br />
unemployment. the rise <strong>of</strong> neo-liberalism, the marg<strong>in</strong>alisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism <strong>in</strong> the<br />
universities:etc, etc. Under these c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s it seems absurd to say that the <strong>crisis</strong> is<br />
the expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the power <strong>of</strong> labour.<br />
Nevertheless, it is not absurd. The capitalist <strong>crisis</strong> <strong>of</strong> the 1970s was an expressi<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>adequacy <strong>of</strong> the established relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>. The established panem<br />
no l<strong>on</strong>ger provided what capital required - both because <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
labour and because it was cost<strong>in</strong>g capital more and more to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> the necessary<br />
subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>. In the face <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>adequacy <strong>of</strong> subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>. capital did what it<br />
always does <strong>on</strong> such occasi<strong>on</strong>s: it c<strong>on</strong>verted itself <strong>in</strong>to m<strong>on</strong>ey and took <strong>of</strong>f <strong>in</strong> search<br />
<strong>of</strong> better c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> accumulati<strong>on</strong> and exploitati<strong>on</strong>. It was this liquefacti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
capital, this transformati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> pductive capital <strong>in</strong>to m<strong>on</strong>eycapital which provided<br />
the basis for the rise <strong>of</strong> neo-liberalism.<br />
It did so by chang<strong>in</strong>g radically the relati<strong>on</strong> between the nati<strong>on</strong>al states and the<br />
global movement <strong>of</strong> capital, and thus radically changed the nature <strong>of</strong> the state itself.<br />
If <strong>on</strong>e assumes that any state must necessarily tq to attract to its territory or to<br />
reta<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> its territory as much <strong>of</strong> world capital as possible, then it is clear that with<br />
the massive rise <strong>in</strong> the mobility <strong>of</strong> capital from the late 197% the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong>
Page42 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
existence <strong>of</strong> the nati<strong>on</strong>al states changed radically. This change was expressed <strong>in</strong> the<br />
failure <strong>of</strong> Keynesianism and <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>terventi<strong>on</strong>ist import-substituti<strong>on</strong> policies (with all<br />
the wrporatist politics which they <strong>in</strong>volved). it was expressed <strong>in</strong> the rise <strong>of</strong> the<br />
politics and ideology (and culture) <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey <strong>in</strong> all countries dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1980s. it<br />
was expressed <strong>in</strong> the f<strong>in</strong>al collapse <strong>of</strong> the grotesque myth <strong>of</strong> socialism <strong>in</strong> <strong>on</strong>e<br />
country, both <strong>in</strong> its socialdemocratic form <strong>in</strong> Western Europe and its 'communist'<br />
form <strong>in</strong> Eastern Europe.<br />
The dom<strong>in</strong>ance <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1980s seemed to express the almost limitless<br />
triumph <strong>of</strong> capital. But it was not really like that: the existence <strong>of</strong> capital <strong>in</strong> the<br />
form <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey capital was the surest <strong>in</strong>dicator that capital had not succeeded <strong>in</strong><br />
recreat<strong>in</strong>g its dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> over labour to a sufficient degree. In spite <strong>of</strong> appearances.<br />
capital c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ued to be weak (and dependent). The ec<strong>on</strong>omic expansi<strong>on</strong> that took<br />
place m the richer countries had a largely fictitious basis. susta<strong>in</strong>ed by the c<strong>on</strong>stant<br />
expansi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>debtedness. The fictitious character <strong>of</strong> this expansi<strong>on</strong> was manifested<br />
more and more clearly from the end <strong>of</strong> the 1980s. with the stock market crash <strong>of</strong><br />
1987, grow<strong>in</strong>g m<strong>on</strong>etary <strong>in</strong>stability, the enormous fall <strong>in</strong> the Japanese stock<br />
market the <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g problems <strong>of</strong> banks throughout the world, and f<strong>in</strong>ally the<br />
'credit crunch', the restricti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> credit which has been a central element <strong>in</strong> the<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omic recessi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the last few years. The realisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the fictitious nature <strong>of</strong><br />
the expansi<strong>on</strong> was an important factor <strong>in</strong> the fall <strong>of</strong> Thatcher, <strong>of</strong> such happy<br />
memory, and <strong>in</strong> the fall <strong>in</strong> the prestige <strong>of</strong> neo-liberalism throughout the world. It is<br />
similalry the questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the real or fictitious character <strong>of</strong> the ec<strong>on</strong>omic expansi<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong> Mexico which will determ<strong>in</strong>e the reputati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Sal<strong>in</strong>as de Gortari <strong>in</strong> the time that<br />
rema<strong>in</strong>s to him as President <strong>of</strong> Mexico. And the basis <strong>of</strong> everyth<strong>in</strong>g is the<br />
<strong>in</strong>subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> work, the fact that capital has not succeeded <strong>in</strong> subord<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g<br />
labour sufficiently to secure a stable future for itself. For us that is both a warn<strong>in</strong>g<br />
and a hope.<br />
The third thesis, then, is that the fragility <strong>of</strong> capitalism is not the expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
objective laws but <strong>of</strong> the dependency <strong>of</strong> capital <strong>on</strong> the power <strong>of</strong> labour. This<br />
c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> seems relevant to me, because the prec<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> any radical change <strong>of</strong><br />
society is the theoretical and practical realisati<strong>on</strong> by those without power that the<br />
powerful depend <strong>on</strong> them, the realisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the power <strong>of</strong> the powerless. Manrisrn is<br />
the theory <strong>of</strong> the power <strong>of</strong> the powerless.
Open Marxism - Human Practice and Perversi<strong>on</strong> Page 43<br />
..........................................................................................................<br />
Human Practice and Perversi<strong>on</strong>:<br />
Between Aut<strong>on</strong>omy and Structure<br />
Werner B<strong>on</strong>efeld<br />
Introducti<strong>on</strong><br />
In the previous paper <strong>on</strong> The Relevance <strong>of</strong> Marxism Today, John Holloway emphasises<br />
the Marxist understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the dependency <strong>of</strong> capital up<strong>on</strong> labour. This understand<strong>in</strong>g<br />
entails the <strong>in</strong>vocati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class struggle as the movement <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> which<br />
capital, itself, c<strong>on</strong>sists. Marxists agree am<strong>on</strong>gst themselves that class struggle is the<br />
motor <strong>of</strong> history. However, there are sharp divisi<strong>on</strong>s as to the 'status' <strong>of</strong> class struggle vis-<br />
h-vis capital. For example, class struggle can be seen, as <strong>in</strong> structuralist approaches<br />
associated with Althusser, Poulantzas as well as Hirsch and Jessop, as a struggle which<br />
unfolds with<strong>in</strong> the framework <strong>of</strong> the capitalist structures. Or, as <strong>in</strong> aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches<br />
associated with Negri, Tr<strong>on</strong>ti and others, class struggle can be c<strong>on</strong>ceived <strong>of</strong> as an <strong>on</strong>go<strong>in</strong>g<br />
struggle by capital to decompose labour's revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary existence. These dist<strong>in</strong>ct<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> class struggle are founded <strong>on</strong> the differentiati<strong>on</strong> between, <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand<br />
the objective character <strong>of</strong> 'capital', and, <strong>on</strong> the other, the subjective character <strong>of</strong> class<br />
struggle. This paper assesses structuralist and aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches to class struggle.<br />
The assessment is founded up<strong>on</strong> an understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ternal relati<strong>on</strong>ship between<br />
structure and struggle. I shall discuss this <strong>in</strong>ternal relati<strong>on</strong> by emphasis<strong>in</strong>g 'labour' as a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power. This emphasis is developed <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> a dialectical relati<strong>on</strong>ship<br />
between <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> and transcendence. These two terms c<strong>on</strong>note the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary power<br />
<strong>of</strong> labour (transcendence) and its mode <strong>of</strong> existence with<strong>in</strong> the perverted form <strong>of</strong> capital<br />
(<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong>).<br />
The Problem<br />
Structuralist approaches accept the ec<strong>on</strong>ornics-politics separati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>scribed <strong>in</strong> bourgeois<br />
society (see Poulantzas, 1973; Jessop, 1985; and Hirsch, 1978) and propose an analysis <strong>of</strong><br />
each <strong>of</strong> these fragmented spheres as dist<strong>in</strong>ct regi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> social existence. Subsequent<br />
historical c<strong>on</strong>crete analysis has to <strong>in</strong>troduce, as exemplified by the post-fordist debate', the<br />
historically specific comb<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> between different regi<strong>on</strong>s so as to show the modalities <strong>of</strong><br />
their <strong>in</strong>teracti<strong>on</strong>. By tak<strong>in</strong>g for granted the fragmented character <strong>of</strong> bourgeois society. these<br />
theories neglect questi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the social c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the fragmented character <strong>of</strong> society<br />
On the pt-fordist debate see the volume edit4 by B<strong>on</strong>efeld/Holloway, 1991
Page 44 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
and stra<strong>in</strong> to <strong>in</strong>tegrate class struggle <strong>in</strong>to their analysis. As Aglietta (1979, p. 67) sees it,<br />
class struggle is bey<strong>on</strong>d 'any law'. 'Capital' is not c<strong>on</strong>ceived as a social relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> and<br />
through labour. Instead, 'capital' is seen as an entity which has its own logic, a logic<br />
which stands above class relati<strong>on</strong>s. Thus 'capital' is not class struggle because 'capital is<br />
the subject' (Jessop. 1991. p. 150). Class struggle is expelled from the analysis <strong>in</strong>s<strong>of</strong>ar as<br />
a proper understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>crete, empirical, c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> class struggle needs to be<br />
based <strong>on</strong> a specificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the capitalist framework with<strong>in</strong> which class struggle obta<strong>in</strong>s<br />
and unfolds. C<strong>on</strong>sequently, structuralism emphasises the objective l<strong>in</strong>es <strong>of</strong> capitalist<br />
development. Structures are the <strong>on</strong>ly subject recognised by structuralism. Class struggle is<br />
aeated as a derivative <strong>of</strong> structural development. The dynamic <strong>of</strong> capitalist development is<br />
located <strong>in</strong> capital itself. C<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> is seen as <strong>in</strong>ternal to capital, and capitalist devel-<br />
opment is a result <strong>of</strong> these c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
Unlike the theoretical suppressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class snuggle <strong>in</strong> structuralist approaches, aut<strong>on</strong>omist<br />
approaches place at their centre the self-activity <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g class. Class struggle is<br />
seen as primary. The emphasis is <strong>on</strong> labour's revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary power. Aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches<br />
take as their start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t the Marxian noti<strong>on</strong> that all social relati<strong>on</strong>s are essentially<br />
practical. In that emphasis lies an important difference from structure-centred approaches.<br />
The difficulty <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> 'aut<strong>on</strong>omist' approaches is not that 'labour' is seen as be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
primary but that this noti<strong>on</strong> is not developed to its radical soluti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Approaches predicated <strong>on</strong> the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour's self-activity tend to divide social existence<br />
<strong>in</strong>to dist<strong>in</strong>ct spheres <strong>of</strong>, <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand, a mach<strong>in</strong>e-like logic <strong>of</strong> capital and the transcen-<br />
dental power <strong>of</strong> social practice, <strong>on</strong> the other. The emphasis <strong>on</strong> 'labour's self-activity' is<br />
founded <strong>on</strong> the '<strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong>' <strong>of</strong> the class perspective'. This <strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong> was advocated by Tr<strong>on</strong>ti<br />
who argued that rather than focus<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> capitalist development, the emphasis should be <strong>on</strong><br />
the struggle <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g class. As Tr<strong>on</strong>ti (196511979, p. 10) put it, capital uses<br />
exploitati<strong>on</strong> as a means <strong>of</strong> escap<strong>in</strong>g 'its de facto subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> to the class <strong>of</strong> worker-<br />
producers'. Such a formulati<strong>on</strong> destroys the <strong>in</strong>sight that labour is a c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power.<br />
This is because capital is c<strong>on</strong>ceived as a subject <strong>in</strong> its own right: 'capital' is c<strong>on</strong>strued as<br />
some-th<strong>in</strong>g which not <strong>on</strong>ly reacts to the self-activity <strong>of</strong> labour but which also 'lives' by<br />
cajol<strong>in</strong>g labour's self-activity <strong>in</strong>to serv<strong>in</strong>g the capitalist cause. In other words, the<br />
<strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the class perspective is dependent up<strong>on</strong> two 'subjects': there is the self-<br />
activity <strong>of</strong> labour and capital's cajol<strong>in</strong>g power. The emphasis <strong>on</strong> '<strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong>' does not raise<br />
the issue that 'labour' is the producer <strong>of</strong> perverted forms. Instead, labour tends to be seen as<br />
a power which exists external to its own perverted social world: the c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power <strong>of</strong><br />
labour stands external to its own perversi<strong>on</strong>. This perversi<strong>on</strong> is called 'capital'. Labour is<br />
seen as a self-determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g power at the same time as which capital is a perverted power by<br />
virtue <strong>of</strong> its 'cajol<strong>in</strong>g capacity'. Thus Negri's (1992) emphasis <strong>on</strong> capital as a 'bewitch<strong>in</strong>g<br />
power'. The emphasis <strong>on</strong> the struggle comp<strong>on</strong>ent <strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong> between structure and<br />
struggle cannot overcome their theoretical separati<strong>on</strong>. The questi<strong>on</strong> why does human<br />
practice exist <strong>in</strong> the perverted form <strong>of</strong> capitalist dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> is not raised. M<strong>in</strong>us an<br />
<strong>in</strong>terrogati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> form, i.e. the specificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the social form <strong>in</strong> and<br />
through which the c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power <strong>of</strong> labour subsists <strong>in</strong> a c<strong>on</strong>tradictory way, noti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
labour's aut<strong>on</strong>omy from capital can amount <strong>on</strong>ly to a romantic <strong>in</strong>vocati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary subject's immediacy (see B<strong>on</strong>efeld/Gunn, 1991). Merely <strong>in</strong>vok<strong>in</strong>g labour's<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary immediacy tends to externalise structure from subject, so lead<strong>in</strong>g to a<br />
subjectivist c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> which is the other side <strong>of</strong> determ<strong>in</strong>ism's co<strong>in</strong>. Unlike structuralist<br />
approaches, the emphasis is <strong>on</strong> class struggle, a struggle which rema<strong>in</strong>s, however, external<br />
On this '<strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong>' see Cleaver 1992,1993.
Open Marxism - Human Practice and Perversi<strong>on</strong> Page 45<br />
........................ ..................................................................................<br />
to its object. Capital rema<strong>in</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>strued <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> a logic which lies solely with<strong>in</strong> itself<br />
and whose <strong>in</strong>c<strong>on</strong>sistencies, al<strong>on</strong>e, and <strong>in</strong> abstracti<strong>on</strong> from the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s which are<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stitutive <strong>of</strong> the capital-labour relati<strong>on</strong>, provide po<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>of</strong> purchase for revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary<br />
aut<strong>on</strong>omisati<strong>on</strong>. The capital-labour relati<strong>on</strong> is understood merely <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> a repressive<br />
systemic logic counterposed to subjective forces <strong>in</strong> a dualist and external way.<br />
Structuralist and aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches understand the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> two externally related th<strong>in</strong>gs: <strong>in</strong> structuralism the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong><br />
obta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> the form <strong>of</strong> structural <strong>in</strong>adequacies andlor dysfuncti<strong>on</strong>alities as between different<br />
regi<strong>on</strong>s such as the 'ec<strong>on</strong>omic' and 'political'; <strong>in</strong> aut<strong>on</strong>omism the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> obta<strong>in</strong>s<br />
between the aut<strong>on</strong>omy <strong>of</strong> the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary subject and the capitalist system. Neither<br />
aut<strong>on</strong>omism nor structuralism see the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory character <strong>of</strong> capital <strong>in</strong> and through the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power <strong>of</strong> labour, a c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power which exists <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st and bey<strong>on</strong>d<br />
capital. Both the theoretical suppressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour, as <strong>in</strong> structuralist approaches, and the<br />
theoretical subjectificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour, as <strong>in</strong> aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches, fail to rec<strong>on</strong>cile<br />
objectivity with subjectivity and vice versa.<br />
Labour and Capital<br />
C<strong>on</strong>trary to structuralist approaches and to those <strong>in</strong>vok<strong>in</strong>g the immediacy <strong>of</strong> the<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary subject, the task is to trace out 'the <strong>in</strong>ner c<strong>on</strong>nexi<strong>on</strong>' (Marx 1983, p. 28)<br />
between social phenomena, so as to establish the '<strong>in</strong>ner nature' (cf. Marx) <strong>of</strong> their relati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
To trace out the <strong>in</strong>ner c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> between social phenomena is to theorise the human<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tent which c<strong>on</strong>stitutes their social reality as <strong>in</strong>terc<strong>on</strong>nected, as complex forms different<br />
from, but united <strong>in</strong>, each other. In order to theorise this <strong>in</strong>terc<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>, the theoretical<br />
approach has to specify the c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power that makes social phenomena different from<br />
each other <strong>in</strong> unity. Different phenomena exist <strong>in</strong> and through each other; each<br />
phenomen<strong>on</strong> is the presuppositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the other. This means that <strong>on</strong>e cannot differentiate<br />
between an abstract c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong>, for example, an ec<strong>on</strong>omic logic and a political logic,<br />
and an existence <strong>of</strong> these 'logics' (cf. Jessop, 1985) <strong>in</strong> a real world, a world merely<br />
mediated by class struggle. Nor can <strong>on</strong>e divide the social whole <strong>in</strong>to capital logic and<br />
subjective power. Structure and struggle <strong>in</strong>volve each other as moments <strong>of</strong> <strong>on</strong>e process.<br />
Diverse phenomena, such as structure and struggle, do not exist as externally related<br />
entities <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> which is determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g andlor dom<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g the other, but as forms <strong>of</strong> existence<br />
<strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong> which c<strong>on</strong>stitutes them. The noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> social objectivity can be<br />
comprehended, as argued by Backhaus (1969). <strong>on</strong>ly when objectivity is seen as an exist<strong>in</strong>g<br />
abstracti<strong>on</strong> - an abstracti<strong>on</strong> which exists <strong>in</strong> practice (daseiende Abstrakti<strong>on</strong>). Social<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>s are practical relati<strong>on</strong>s. The noti<strong>on</strong> that social relati<strong>on</strong>s are founded <strong>in</strong> and through<br />
practice implies a quite different start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t from that taken by those who advocate<br />
noti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> a fragmented social world. The start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t is the social c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
historical movement <strong>of</strong> labour. The historical development <strong>of</strong> labour holds the key to the<br />
history <strong>of</strong> society. This key is c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> the above menti<strong>on</strong>ed abstracti<strong>on</strong>; the human<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tent which, <strong>in</strong> capitalist society, exists <strong>in</strong> a mode <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g denied.<br />
In every society human be<strong>in</strong>gs play the role <strong>of</strong> producers. However, <strong>in</strong> capitalist society,<br />
the simplest category, i.e. labour, takes <strong>on</strong> a mystify<strong>in</strong>g character because the material<br />
elements <strong>of</strong> wealth transform from products <strong>of</strong> labour <strong>in</strong>to properties <strong>of</strong> commodities and<br />
still more pr<strong>on</strong>ouncedly they transform the producti<strong>on</strong> relati<strong>on</strong> itself <strong>in</strong>to a relati<strong>on</strong><br />
between th<strong>in</strong>gs. The productive power <strong>of</strong> social labour exists <strong>in</strong> the 'perverted' form <strong>of</strong><br />
value. The 'objective', or factual, existence <strong>of</strong> 'capital' can thus not be taken as a
Page 46 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
c<strong>on</strong>ceptual start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t. This is because that which asserts itself to the ec<strong>on</strong>omic m<strong>in</strong>d<br />
as 'objectivity', or 'objective logic', or 'objective be<strong>in</strong>g' is, <strong>in</strong> Marx, understood as<br />
alienated subjectivity (as specified <strong>in</strong> Backhaus, 1992). Labour is an alienated subject by<br />
virtue <strong>of</strong> its social existence as a producer <strong>of</strong> a perverted world. This means that the<br />
practical-critical activity <strong>of</strong> labour exists aga<strong>in</strong>st itself as itself <strong>in</strong> the form <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fetishised world <strong>of</strong> capitalism. The c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the world occurs beh<strong>in</strong>d the backs <strong>of</strong><br />
the <strong>in</strong>dividuals; yet it is their work' (Marcuse. 193711988, p. 151). In other words. the<br />
reality i:~ which humans move day <strong>in</strong> and day out has no <strong>in</strong>variant character, that is,<br />
someth<strong>in</strong>g which exists <strong>in</strong>dependently from them. It is the social practice <strong>of</strong> labour which<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stitutes, suffuses and c<strong>on</strong>tradicts the perverted world <strong>of</strong> capitalism. Labour does not<br />
exist 'external' to perverted forms. Rather, 'perverted form', <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g capital's 'cajol<strong>in</strong>g<br />
power', exist <strong>in</strong> and through labour's social practice. Thus 'subject and object do not<br />
statically oppose each other, but rather are caught up <strong>in</strong> an "<strong>on</strong>go<strong>in</strong>g process" <strong>of</strong> the<br />
"<strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> subjectivity <strong>in</strong>to objectivity, and vice versa"' (Backhaus, 1992. p. 60<br />
referr<strong>in</strong>g to K<strong>of</strong>ler). Understand<strong>in</strong>g the c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> perverted forms <strong>in</strong> this way makes<br />
it possible to see the generic as <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> the specific, and the abstract as <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>crete (see Man;. 1973, Intro.). This view <strong>in</strong>volves a way <strong>of</strong> th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g which moves<br />
with<strong>in</strong> the object (i.e. the social-historical form <strong>of</strong> human relati<strong>on</strong>s) <strong>of</strong> its th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
Dialectics does not proceed to its object from outside but from <strong>in</strong>side. Dialectical th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g<br />
attempts to appropriate c<strong>on</strong>ceptually the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory mode <strong>of</strong> existence c<strong>on</strong>stituted by,<br />
and c<strong>on</strong>stitutive <strong>of</strong>, social practice. Dialectical th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>ceptualises itself with<strong>in</strong>, and<br />
as a moment <strong>of</strong>, its object (Gunn, 1989, 1992). Such a c<strong>on</strong>ceptualisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> social<br />
existence seeks an understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the apparently isolated facts <strong>of</strong> life as compris<strong>in</strong>g a<br />
mode <strong>of</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> social relati<strong>on</strong>s. Dialectics emphasises the unity-<strong>in</strong>-difference as<br />
between structure and struggle. It does so <strong>on</strong> the basis <strong>of</strong> the understand<strong>in</strong>g that 'all social<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>s are essentially practical' and that these social relati<strong>on</strong>s comprise the c<strong>on</strong>stitutive<br />
practical-critical activity <strong>of</strong> labour.<br />
Any c<strong>on</strong>ceptualisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'capital' which focuses <strong>on</strong> its seem<strong>in</strong>gly formal logic (as <strong>in</strong><br />
structuralism) disregards the dist<strong>in</strong>ctiveness <strong>of</strong> Marx's theory and espouses. <strong>in</strong>stead, the<br />
reified world <strong>of</strong> capitalism as the object and purpose <strong>of</strong> theory. Further, any<br />
c<strong>on</strong>ceptualisati<strong>on</strong> which focuses merely <strong>on</strong> labour's aut<strong>on</strong>omy h m capital disregards the<br />
historically specific form <strong>of</strong> labour's existence and espouses, <strong>in</strong>stead, a subjectivist<br />
understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the <strong>on</strong>tological c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> existence to be found - apparently - <strong>in</strong> the<br />
subjectivity <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g which c<strong>on</strong>stantly escapes the grasp, and which threatens a<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary disposal <strong>of</strong> 'capital'. In other words, human practice is seen as a self-<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stitut<strong>in</strong>g and immediate power, a power which 'capital' has but c<strong>on</strong>stantly fails to<br />
subvert. In dist<strong>in</strong>cti<strong>on</strong> to the <strong>on</strong>tological c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour, the present paper argues<br />
that it is human practice which produces the perverted world <strong>of</strong> capital. It is the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradictory unity <strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong> between human practice as comrn&ied work <strong>in</strong> and<br />
through class which c<strong>on</strong>stitutes society <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> a c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>uous displacement and rec<strong>on</strong>-<br />
stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the 'enchanted and perverted world' <strong>of</strong> capitalism (Marx, 1966, p. 830). The<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> social practice as capitalist reproducti<strong>on</strong> presents the c<strong>on</strong>crete substance <strong>of</strong><br />
class antag<strong>on</strong>ism. The removal <strong>of</strong> 'capital' <strong>in</strong>to the museum <strong>of</strong> history can go forward<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly through the revoluti<strong>on</strong>is<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> laboufs existence as the alienated subject which<br />
produces capital.<br />
The social relati<strong>on</strong> which c<strong>on</strong>stitutes the mode <strong>of</strong> existence/movement <strong>of</strong> labour <strong>in</strong><br />
capitalist society is the relati<strong>on</strong> between necessary labour and surplus labour, that is, the<br />
class antag<strong>on</strong>ism <strong>of</strong> capital and labour which c<strong>on</strong>stitutes the social work<strong>in</strong>g day. The<br />
capitalist mode <strong>of</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> labour is characterised by the c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>uous compulsi<strong>on</strong> to
Open Marxism - Human Practice and Perversi<strong>on</strong> Page 47<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ise the relati<strong>on</strong> between necessary and surplus labour <strong>in</strong> order to <strong>in</strong>crease the<br />
latter. However, surplus labour exists <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> antithesis to necessary labour. 'Capital'<br />
exists <strong>on</strong>ly through liv<strong>in</strong>g labour as substance <strong>of</strong> value, and hence surplus value. The<br />
antag<strong>on</strong>istic tendency <strong>of</strong> the social form <strong>of</strong> labour compels capital towards the elim<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> necessary labour which underm<strong>in</strong>es the existence <strong>of</strong> capital as exist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> and<br />
through labour. 'Capital' can not aut<strong>on</strong>omise itself from liv<strong>in</strong>g labour; the <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
aut<strong>on</strong>omisati<strong>on</strong> possible is <strong>on</strong> labour's side. Labour is not external to 'capital'. Labour<br />
exists <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital, while capital, however, exists <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> and through labour.<br />
The c<strong>on</strong>tradictory existence <strong>of</strong> labour is manifest <strong>in</strong> its antithesis to capital's command and<br />
<strong>in</strong> its existence as a producer <strong>of</strong> capital: labour is value creat<strong>in</strong>g. In other words, labour<br />
exists aga<strong>in</strong>st itself as a labour<strong>in</strong>g commodity. The social practice <strong>of</strong> labour exists aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
capital and, also, as a moment <strong>of</strong> the latter's existence. The c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power <strong>of</strong> labour's<br />
social practice atta<strong>in</strong>s a c<strong>on</strong>tradictory existence as the movement <strong>of</strong> transcendence and<br />
<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong>. This movement is founded up<strong>on</strong> the asymmetrical c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class<br />
antag<strong>on</strong>ism. Transcendence and <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> do not exist separately, but as the movement <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>on</strong>e process - extreme poles <strong>of</strong> a dialectical c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>uum that social practice represents. As<br />
extreme poles <strong>of</strong> a dialectical c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>uum, transcendence and <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>stitute a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicbry process that is open to the process <strong>of</strong> struggle itself. Understand<strong>in</strong>g class<br />
antag<strong>on</strong>ism as a movement <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> between dependence and separati<strong>on</strong> and<br />
c<strong>on</strong>ceptualis<strong>in</strong>g social phenomena as the mode <strong>of</strong> existence and mode <strong>of</strong> moti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class<br />
antag<strong>on</strong>ism, it follows that labour is neither <strong>in</strong>ternal nor external to capital. Labour exists<br />
<strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital.<br />
In and Aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
The term <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st seeks to overcome the danger <strong>of</strong> subjectivism <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong><br />
approaches which stress the primacy <strong>of</strong> labour's self-activity. C<strong>on</strong>temporary elaborati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
such approaches can be found <strong>in</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> thought which <strong>in</strong>vokes the<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary subject's immediacy. The subjectivism is c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> the understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
labour as a self-c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power. 'Capital' is no l<strong>on</strong>ger seen as a mode <strong>of</strong> existence <strong>of</strong><br />
labour. Rather, it is seen as an entity which is c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>ted by its own substance. This<br />
dualism between capital and labour is founded <strong>on</strong> the noti<strong>on</strong> that value is be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
'dec<strong>on</strong>structed' through labour's refusal to participate <strong>in</strong> capital's own project (see ~ e ~ n ,<br />
1992). The noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'alienated subjectivity' is thus destroyed and replaced by the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
labour as a self-c<strong>on</strong>stitut<strong>in</strong>g revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary subject. Capital becomes merely a<br />
'hypnotis<strong>in</strong>g, bewitch<strong>in</strong>g force' and as such a counterrevoluti<strong>on</strong>ary 'phantasm, an idol:<br />
around it revolve the radically aut<strong>on</strong>omous processes <strong>of</strong> auto-valorisati<strong>on</strong> and <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
political power can succeed <strong>in</strong> forc<strong>in</strong>g them, with the carrot and with the stick, to beg<strong>in</strong> to<br />
be moulded <strong>in</strong>to capitalist form' (ibid., p. 89). 'Auto-valorisati<strong>on</strong>', for Negri, means the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>crete existence <strong>of</strong> the subjective power' . This power creates and safeguards the space<br />
for the values which bel<strong>on</strong>g to the exploited classes. In sum, auto-valorisati<strong>on</strong> is the<br />
producti<strong>on</strong> and reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour as the subject (see Negri, 1989). This approach<br />
presupposes that there are spaces <strong>in</strong> society which are external to 'capital's hypnotis<strong>in</strong>g<br />
force' and <strong>in</strong> which experiments <strong>in</strong> 'authentic subjectivity' challenge and provoke capital's<br />
disenchanted world. This approach neglects the forms <strong>in</strong> and through which labour exists<br />
<strong>in</strong> capitalism. The essentialisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the subject rema<strong>in</strong>s abstract <strong>in</strong>s<strong>of</strong>ar as its social<br />
existence obta<strong>in</strong>s outside society. This is because the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'labour's aut<strong>on</strong>omy'<br />
presuppose the existence <strong>of</strong> a space already liberated from capital. There is thus a dualism<br />
as between two presuppositi<strong>on</strong>s which stand external to each other at the same time as<br />
See Mouliez (1989) <strong>on</strong> this <strong>in</strong>terpretati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Negri's WO&.
Page 48 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
each <strong>of</strong> these presuppositi<strong>on</strong> is supposed to render its c<strong>on</strong>trast<strong>in</strong>g term coherent. The two<br />
presuppositi<strong>on</strong>s are: the presupposed freedom <strong>of</strong> the social subject and the presupposed<br />
logic <strong>of</strong> the capitalist system. No answer can be provided as to the c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> both<br />
labour's self-activity and capital's cajol<strong>in</strong>g power. The <strong>on</strong>ly answer possible is the<br />
denunciati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capital as subord<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g labour's aut<strong>on</strong>omy and a study <strong>of</strong> the chang<strong>in</strong>g<br />
compositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour's revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary subjectivity which is seen as be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> oppsiti<strong>on</strong> to<br />
a presupposed logic <strong>of</strong> capital.<br />
In sum, the <strong>in</strong>ternal relati<strong>on</strong> between capital and labour is transformed <strong>in</strong>to a relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
mere oppositi<strong>on</strong>. thus reduc<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>ternal relati<strong>on</strong> between form and substance to a<br />
simple juxtapositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> oppositi<strong>on</strong>. Thereby, labour is taken as a <strong>on</strong>e-sided abstracti<strong>on</strong>. At<br />
the same time, the essentialisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the subject goes hand-<strong>in</strong>-hand with the fetishisati<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> capital as a 'bewitch<strong>in</strong>g power'. C<strong>on</strong>trary to see<strong>in</strong>g the relati<strong>on</strong> between capital and<br />
labour as a social relati<strong>on</strong> qua c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> and through the forms c<strong>on</strong>stituted by this<br />
relati<strong>on</strong> itself, the <strong>in</strong>sistence <strong>on</strong> labour as merely 'aga<strong>in</strong>st' capital dismisses dialectics as a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cept that moves with<strong>in</strong>, and is a moment <strong>of</strong>, its object As was reported above, the<br />
understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> labour as exist<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>rt capital <strong>in</strong>volves a c<strong>on</strong>ceptualisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capital<br />
as a mach<strong>in</strong>e-like entity. Capital becomes a logic, def<strong>in</strong>ed by certa<strong>in</strong> laws whose<br />
irrati<strong>on</strong>ality provides oppositi<strong>on</strong>al space for <strong>in</strong>surrecti<strong>on</strong>. The relati<strong>on</strong>ship between<br />
structure and struggle is merely wnceived <strong>of</strong> as a relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> cause and effect i.e. the<br />
disruptive and revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary power <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g class causes disrupti<strong>on</strong> and <strong>crisis</strong> to<br />
which, <strong>in</strong> turn, capital resp<strong>on</strong>ds by reimpos<strong>in</strong>g its dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> over labour (see Negri,<br />
1979). Such a view undercuts the <strong>in</strong>ternal relati<strong>on</strong> between structure and struggle and<br />
replaces it by a sociological <strong>in</strong>vestigati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>to <strong>in</strong>surrecti<strong>on</strong>ary forms <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g which<br />
exploit the <strong>in</strong>c<strong>on</strong>sistencies <strong>of</strong> the capitalist system. The noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the presence <strong>of</strong> labour<br />
<strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital effectively says that labour does not exist outside capital. The class<br />
struggle exists <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st the forms <strong>in</strong> and through which the c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power<br />
<strong>of</strong> labour exists gua c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>. Of course <strong>in</strong> a sense the class struggle exists <strong>in</strong> the<br />
form <strong>of</strong> revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary separati<strong>on</strong>, but it so exists <strong>on</strong>ly as <strong>on</strong>e extreme pole <strong>of</strong> the<br />
dialectical c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>uum <strong>of</strong> transcendence and <strong>in</strong>tenati<strong>on</strong>. the develment <strong>of</strong> which is omn<br />
to the class struggle itself. Aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches disentangle the <strong>in</strong>ternal relati<strong>on</strong><br />
between transcendence and <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> by c<strong>on</strong>stru<strong>in</strong>g social practice solely <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong><br />
transcendence.<br />
On the other hand, approaches which stress that labour exists merely '<strong>in</strong>' capital dismiss<br />
the antag<strong>on</strong>istic character <strong>of</strong> capitalism, neglect<strong>in</strong>g the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory relati<strong>on</strong> between<br />
transcendence and <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong>. Instead, capital is c<strong>on</strong>ceived <strong>of</strong> as a <strong>on</strong>e-sided abstracti<strong>on</strong> at<br />
the same time as social practice is sacrificed <strong>on</strong> the altar <strong>of</strong> scientism. These approaches<br />
are structuralist-functi<strong>on</strong>alist because what for them really counts are the <strong>in</strong>escapable l<strong>in</strong>es<br />
<strong>of</strong> tendency and directi<strong>on</strong> established by capital's projects. Labour no l<strong>on</strong>ger exists <strong>in</strong><br />
oppositi<strong>on</strong> to capital but is, rather, a part <strong>of</strong> capital's own project. Structuralist approaches<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tend that the reproducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capital is not simply given by the logic <strong>of</strong> capital.<br />
Capitalist reproducti<strong>on</strong> goes forward through class struggle. Structurally predeterm<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
views <strong>of</strong> social development entail a c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the subject as merely (but at least) the<br />
bearer - Trap - <strong>of</strong> social categories. The subject who bears categories must, at the same<br />
time, be the subject who transforms them. But <strong>on</strong> a structuralist approach, he or she can<br />
transform them <strong>on</strong>ly by reproduc<strong>in</strong>g them. In structuralism, human practice is c<strong>on</strong>ceived<br />
<strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> 'human agency', that is, as an executor <strong>of</strong> demands and requirements emanat<strong>in</strong>g<br />
from extra-human structures. The c<strong>on</strong>tradictory logic <strong>of</strong> capital requires human agency' as<br />
some-th<strong>in</strong>g which reproduces capital.
Open Marxism - Hwnan Practice and Perversi<strong>on</strong> Page 49<br />
The c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> human practice <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> 'human agency' is based <strong>on</strong> the noti<strong>on</strong> that<br />
the abstract nature <strong>of</strong> capitalist laws stands above class relati<strong>on</strong>s. Class struggle<br />
transforms thus from a struggle for human emancipati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>to a sociological category <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalist reproducti<strong>on</strong>. Capital is seen as an aut<strong>on</strong>omous subject and labour exists solely<br />
with<strong>in</strong> capital. Class struggle becomes subord<strong>in</strong>ate to the <strong>in</strong>ternal logic <strong>of</strong> different re-<br />
gi<strong>on</strong>s, lead<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> to a c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class <strong>on</strong>ly via voluntarism. Structuralism asserts the<br />
subjective <strong>in</strong> the form <strong>of</strong> a voluntarist c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class, i.e. a c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class as a<br />
structure-reproduc<strong>in</strong>g agency. For example, <strong>in</strong> Jessop's approach, class c<strong>on</strong>flict 'does not as<br />
such create the totality nor does it give rise to [capitalism's] dynamic trajectory' (Jessop,<br />
1991, p. 154). This is because the 'c<strong>on</strong>ceptual identity <strong>of</strong> classes is given by the capital<br />
relati<strong>on</strong> itself rather than be<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>stra<strong>in</strong>ed by classes which shape the capital relati<strong>on</strong>'<br />
(ibid.). In other words, Jessop c<strong>on</strong>ceives <strong>of</strong> 'capital' as a self-relati<strong>on</strong> whose <strong>in</strong>ternal logic<br />
structures the class struggle <strong>in</strong> the 'real' world. Class struggle is f ily located with<strong>in</strong> the<br />
framework established by the <strong>in</strong>ternal logic <strong>of</strong> capital*. Hence, 'capital' is seen as some-<br />
th<strong>in</strong>g which determ<strong>in</strong>es social relati<strong>on</strong>s and the class struggle is treated as a derivative <strong>of</strong><br />
this 'th<strong>in</strong>g'. The importance <strong>of</strong> class struggle lies <strong>in</strong> the circumstance that the <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>al<br />
logic and dynamic <strong>of</strong> capitalism needs to be overdeterm<strong>in</strong>ed by an 'ec<strong>on</strong>omic class struggle<br />
<strong>in</strong> which the balance <strong>of</strong> class forces is moulded by many factors bey<strong>on</strong>d the value form<br />
itself (Jessop, 1983, p. 90). In other words, the value form def<strong>in</strong>es the coherence <strong>of</strong> the<br />
capitalist mode <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>, a coherence which is achieved, <strong>in</strong> practice, through the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>gent forces <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>flict <strong>in</strong> the 'real' world. Structuralism and voluntarism are<br />
complementary (see B<strong>on</strong>efeld, 1993). Structuralism depends <strong>on</strong> a dist<strong>in</strong>cti<strong>on</strong> between<br />
structure and struggle - each <strong>of</strong> which, however, is supposed to render its c<strong>on</strong>trast<strong>in</strong>g term<br />
coherent. Structure is seen as escap<strong>in</strong>g determ<strong>in</strong>ism because it is qualified by agency and<br />
agency is seen as escap<strong>in</strong>g voluntarism because it is qualified by 'structural c<strong>on</strong>stra<strong>in</strong>ts'.<br />
However. the <strong>in</strong>telligibility <strong>of</strong> structure is seen as deriv<strong>in</strong>g from agency and vice versa.<br />
The dualism between structure and struggle is thus susta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>on</strong>ly through a tautological<br />
movement <strong>of</strong> thought. Add<strong>in</strong>g together, eclectically, two fallacious positi<strong>on</strong>s hardly<br />
amounts to a theoretisati<strong>on</strong> where<strong>in</strong> either <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> them can be redeemed.<br />
In sum, the problem <strong>of</strong> aut<strong>on</strong>omism and/or structuralism arises from a c<strong>on</strong>ceptualisati<strong>on</strong><br />
that sees labour as exist<strong>in</strong>g either merely aga<strong>in</strong>st capital (aut<strong>on</strong>omism) or merely <strong>in</strong><br />
capital (structuralism). Structuralist and aut<strong>on</strong>omrst approaches are complementary<br />
because both depend <strong>on</strong> the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'capital' as a logical entity. While structuralist<br />
approaches emphasise capital as an aut<strong>on</strong>omous subject, aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches<br />
emphasise capital as a mach<strong>in</strong>e-like th<strong>in</strong>g. Both approaches depend <strong>on</strong> a determ<strong>in</strong>ist view<br />
<strong>of</strong> capital <strong>in</strong>asmuch as capital is perceived fetishistically as an extra-human th<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
The noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour as exist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital does not provide simply a middle<br />
way out <strong>of</strong> the problem as, for example, implied by the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'objective laws but also<br />
class struggle'. This noti<strong>on</strong>, which is central to the post-fordist debate, c<strong>on</strong>strues capital as<br />
a <strong>on</strong>e-sided abstracti<strong>on</strong> whose development causes societal effects <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> social<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flict. This view sees the c<strong>on</strong>crete as provid<strong>in</strong>g 'empirical <strong>in</strong>dicators' <strong>of</strong> underly<strong>in</strong>g (i.e.<br />
general) tendencies. In this view, the c<strong>on</strong>crete is seen as an expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> more fundamen-<br />
tal laws whose existence is logically presupposed. In other words, a dist<strong>in</strong>cti<strong>on</strong> is made<br />
between the supposedly <strong>in</strong>ner logic <strong>of</strong> capital and the historical analysis <strong>of</strong> capitalism.<br />
Human practice stands external to the fundamental laws <strong>of</strong> capital. Unity between structure<br />
and struggle is realised not <strong>on</strong> the fundamental level <strong>of</strong> the formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> abstract c<strong>on</strong>cepts<br />
but <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>gent level <strong>of</strong> historical development with<strong>in</strong> the framework <strong>of</strong> objective<br />
See Clalke (1991) for a similar critique <strong>of</strong> Hirsch's approach. For a similar critique <strong>of</strong> Poulantzas see Clarke,<br />
197111991.
Page 50 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
laws. In c<strong>on</strong>trast to such an understand<strong>in</strong>g, the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour as exist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
capital stresses the <strong>in</strong>ternal relati<strong>on</strong> between substance and social form. The presence <strong>of</strong><br />
labour <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital is understood as labour's c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power that exists <strong>in</strong> a<br />
mode <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g denied <strong>in</strong> the capitalist form <strong>of</strong> social reproducti<strong>on</strong>. The noti<strong>on</strong> 'mode <strong>of</strong><br />
be<strong>in</strong>g denied' stresses the social c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> what asserts itself over social relati<strong>on</strong>s as<br />
mere th<strong>in</strong>ghood; a c<strong>on</strong>tradictory unity through the presence <strong>of</strong> labour which is also a<br />
presence <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital. The noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour as exist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital<br />
makes it possible to understand the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory mode <strong>of</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> social phenomena<br />
and to c<strong>on</strong>ceive the movement <strong>of</strong> this c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> as <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> the transformative power <strong>of</strong><br />
human practice. In other words, the noti<strong>on</strong> '<strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st' does not entail an externality<br />
between two complementary perspectives: <strong>in</strong> 'and' aga<strong>in</strong>st. Rather, it emphasises the<br />
circumstance that objectivity and subjectivity engage with each other <strong>in</strong> an <strong>in</strong>ternal,<br />
n<strong>on</strong>etheless c<strong>on</strong>tradictory, way. I <strong>of</strong>fered the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'alienated subjectivity' to emphasise<br />
this po<strong>in</strong>t. This noti<strong>on</strong> means that, <strong>in</strong> capitalism, human relati<strong>on</strong>s exist, c<strong>on</strong>tradictorily,<br />
<strong>in</strong> the form <strong>of</strong> relati<strong>on</strong>s between th<strong>in</strong>gs. The critique <strong>of</strong> political ec<strong>on</strong>omy amounts to a<br />
critique <strong>of</strong> 'ec<strong>on</strong>omic categories' ad horn<strong>in</strong>em. In other words, human relati<strong>on</strong>s do not need<br />
to be discovered beh<strong>in</strong>d the variant social forms. The critique <strong>of</strong> fetishism does not entail a<br />
divisi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a social world <strong>in</strong>to appearance (fetishistic forms) and essence (human c<strong>on</strong>tent).<br />
Rather, human relati<strong>on</strong>s subsist <strong>in</strong> and through these forms. They do so <strong>in</strong> a c<strong>on</strong>tradictory<br />
way. I <strong>of</strong>fered the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> an asymmetrical c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the capitalist class<br />
antag<strong>on</strong>ism to emphasise this po<strong>in</strong>t.<br />
C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong><br />
Structuralism f<strong>in</strong>ishes up by <strong>in</strong>vok<strong>in</strong>g precisely the romanticised subject celebrated <strong>in</strong><br />
approaches which counterpose the virtues <strong>of</strong> subjectivity to the alleged fetishism <strong>of</strong><br />
structures. Equally, approaches predicated <strong>on</strong> the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'labour's aut<strong>on</strong>omy' f<strong>in</strong>ish up<br />
by <strong>in</strong>vok<strong>in</strong>g precisely the untheorised object celebrated by structuralist approaches which<br />
counterpose the virtue <strong>of</strong> structure to the alleged existence <strong>of</strong> class struggle outside any<br />
law. Whereas the structuralist versi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the subject entails the <strong>in</strong>escapability <strong>of</strong> capitalist<br />
reproducti<strong>on</strong> as it merely seeks an empirical test<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> preformed categories, the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
'labour's aut<strong>on</strong>omy', m<strong>in</strong>us the idea <strong>of</strong> an <strong>in</strong>ternal relati<strong>on</strong> between structure and struggle,<br />
entails the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary test<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> a reality which it is unable to comprehend. Both<br />
approaches beg the questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the objectivity <strong>of</strong> subjectivity and, c<strong>on</strong>versely, the<br />
subjectivity <strong>of</strong> objectivity. If <strong>on</strong>e were to <strong>in</strong>tegrate form and c<strong>on</strong>tent, <strong>on</strong>e would be able to<br />
analyse the asymmetrical relati<strong>on</strong> between capital and labour (i.e the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capital<br />
depend<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> labour but labour not depend<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> capital) as a relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class struggle, a<br />
struggle which is c<strong>on</strong>stitutive <strong>of</strong> social reality, which is a c<strong>on</strong>stituted social presup<br />
positi<strong>on</strong> and at the same time a c<strong>on</strong>stitut<strong>in</strong>g social practice.<br />
I <strong>of</strong>fered the terms '<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong>' and 'transcendence' so as to c<strong>on</strong>ceptualise the asymmetrical<br />
relati<strong>on</strong> between capital and labour. The dialectical c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>uum <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> and<br />
transcendence emphasises the idea <strong>of</strong> a practical world <strong>in</strong> which the <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour<br />
<strong>in</strong>to the capital-relati<strong>on</strong> and the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary transcendence <strong>of</strong> capital are neither logically<br />
presupposed nor historically determ<strong>in</strong>ed. The noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> '<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong>/~endemd c<strong>on</strong>notes<br />
the idea that structure and struggle stand to each other <strong>in</strong> a relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> difference-<strong>in</strong>-unity.<br />
Neither are structures identical with labour's c<strong>on</strong>stitutive practice nor Q structures exist<br />
separately from labour. The dialectical c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>uum <strong>of</strong> '<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong>' and 'transcendence' is<br />
founded up<strong>on</strong> the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a 'perverted' world <strong>in</strong> which the c<strong>on</strong>stitutive power <strong>of</strong> social
Open Marxl'sm - Human Practice and Perversi<strong>on</strong> Page 51<br />
practice exists - as itself - c<strong>on</strong>tradictorily. It exists <strong>in</strong> a mode <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g denied.'<br />
In sum, structuralist approaches see society as an organism which develops accord<strong>in</strong>g to<br />
its own immanent laws. Labour is seen merely as an aspect <strong>of</strong> this organism.<br />
Structuralism sees social practice as a sociological category, so treat<strong>in</strong>g human activity <strong>in</strong><br />
the fetishised form <strong>of</strong> a commodity. Structuralism presents an apologetic theory <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism. Structuralism and aut<strong>on</strong>omism, while complementary to each other, stand to<br />
each other <strong>in</strong> an asymmetrical way. Structuralism depends <strong>on</strong> a voluntarist understand<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>of</strong> social practice as a structure-reproduc<strong>in</strong>g entity. Aut<strong>on</strong>omism depends <strong>on</strong> a<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> social practice as a structure transform<strong>in</strong>g human activity.<br />
Aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches emphasise the transformative role <strong>of</strong> human praxis. The emphasis<br />
is <strong>on</strong> 'transcendence', i.e. the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary transformati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a society <strong>in</strong> which humans<br />
exist as commodities. There<strong>in</strong> lies an important difference from structuralist approaches.<br />
Indeed, aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches are much more alive to the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory unity that obta<strong>in</strong>s<br />
between '<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> and transcendence'. The emphasis <strong>on</strong> 'revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary subjectivity'<br />
supplies an 'anticipatory perspective' <strong>of</strong> the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary transformati<strong>on</strong>. Rather than<br />
angys<strong>in</strong>g the productivity <strong>of</strong> labour exploited by capital, they seek to c<strong>on</strong>ceptualise the<br />
productive forms <strong>of</strong> communist organisati<strong>on</strong>: that <strong>of</strong> the self-valorisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> needs. Thus,<br />
aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches focus their attenti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary liberati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
'transcendence' from '<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong>'. Rather than c<strong>on</strong>ceptualis<strong>in</strong>g the dialectic between<br />
<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> and transcendence, they pose the questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> political power (Macht). They do<br />
so, however, <strong>in</strong> a way which c<strong>on</strong>tradicts their own research agenda. As was argued above,<br />
<strong>in</strong> aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches, the subject is perceived as a power which stands external to its<br />
own perverted world. Aut<strong>on</strong>omist approaches need thus to be deepened <strong>in</strong>to a critique <strong>of</strong><br />
the social existence labour as a power which c<strong>on</strong>stitutes, suffuses and c<strong>on</strong>tradicts perverted<br />
forms.<br />
References<br />
Aglietta (1979) A Theory <strong>of</strong> Capitalist Reproducti<strong>on</strong>, Verso: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Backhaus (1969) 'Zur Dialektik der Wertform', <strong>in</strong> A Schmidt (ed.), Beifrage zur<br />
marxistischen Erkenntnistheorie, Suhrkamp: Frankfurt<br />
Backhaus (1992) 'Between Philosophy and Science', <strong>in</strong> W. B<strong>on</strong>efeld, R. Gunn and K.<br />
Psychopedis (eds.), 1992a.<br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeld (1993) 'Crisis <strong>of</strong> Theory', Capital & Class, no 50<br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeldGunn (1991) 'La c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> et sa significati<strong>on</strong>', FuturmLrieur, no 8<br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeld/Holloway (eds.) (1991) Post-Fordism and Social Form, Macmillan: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeld/GunnJPsychopedis (eds.) (1992a) Open Marxism Vol I: Dialectics and History,<br />
Pluto: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeld/Gu.m/Psychopedis (eds.) (1992b) Open Marxism Vol 11: Dialectics and History,<br />
Pluto: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Clarke (197711991) 'Marxism, Sociology and Poulantzas's Theory <strong>of</strong> the State', <strong>in</strong> ibid.<br />
(ed.). The State Debate, Macmillan: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Clarke (1991) The State Debate', <strong>in</strong> ibid. (4.) The State Debate, Macrnillan: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Cleaver (1992) The <strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class perspective <strong>in</strong> Marx's Theoty', <strong>in</strong><br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeld/Gu.m/Psychopedis (eds.) Open Marxism Vol II: Pluto Press: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
On the term 'mode <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g denied' see Gunn 1987 & 1992
Page52 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
Cleaver (1993) 'Marxian Categories, the Crisis <strong>of</strong> Capital and the C<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Social<br />
Subjectivity Today', Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong>, no 14<br />
Gunn (1987) 'Marxism & Mediati<strong>on</strong>', Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong>, no 2<br />
Gunn (1989) 'Marxism and Philosophy', Capital & Class, no 37<br />
Gunn (1992) 'Aga<strong>in</strong>st Historical Materialism', <strong>in</strong> W. B<strong>on</strong>efeld, R. Gunn and K.<br />
Psychopedis (4s.). 19921,<br />
Hirsch (1978) The State Apparatus and Social Reproducti<strong>on</strong>', <strong>in</strong> Holloway/Picciotto<br />
(4s.) The State Debate, Arnold: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Jessop (1985) Nicos Pouhtzas: Marxist Theory and Political Strategy, Macmillan:<br />
L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Jessop (1991) 'Polar Bears and Class Struggle', <strong>in</strong> W. B<strong>on</strong>efeld and J. Holloway (eds.)<br />
Post-Fordism and Social Form, Macmillan: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Marcuse (193711988) 'Philosophy and Critical Theory', <strong>in</strong> ibid., Negati<strong>on</strong>s, Free<br />
Associati<strong>on</strong> Press: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Marx (1966) Capital Vol. 111, Lawrence & Wishart: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Marx (1973) Grundrisse. Pengu<strong>in</strong>: Harm<strong>on</strong>dsworth<br />
Marx (1983) Capital Vol. I, Lawrence & Wishart: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Moulier (1989) 'Introducti<strong>on</strong>' to Negri, 1989<br />
Negri (1979) 'Capitalist Dom<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> and Work<strong>in</strong>g Class Sabotage', <strong>in</strong> Work<strong>in</strong>g Class<br />
Aut<strong>on</strong>omy and Crisis, Red Notes-CSE: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Negri (1989) The Politics <strong>of</strong> Subversi<strong>on</strong>, Polity: Cambridge<br />
Negri (1992) 'Interpretati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Class Situati<strong>on</strong> Today', <strong>in</strong> W. B<strong>on</strong>efeld, R. Gunn and<br />
K. Psychopedis (eds.), 1992b<br />
Poulantzas 1973, Political Power and Social Classes, New Left Books: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong><br />
Tr<strong>on</strong>ti (196511979) The Strategy <strong>of</strong> Refusual', <strong>in</strong> Work<strong>in</strong>g Class Aut<strong>on</strong>omy and Crisis<br />
Red Notes-CSE: L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>
Open Marxism - MarxismandC<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>m Page53<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
Marxism and C<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong><br />
Richard Gunn<br />
Under the rubric <strong>of</strong> 'Marxism' there flourish two species <strong>of</strong> social thwry which have<br />
virtually noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> comm<strong>on</strong> except the name. On the <strong>on</strong>e hand, there flourishes Marxism<br />
as a theory <strong>of</strong> society: the image here is <strong>of</strong> a theorist who observes and reports up<strong>on</strong><br />
society <strong>in</strong> some more or less scientific way. The theorist qw theorist (though not <strong>of</strong><br />
course qua political actor or citizen or human subject) stands over aga<strong>in</strong>st his or her<br />
theoretical object, viz., "society" c<strong>on</strong>stru<strong>in</strong>g the latter as an entity c<strong>on</strong>cern<strong>in</strong>g which<br />
truthful or fallacious judgements can be made. Here bel<strong>on</strong>g traditi<strong>on</strong>al historical<br />
materialism and c<strong>on</strong>temporary c<strong>on</strong>junctural analysis (as <strong>in</strong> fordism/postfordism). The<br />
noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> theory as "theory <strong>of</strong>' rema<strong>in</strong>s, <strong>in</strong> this traditi<strong>on</strong>, unproblematised. The ma<strong>in</strong><br />
claim is to the effect that Marxism is a more accurate, or search<strong>in</strong>g. "theory <strong>of</strong>' society<br />
than its bourgeois rivals. Theory as "theory <strong>of</strong>' rema<strong>in</strong>s comm<strong>on</strong> ground as between<br />
Marxist and bourgeois theories alike.<br />
On the other hand, there is a l<strong>on</strong>g-stand<strong>in</strong>g traditi<strong>on</strong> with<strong>in</strong> Marxism which places the<br />
noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> theory as "theory <strong>of</strong>' - a theory <strong>of</strong> society, for <strong>in</strong>stance - <strong>in</strong> questi<strong>on</strong>. Accord<strong>in</strong>g<br />
to this traditi<strong>on</strong> Marxism, if it is a "theory <strong>of</strong>' anyth<strong>in</strong>g, is a theory <strong>of</strong> comadicti<strong>on</strong>: but,<br />
as we shall see, with<strong>in</strong> the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> theory <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> theory as<br />
"theory <strong>of</strong>" is det<strong>on</strong>ated. The heroes <strong>of</strong> this traditi<strong>on</strong> - most <strong>of</strong> them, as it turns out,<br />
unfaithful heroes - are Marx, Luxemburg, Lukks, Bloch, Adorno, Negri and Debord.<br />
Two def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong>s are needful to clarify the above dist<strong>in</strong>cti<strong>on</strong>. First, by "theory <strong>of</strong>' I<br />
understand any theory which seeks to map c<strong>on</strong>cepts <strong>on</strong> to objects. Such theory c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>ts,<br />
at <strong>on</strong>ce, two problems: (i) it separates the theoris<strong>in</strong>g subject from the theorised object<br />
(s<strong>in</strong>ce otherwise the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> "mapp<strong>in</strong>g" would be un<strong>in</strong>telligible) thus runn<strong>in</strong>g the risk <strong>of</strong><br />
reifjr<strong>in</strong>g the object <strong>of</strong> the theory c<strong>on</strong>cerned. In the case <strong>of</strong> a theory <strong>of</strong> mture this risk is<br />
relatively trivial, <strong>in</strong>asmuch as nature does <strong>in</strong>deed seem to c<strong>on</strong>sist <strong>of</strong> "th<strong>in</strong>gs" which we can<br />
eat, fall over or be pois<strong>on</strong>ed by as the case may be. In the case <strong>of</strong> a theory <strong>of</strong> society the<br />
risk is overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g because it is not <strong>in</strong> the least clear that there exists an entity termed<br />
"society" about which theoretical remarks can be made. A purticuhr view <strong>of</strong> "society" is<br />
accord<strong>in</strong>gly <strong>in</strong>scribed with<strong>in</strong> the general noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a "theory <strong>of</strong>' society, <strong>of</strong> whatever k<strong>in</strong>d.<br />
Need "society" be always an entity (a "someth<strong>in</strong>g") which externally c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>ts and<br />
c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s us? Hegel, Marx and a host <strong>of</strong> others reply to this questi<strong>on</strong>:<br />
No. The risk run by Marxism as a theory <strong>of</strong> society is accord<strong>in</strong>gly that <strong>of</strong> becom<strong>in</strong>g<br />
complicit <strong>in</strong> the alienati<strong>on</strong> to which it is <strong>of</strong>ficially opposed.<br />
And (ii): how can we evaluate whether a mapp<strong>in</strong>g as between c<strong>on</strong>cepts and objects is<br />
accurate (valid) or not? The problem here coqcerns the categories through which, so to say,
Page54 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
like spectacle-lenses, theory looks. Microscopes (l mean this po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>on</strong>ly analogically) are<br />
supposed to clarify the truth <strong>of</strong> their objects whereas sun-glasses distort and discolour it.<br />
What is required, accord<strong>in</strong>gly, is a metatheory or methodology which will tell us that we<br />
are wear<strong>in</strong>g lenses appropriate to their task. But then how are the categories <strong>of</strong> the<br />
metatheory to be justified? Only by a further metatheory ... and so <strong>on</strong>. In other words, we<br />
are passed up the metatheoretical ladder lead<strong>in</strong>g from fmt-order to sec<strong>on</strong>d-order to thirdorder<br />
theorisati<strong>on</strong> without hope <strong>of</strong> halt. Inj<strong>in</strong>ite regress is therefore the further danger<br />
which theory as "theory <strong>of</strong>' runs. Attempts to halt the regress by averr<strong>in</strong>g, say, that fustorder<br />
theory can (categorially) validate itself (Althusser) or that metatheory can serve solely<br />
as an 'underlabourer' (Bhaskar) substitute, for <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>ite regress, the danger <strong>of</strong> vicious<br />
circularity. Either, it seems, we must pull ourselves up by our own bootstraps or we must<br />
be elevated from a thoroughly undef<strong>in</strong>ed above.<br />
And now my sec<strong>on</strong>d def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong>: By "c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>" I understand any affirmati<strong>on</strong> to the<br />
effect that A = not-A. This may seem an unc<strong>on</strong>tentious def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong> but <strong>in</strong> fact there have<br />
been numerous attempts to argue that "dialectical" and "formal" c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s are species<br />
<strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> which are dist<strong>in</strong>ct (e.g. Cornforth, Gunn <strong>in</strong> a misguided early article, and<br />
Lawrence Wilde' ). I see no virtue <strong>in</strong> such harm<strong>on</strong>is<strong>in</strong>g discrim<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>s. From the works<br />
<strong>of</strong> Hegel and Marx it is clear enough that both accept the possibility <strong>of</strong> A exist<strong>in</strong>g as not-<br />
A, i.e., as exist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the mode <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g denied. The c<strong>on</strong>cept <strong>of</strong> 'alienati<strong>on</strong>', say, <strong>in</strong> the<br />
early Marx declares for noth<strong>in</strong>g else: to be alienated means to exist asother than <strong>on</strong>eself.<br />
The standpo<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> wntradicti<strong>on</strong> generates formulati<strong>on</strong>s such as the follow<strong>in</strong>g: the social<br />
theorist is and is not <strong>in</strong>side (or <strong>in</strong>deed outside) the society which he or she reports. Society<br />
does and does not exist. Were the theorist solely "<strong>in</strong>" society then noth<strong>in</strong>g but a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>formist social theory would be possible. Were the theorist solely "outside <strong>of</strong>' society<br />
then either social theory would be impossible per se (because the mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the term<br />
"society" is, after all, a social mean<strong>in</strong>g) or it would count as just <strong>on</strong>e more positivist<br />
c<strong>on</strong>fiiati<strong>on</strong> (because how we observe society, however detachedly, rema<strong>in</strong>s a functi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
society itself). Only if we say that the theorist is und is not <strong>in</strong>side/outside society does a<br />
space for critical theory appear. Similarly, if we say that society sheerly does exist then we<br />
fall victim to the positivism <strong>of</strong> accept<strong>in</strong>g - for the purposes <strong>of</strong> a "theory <strong>of</strong> society" - <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
<strong>in</strong>ferences drawn from society as it has existed so far. Alternative possibilities are<br />
precluded (or, stated c<strong>on</strong>versely, "theory <strong>of</strong>' precludes the possibility, signalled by Debord<br />
and Adorno, that societies themselves - and not just the theories <strong>of</strong> them - can be "true" or<br />
"false" for their part). On the other hand, if we say that society sheerly does not exist then<br />
we jo<strong>in</strong> up with methodological <strong>in</strong>dividualism, Thatcherism and the speculati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
Rati<strong>on</strong>al Choice: with purely <strong>in</strong>strumental reas<strong>on</strong>, <strong>in</strong> the end. Society exists all too<br />
vigorously. Out <strong>of</strong> the night can come a policeman's trunche<strong>on</strong> (a social object) no less<br />
than a natural object we stumble over <strong>in</strong> the dark. Hence society does and does not exist.<br />
Perhaps society is social existence exist<strong>in</strong>g - to return to an earlier phrase - <strong>in</strong> the mode <strong>of</strong><br />
be<strong>in</strong>g denied.<br />
This is why Marxism as a theory <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> det<strong>on</strong>ates the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism as<br />
"theory <strong>of</strong>': the former projects the theorisati<strong>on</strong> and the destructi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> its object <strong>in</strong> the<br />
same breath Marxism amounts to a unique body <strong>of</strong> theory <strong>in</strong>asmuch as it announces itself<br />
as a social theory (all aspects <strong>of</strong> our lives be<strong>in</strong>g social, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the theoretical aspects)<br />
while refus<strong>in</strong>g to sign up for "theory <strong>of</strong> society" as the designati<strong>on</strong> to be placed aga<strong>in</strong>st its<br />
name.<br />
Lamce WildeMm dC<strong>on</strong>bdcri<strong>on</strong>, Avebury 1989
Open Marxism - Marxism and C'<strong>on</strong>trudic.ti<strong>on</strong> Page 55<br />
The rema<strong>in</strong>der <strong>of</strong> this short paper <strong>of</strong>fers some remarks and <strong>in</strong>ferences <strong>on</strong> the basis <strong>of</strong> what<br />
has been averred. In additi<strong>on</strong>, it <strong>of</strong>fers some thoughts <strong>on</strong> the matter: how to read Marx.<br />
(i) "Marxist sociologies" are c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> terms. Books with titles <strong>of</strong> this k<strong>in</strong>d need to<br />
be collsigned to the flames <strong>in</strong> the same manner as David Hurne (referr<strong>in</strong>g to metaphysical<br />
books, although with not nearly so good a reas<strong>on</strong>) commended. By "sociology" l<br />
understand any theory <strong>of</strong> society whatever, whether it be acti<strong>on</strong>-oriented or structuralist or<br />
Marxist or bourgeois. Marx enunciates a critique <strong>of</strong> sociology <strong>in</strong> the same movement as<br />
he enunciates <strong>in</strong> his early writ<strong>in</strong>gs a critique <strong>of</strong> philosophy (understood as pure<br />
metatheory) and a critique <strong>of</strong> political ec<strong>on</strong>omy (especially from 1857).<br />
(ii) If this is so then Marx cannot have been a historical materialist. Admittedly he<br />
occasi<strong>on</strong>ally advertises himself as such (although not by name) <strong>in</strong> passages <strong>of</strong> The<br />
German Ideology and <strong>in</strong> the Preface <strong>of</strong> 1859. Just such passages have to be c<strong>on</strong>strued as<br />
unmarxist, to the extent that c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> predom<strong>in</strong>ates <strong>in</strong> Marx's th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g. Historical<br />
materialism - maybe the least orig<strong>in</strong>al <strong>of</strong> all aspects <strong>of</strong> Marxist reflecti<strong>on</strong> - is a "theory <strong>of</strong>"<br />
society not <strong>on</strong>ly because it attempts a general reck<strong>on</strong><strong>in</strong>g with all hitherto exist<strong>in</strong>g modes<br />
<strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> but because, even when c<strong>on</strong>junctural, it attempts a mapp<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>cepts <strong>on</strong><br />
to an object which is n<strong>on</strong>e other (Althusser) than the 'society-effect' itself.<br />
(iii) Whoever talks about "society" as the object <strong>of</strong> his or her theoris<strong>in</strong>g risks bl<strong>in</strong>ker<strong>in</strong>g<br />
him or herself. Society is an artifact, and not at all the more noble if it can be shown (the<br />
sotto voce purpose <strong>of</strong> social c<strong>on</strong>tract theories) that it is an artifact <strong>of</strong> a natural k<strong>in</strong>d.<br />
Society is that which we reproduce: I <strong>in</strong>tend this def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong> as the opposite <strong>of</strong> a<br />
functi<strong>on</strong>alism accord<strong>in</strong>g to which our reproducti<strong>on</strong> is societal. 'All social life is practical',<br />
says Marx, to the same anti-sociological effect. Bl<strong>in</strong>ker<strong>in</strong>g comes <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> the same<br />
movement as <strong>on</strong>e methodologically endorses "society". Marx wrote at a time when<br />
every<strong>on</strong>e with a few letters beh<strong>in</strong>d their name c<strong>on</strong>strued commodity producti<strong>on</strong> as eternal.<br />
In the twentieth century, "society" stands where "commodity producti<strong>on</strong>" <strong>on</strong>ce stood: even<br />
the Rati<strong>on</strong>al Choice theorists who <strong>of</strong>ficially deny its existence seek to recompose it<br />
through equilibria and un<strong>in</strong>tended c<strong>on</strong>sequences. The <strong>on</strong>tology forced up<strong>on</strong> us -<br />
cosmological <strong>on</strong>tologies hav<strong>in</strong>g been whipped from under our feet - is sociological.<br />
Foreclos<strong>in</strong>g up<strong>on</strong> the possibility <strong>of</strong> a n<strong>on</strong>-societal social existence (and p<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g itself <strong>on</strong><br />
the horns <strong>of</strong> the dilemma <strong>of</strong> either a society without social agents or social agents without<br />
a society: structuralism and Rati<strong>on</strong>al Choice, respectively), c<strong>on</strong>temporary social theory<br />
amounts to a fetishism <strong>of</strong> society - <strong>of</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g society - parallel to the fetishism <strong>of</strong><br />
commodities aga<strong>in</strong>st which Marx declared. Almost all strands with<strong>in</strong> 1980's Marxism took<br />
adumbrati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the future (e.g. postfordism) at their face value and attempted <strong>on</strong>ly to<br />
follow them through. The span <strong>of</strong> these schools ranges from outright technological<br />
determ<strong>in</strong>ism (the C.P.G.B.'s last programme) to determ<strong>in</strong>ism <strong>in</strong>-the-last-<strong>in</strong>stance (Jessop<br />
et al.). A dash <strong>of</strong> voluntarism, (at most determ<strong>in</strong>ism's other side), gets shot <strong>in</strong>to the<br />
cocktail. Their determ<strong>in</strong>ism is not accidental. whoever def<strong>in</strong>es his or her theoretical object<br />
by the can<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g reality perforce derives theoretical landmarks from the relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
the present to its past.<br />
The relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the present to its future is what c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> br<strong>in</strong>gs to light. I am and<br />
am not myself: there is no way <strong>of</strong> th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g through such an utterance unless we determ<strong>in</strong>e<br />
that our future can be radically different from our past. (Our present is merely a transit<br />
stati<strong>on</strong>.) Writers like Bloch celebrate the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> existence as, not co<strong>in</strong>cid<strong>in</strong>g with itself
Page56 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
<strong>in</strong> a present which the past can always-already recapture, but as ek-static towards a future<br />
which is not-yet but which might yet become. The danger is, <strong>of</strong> course, that this can<br />
become all-too-romantic. For <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong> the causalism <strong>of</strong> a present captured and determ<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
by what lies beh<strong>in</strong>d it we have the sheer and open beauty <strong>of</strong> a present no less captured by<br />
what lies before. Voluntarism - acti<strong>on</strong>-oriented sociologies, for <strong>in</strong>stance, pitted aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
structuralist <strong>on</strong>es - was always determ<strong>in</strong>ism's last court <strong>of</strong> appeal. Our programme is <strong>on</strong>e<br />
<strong>of</strong> &c<strong>on</strong>struct<strong>in</strong>g fetishism. But to effect this dec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> we have to escape past- and<br />
future-oriented theories <strong>of</strong> society at the same time.<br />
Here is how to do it: read Marx. Especially, read his 1857 Introducti<strong>on</strong> to the Grwrdrhe:<br />
almost the <strong>on</strong>ly true words Althusser ever wrote were to the effect that this Introducti<strong>on</strong><br />
(for which, fatefully, the 1859 Preface was substituted) amounts to Mm's 'discourse <strong>on</strong><br />
method'. The Introducti<strong>on</strong> is entirely devoted to a seem<strong>in</strong>gly academic theme, viz.. the role<br />
<strong>in</strong> social theory <strong>of</strong> abstracri<strong>on</strong>. Abstract<strong>in</strong>g from what has hitherto existed, says Mm,<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly reifies it <strong>on</strong>ce more: theory places its bless<strong>in</strong>g up<strong>on</strong> the positivity <strong>of</strong> the facts it<br />
happens to f<strong>in</strong>d. Critique suffocates. The lungs <strong>of</strong> critique rega<strong>in</strong> fresh air when (and <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
when) abstracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> replaces abstracti<strong>on</strong> from. "Abstracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>" is abstracti<strong>on</strong> which exists<br />
socially and practically-abstract labour be<strong>in</strong>g Marx's example - as dist<strong>in</strong>ct from abstracti<strong>on</strong><br />
which has a functi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a merely theoretical sort. Abstract labour has practical existence<br />
for whoever sets out to sell the use <strong>of</strong> their labour-power. The abstracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> our<br />
communal existence - the state - has practical existence for any<strong>on</strong>e whose head and a<br />
policeman's trunche<strong>on</strong> make comm<strong>on</strong> play . Marx was the first and <strong>on</strong>ly social theorist to<br />
make "abstracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>" (otherwise: determ<strong>in</strong>ate or substantive abstracti<strong>on</strong>) the sole co<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
his own theoretical work By do<strong>in</strong>g so, he rema<strong>in</strong>s faithful to - and deepens - the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
the theorist <strong>in</strong>side and outside society (or better still <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st society) which his<br />
earlier writ<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>on</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong> between theory and practice proclaim. M<strong>in</strong>us the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>, the idea <strong>of</strong> "abstracti<strong>on</strong> i n is surely <strong>in</strong>coherent, s<strong>in</strong>ce a "mapp<strong>in</strong>g" <strong>of</strong> theory<br />
<strong>on</strong> to its object becomes tautologous should the object c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> the parameters <strong>of</strong> the<br />
theory itself. Marx here sidesteps tautology by aband<strong>on</strong><strong>in</strong>g, not the presence <strong>of</strong> theory <strong>in</strong><br />
its object (and vice versa) but "mapp<strong>in</strong>g". And from here <strong>on</strong> my alternative ("<strong>on</strong> the other<br />
hand) traditi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism becomes strengthful: <strong>on</strong>ly if abstracti<strong>on</strong>s are abstracti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong><br />
can we judge social existences, and not just their theorisati<strong>on</strong>s, true or false.<br />
A social existence subsist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> and through abstracti<strong>on</strong> is a social existence run through<br />
with alienati<strong>on</strong> like a cheese whose <strong>in</strong>side ha. been scooped out by mice. The c<strong>on</strong>crete<br />
exists solely qua abstract and vice versa. The particular exists <strong>on</strong>ly qua abstract (the<br />
<strong>in</strong>dividual labourer exists <strong>on</strong>ly as labour-power) and vice versa. Each moment <strong>of</strong> such a<br />
social existence exists <strong>on</strong>ly as alienated, i.e.. as other than itself and <strong>in</strong> the mode <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
denied. Readers <strong>of</strong> Hegel will recognize here, <strong>in</strong> Mm's descripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the mode <strong>of</strong> moti<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> capital, Hegel's characterisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> his Phenomenology <strong>of</strong> Spirit <strong>of</strong> sociality with<strong>in</strong> the<br />
pre-French Revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary mien regime. There is no society but <strong>on</strong>ly c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Noth<strong>in</strong>g exists but everyth<strong>in</strong>g ek-sists (although c<strong>on</strong>tradictarily). Social structures are - to<br />
employ the crucial phrase <strong>on</strong>ce more - social struggles obta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the mode <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
denied. Capitalism is the first really exist<strong>in</strong>g n<strong>on</strong>-exist<strong>in</strong>g society. Everyth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Marx is<br />
to this effect, from his early writ<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>on</strong>wards. For example, 'alienati<strong>on</strong>' is far from be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
a passive or complete state, or c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>: it is c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>; <strong>in</strong> 1844 Mm reports that<br />
alienated labour (the active category) is the key to private property (the social <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>)<br />
rather than the c<strong>on</strong>verse. Alienati<strong>on</strong> divides us not just aga<strong>in</strong>st our society but, si~~ce we<br />
are social be<strong>in</strong>gs, aga<strong>in</strong>st ourselves; alienati<strong>on</strong> is shot through - it shoot us through - with<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>, or, better, alienati<strong>on</strong> is Marx's first-<strong>of</strong>f sketch for the movement <strong>of</strong><br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> itself.
Open Marxism - Marxism and C<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> Page 57<br />
If society is, thus, a field <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> then (a) we can never escape from it, not even as<br />
theorists-<strong>of</strong>, and (b) it doesn't exist. That is to say - tak<strong>in</strong>g the sec<strong>on</strong>d po<strong>in</strong>t first -<br />
whenever we say that it exists we have to add that (unlike an "entity" or a someth<strong>in</strong>g) it is<br />
n<strong>on</strong>-existent too. Social theory has to problematise the truth or falsity <strong>of</strong> the object <strong>on</strong> to<br />
which sociological theory enfolds, or maps. The first po<strong>in</strong>t, here, is to the effect that<br />
beh<strong>in</strong>d the back <strong>of</strong> the sociological theorist, and with vicious circularity together with<br />
<strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>ite regress as its weap<strong>on</strong>s, the abnegati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> demands its blood. The<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly way to avoid either <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> these weap<strong>on</strong>s without succumb<strong>in</strong>g to the other is to<br />
enunciate a theory which is neither fist-order nor higher-order but both at the same time.<br />
And this Marxism does. In the first place, we learn from Marx @ace the excrescences <strong>of</strong><br />
the worst passages <strong>in</strong> The German Ideology and the 1859 Preface) that theorisati<strong>on</strong>'s<br />
reflecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the appropriateness <strong>of</strong> its own categorial lenses is social reflecti<strong>on</strong>:<br />
reflexivity is practical reflexivity, <strong>in</strong> Marx. If reflexivity is practical reflexivity ('All social<br />
life is essentially practical') then metatheoretical and first-order research have to go forward<br />
together. They have to advance <strong>on</strong> the same fr<strong>on</strong>t. More precisely: fist-order theory and<br />
metatheory are not two bodies <strong>of</strong> theory with a s<strong>in</strong>gle face but rather <strong>on</strong>e and the same<br />
body <strong>of</strong> (active) theorisati<strong>on</strong> competent to face <strong>in</strong> two ways. Sec<strong>on</strong>dly: <strong>on</strong>ly if theory's<br />
abstracti<strong>on</strong>s are c<strong>on</strong>strued as abstracti<strong>on</strong>s-<strong>in</strong> rather than as abstracti<strong>on</strong>s-from can practical<br />
reflexivity's programme be made good. For, then, <strong>in</strong> reflect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> social existence theory<br />
reflects <strong>in</strong> the same movement up<strong>on</strong> its own categories and abstracti<strong>on</strong>s; and vice versa. In<br />
other words the c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Marxism as practically reflexive and as a theory <strong>of</strong><br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> entail <strong>on</strong>e another, at any rate <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> the resources which either <strong>of</strong> these<br />
descripti<strong>on</strong>s supply.<br />
And from here breaks out mayhem so far as sociological Marxism is c<strong>on</strong>cerned. No l<strong>on</strong>ger<br />
can it be said that <strong>on</strong>e th<strong>in</strong>g is that th<strong>in</strong>g itself and not another: for the very category <strong>of</strong><br />
th<strong>in</strong>ghood becomes suspect. Society, for <strong>in</strong>stance, equals asocial or n<strong>on</strong>-social existence.<br />
The dem<strong>on</strong>ic versi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> this thesis is the tak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> each other's wash<strong>in</strong>g which goes<br />
forward as between sttucturalism and Rati<strong>on</strong>al Choice: c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> has to be denied at all<br />
costs. The more (from a revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> view) blessed versi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the same<br />
reflecti<strong>on</strong> explores the ways <strong>in</strong> which c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> need not immediately explode, or<br />
det<strong>on</strong>ate, but can move. (On the idea <strong>of</strong> "movement <strong>of</strong> a c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>" see the chapter <strong>on</strong><br />
m<strong>on</strong>ey <strong>in</strong> Marx's Capital and discussi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the same topic a propos the Grundrise <strong>in</strong><br />
Negri's Marx bey<strong>on</strong>d Marx.) The crucial terms needful for report<strong>in</strong>g such a movement are<br />
'mediati<strong>on</strong>' and 'form'. Used <strong>in</strong>differently with<strong>in</strong> the left-Marxist traditi<strong>on</strong> I am report<strong>in</strong>g -<br />
but also used eclectically, "form" sometimes mean<strong>in</strong>g species and "mediati<strong>on</strong>" sometimes<br />
mean<strong>in</strong>g what <strong>in</strong>terrelates two pre-existent terms - mediati<strong>on</strong> and form come to much the<br />
same th<strong>in</strong>g. Their c<strong>on</strong>vergent mean<strong>in</strong>g is mode <strong>of</strong> existence. The form <strong>of</strong> value is for<br />
example exchange-value, <strong>in</strong> and through which value obta<strong>in</strong>s. The mediati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> exchangevalue<br />
is m<strong>on</strong>ey, which (<strong>in</strong> its developed form) is the <strong>on</strong>ly way value can subsist. Value (<strong>in</strong><br />
the sense <strong>of</strong> what Negri and the Aut<strong>on</strong>omists call self- or auto-value) can exist <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradictarily as exchange-value, however; and exchange-value can exist <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradictarily as m<strong>on</strong>ey as each <strong>of</strong> the world's debtor crises makes pla<strong>in</strong>. Hence, mode <strong>of</strong><br />
existence cannot be theorised m<strong>in</strong>us the category <strong>of</strong> existence <strong>in</strong> the mode <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
denied. C<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>, aga<strong>in</strong>: value is not exchange-value nor is exchange-value m<strong>on</strong>ey.<br />
But m<strong>on</strong>ey can exist <strong>on</strong>ly as exchange-value and exchange-value <strong>on</strong>ly as value (the<br />
presence <strong>of</strong> labour with<strong>in</strong> capital). The difficulty c<strong>on</strong>cern<strong>in</strong>g these circuits c<strong>on</strong>cerns not<br />
their absurdity but their subsistence. Marx, renounc<strong>in</strong>g moralis<strong>in</strong>g socialism, throws<br />
himself <strong>in</strong>to these circuits <strong>in</strong> more than just a scholarly way. He places his theorisati<strong>on</strong> at<br />
the mercy <strong>of</strong> his world's determ<strong>in</strong>ate abstrac~<strong>on</strong>s, count<strong>in</strong>g up<strong>on</strong> their movement. Noth<strong>in</strong>g
Page58 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
<strong>in</strong> the world subsequent to Marx suggests that the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s he signalled have ceased<br />
to move.<br />
The above presentati<strong>on</strong> can be summarised <strong>in</strong> a very few simple theses: capital is and is<br />
not labour; theory is Md is not practice; we are Md we are not divided <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
ourselves. Society exists, not as the soluti<strong>on</strong> to the problem (should we ever be able to<br />
map it clearly) but as the problem as such. Maybe our critique <strong>of</strong> society as a reificati<strong>on</strong> -<br />
it is all too dangerous - threatens us with a dualism as between revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary subject and<br />
static object which reifies society <strong>on</strong>ce more. If so, this reificati<strong>on</strong> has its po<strong>in</strong>t.<br />
Sociology <strong>in</strong> its bleaker moments sometimes captures it. Society is the presence <strong>of</strong><br />
devilment. Read Adorno <strong>in</strong> his Negative Dialectics: There is no universal history which<br />
leads us from primitive communism to emancipatory humanity, but there is <strong>on</strong>e which<br />
leads us from the sl<strong>in</strong>gshot to the atom bomb'.
Page 60 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
VAT <strong>on</strong> Fuel1<br />
Keep Warm - Burn a Tory<br />
The Fuel Tax will be phased <strong>in</strong> by putt<strong>in</strong>g bills up by 8% from April this year, and then<br />
another 9.5% from April 1995. In the last budget a totally <strong>in</strong>adequate compensati<strong>on</strong><br />
scheme was announced for those worst <strong>of</strong>f (ma<strong>in</strong>ly pensi<strong>on</strong>ers). An estimated 2000 people<br />
die each year because they can't afford to keep W-. Most are pensi<strong>on</strong>ers. Many more<br />
develop chr<strong>on</strong>ic health problems.<br />
The Fuel Tax is an attack <strong>on</strong> our standard <strong>of</strong> liv<strong>in</strong>g. Like the Poll Tax it relies <strong>on</strong> our cooperati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
There are already calls for a campaign <strong>of</strong> civil disobedience <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g n<strong>on</strong>payment,<br />
or late payment; fiddles and physical oppositi<strong>on</strong> to cut-<strong>of</strong>fs; total n<strong>on</strong>-cooperati<strong>on</strong><br />
with the elcetricity and gas boards. Local groups f o d the backb<strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> the<br />
anti-poll tax struggle, and they will play an essential part <strong>in</strong> our battle aga<strong>in</strong>st the Fuel<br />
Tax. C<strong>on</strong>tracts for <strong>in</strong>formati<strong>on</strong> or help with sett<strong>in</strong>g up a meet<strong>in</strong>g to form a group <strong>in</strong> your<br />
area: No Fuel Tax c10 PO Box 85, Balsall, Birm<strong>in</strong>gham B12 9RL<br />
Lothian Communities Campaign Aga<strong>in</strong>st VAT <strong>on</strong> Fuel<br />
Lothian Communities Campaign aga<strong>in</strong>st VAT <strong>on</strong> Fuel aim to <strong>in</strong>clude every<strong>on</strong>e who is<br />
opposed to VAT <strong>on</strong> fuel, whichever <strong>of</strong> the recommended strategies they feel able to<br />
participate <strong>in</strong> themselves, <strong>in</strong> order to, make this unjust tax unworkable through the acti<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> grass-roots "people power" <strong>on</strong> a massive scale.<br />
This will <strong>in</strong>clude a wide range <strong>of</strong> activities and acti<strong>on</strong>s, based up<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>formed choice, such<br />
as:-<br />
The formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> aut<strong>on</strong>omous local groups and networks <strong>in</strong> every community to<br />
resist VAT <strong>on</strong> fuel.<br />
For the <strong>in</strong>formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> our wclscas rudcn, the British goremmcnt have just rcccntly 'imp&, or .rc<br />
try<strong>in</strong>g to Klposc. the biggut tax hike <strong>on</strong> Britp<strong>in</strong>'s wodr<strong>in</strong>g pophti<strong>on</strong> s<strong>in</strong>ce the l*. One new tax they ue<br />
pnscntly <strong>in</strong>troduc<strong>in</strong>g U the dditi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Vllue Added Tax (VAT)<strong>on</strong> Domatic Fucl Bills. This will <strong>in</strong>- the pias<br />
<strong>of</strong> gas, electricity, oil and cod, etc. by me fifth (17.5%). Whcn first <strong>in</strong>troduced <strong>in</strong> 1973 VAT wu suppod to be a<br />
tax <strong>on</strong> 'luxury' goods, howcva, as the upiulist <strong>crisis</strong> has g<strong>on</strong>e <strong>on</strong> it has beem wed to cuu <strong>in</strong>come ux nta to the<br />
rich (by nis<strong>in</strong>g more tax leverme fmm mail souras) and rhur VAT has beem added to almost evayth<strong>in</strong>g, cvm to a<br />
bag <strong>of</strong> fish and chip. Meanwhile aap<strong>in</strong> goods have had their VAT ranovcd (I subuntidy shlhad, ttscsc <strong>in</strong>clude<br />
thorough bred race holllacs (W), golf club manbuship fecs (0%) d the ex-* d e af antiques <strong>on</strong> the<br />
European marka (2.5%). The class nature <strong>of</strong> sales tax s arc obvious but this U a blatant attanpt to nd<strong>in</strong>ribute<br />
resoulces fmm the work<strong>in</strong>g to the capitalist class. (Editor)
VAT <strong>on</strong> Fuel Page 61<br />
Collective n<strong>on</strong>-payment and delayed payment <strong>of</strong> the VAT'element <strong>of</strong> electricity and<br />
gas bills.<br />
The defence <strong>of</strong> n<strong>on</strong>-payer's homes to prevent disc<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s, coupled with appeal's<br />
to elect~icity and gas workers not to c a . out disc<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
Us<strong>in</strong>g persuati<strong>on</strong> and, if need be, prevent<strong>in</strong>g entry to homes by power company<br />
workers for the purposes <strong>of</strong> read<strong>in</strong>g, or recalibrati<strong>on</strong> (card-meters), <strong>of</strong> meters.<br />
A campaign <strong>of</strong> direct acti<strong>on</strong> dem<strong>on</strong>strati<strong>on</strong>s aga<strong>in</strong>st the gas and electrcity<br />
companies, and aga<strong>in</strong>st the government, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g occupati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> showrooms.<br />
It is disgust<strong>in</strong>g that the fuel companies should make massive pr<strong>of</strong>its while thousands die<br />
each year from the cold. This regressive fuel tax will make this even worse, hitt<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
poor especially hard.<br />
Similarly, we are pledged to oppose any steps to privatise Scotland's water, and we<br />
encourage the local community networks fight<strong>in</strong>g VAT to equally resist water privatisati<strong>on</strong><br />
and other <strong>in</strong>justices such as racism and the harassment <strong>of</strong> poll tax n<strong>on</strong>-payers.<br />
Some tips for Tax-dodgers<br />
pay as late as you possibly can - ahvays wait for a red bill.<br />
refuse key or card meters - you're not obliged to have <strong>on</strong>e (unless you've been caught<br />
robb<strong>in</strong>g 'leccy and gas before).<br />
if your meter is visible from the street, and it's <strong>in</strong>side your home, cover it or put a<br />
curta<strong>in</strong> up so it can't be read by snoopers.<br />
each fuel board <strong>on</strong>ly has a few meter readers - make appo<strong>in</strong>tments for them to come<br />
and then miss the visit.<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly a few staff work <strong>on</strong> actual cut-<strong>of</strong>fs - so there aren't many <strong>of</strong> them to physically<br />
prevent from cutt<strong>in</strong>g your supply.<br />
if you're due a visit from them make sure you have a good mortice lock <strong>on</strong> fr<strong>on</strong> and<br />
back doors, and secure w<strong>in</strong>dows before go<strong>in</strong>g out.<br />
if you c m change your bill to a false name - you can't then be held resp<strong>on</strong>sible for a<br />
whopp<strong>in</strong>g great fuel bill.<br />
d<strong>on</strong>'t try fiddl<strong>in</strong>g a live gas or electricity supply unless you're sure <strong>of</strong> what you're<br />
do<strong>in</strong>g - ask some<strong>on</strong>e who knows, like a friendly electrician <strong>of</strong> gas fitter.<br />
d<strong>on</strong>'t forget to keep a check <strong>on</strong> elderly and ill neighbours and friends.
Page 62 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
Science and Humanity:<br />
Hegel, Man and Dialectic<br />
Cyril Smith1<br />
A bbrcviati<strong>on</strong>s:<br />
Hegel<br />
Phen = Phenomenology <strong>of</strong> Spirit (Trans. Miller)<br />
HP = History <strong>of</strong> Philosophy, Intro. (Trans. Knox/Miller)<br />
PR = Philosophy <strong>of</strong> Right. (Trans. Nibet)<br />
SL = Science <strong>of</strong> Logic. (Trans. Miller)<br />
El = Encyclopaedia (Smaller hgic). (Trans. Geraets et al.)<br />
E2 = Philosophy <strong>of</strong> Nature. (Trans. Miller.)<br />
E3 = Philosophy <strong>of</strong> M<strong>in</strong>d. (Trans. Wallace and Miller.)<br />
Marx<br />
MECW = Marx-EngeLs Collected Worh<br />
C1 = Capital, Vol. l. (Trans. Fowkes).<br />
C3 = Capital, Vol. 3. (Moscow, 1971)<br />
It was <strong>in</strong> the 1890s, when Karl Marx had been safely dead for a decade, that Kautsky and<br />
Plekhanov <strong>in</strong>vented 'Marxism'. This total falsificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Mm's work <strong>in</strong>corporated a<br />
story about a couple' <strong>of</strong> 'Young Hegelians', who extracted the 'dialectical method'<br />
from Hegel's system, and transplanted it <strong>in</strong>to a materialist world-view. Then - so<br />
ran the tale - they could 'apply' materialism to history. The <strong>in</strong>ventors <strong>of</strong> 'Marxism'<br />
gave their mythical beast the name 'dialectical materialism'.<br />
This fable about Marx was bound up with with another <strong>on</strong>e - equally false - about<br />
Hegel. It was a stirr<strong>in</strong>g philosophical yam about an 'Idealist', who believed that the<br />
world was made <strong>of</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d-stuff, <strong>of</strong> which ord<strong>in</strong>ary matter was no more than a shadow.<br />
Many <strong>of</strong> the above idus reflect the disnasians I have had with Utc Bublie, who is currmtly work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> m<br />
important boot with the prelim<strong>in</strong>ary title: W all MdMcrlrod Of came, I take sole nspolsibility for what I have<br />
writtcnhcrc.<br />
Friedrich Engcls has bern widely bluned fa orig<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g the dist<strong>on</strong>im <strong>of</strong> Man's ideas. I am reluctant to<br />
follow this fashi<strong>on</strong>. Engels fought all his life as a communist, but, as he himself acknowledged. as the disciple <strong>of</strong><br />
Mm, rather than m cqd panncr. Instead <strong>of</strong> merely po<strong>in</strong>t~ng to the way that Plekhmov, KauuLy and othm took<br />
advantage <strong>of</strong> sane <strong>of</strong> the weaker formulati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> his popular theodcal c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong>s, their relati<strong>on</strong>ship to Man's<br />
ideas ought to be assessed very carefully. Unable to do this <strong>in</strong> the present short anicle. I have taken the<br />
vnsatisfactory decisi<strong>on</strong> to avoid reference to Engels' writ<strong>in</strong>gs altogether.
Science and Ifumanity: Hegel, Marx and Dialectic Page 63<br />
This ghost-world jerked forward <strong>in</strong> a c<strong>on</strong>tradictory, automated dance called 'dialectic'.<br />
Spirit, exud<strong>in</strong>g a str<strong>on</strong>g religious odour, pulled the str<strong>in</strong>gs which kept History mov<strong>in</strong>g,<br />
<strong>in</strong>dividual humans be<strong>in</strong>g mere puppets, and not very lifelike <strong>on</strong>es, either. The State,<br />
which took charge <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> society, was supposedly modelled by Hegel <strong>on</strong> the<br />
authoritarian Prussian state.<br />
Many people nowadays know that this is a caricature <strong>of</strong> the real Hegel. In this respect,<br />
he is luckier than M m, who is still either attacked or praised as if he were <strong>in</strong>deed the<br />
figure depicted by 'Marxism'.(Although the 'Marxists' swallowed the Hegel legend<br />
whole, it would be unfair to blame them for it, s<strong>in</strong>ce it was c<strong>on</strong>cocted by the<br />
Hegelians.)<br />
This paper, aim<strong>in</strong>g to c<strong>on</strong>tribute to the work <strong>of</strong> correct<strong>in</strong>g these stereotypes, focuses<br />
<strong>on</strong> the mean<strong>in</strong>g each <strong>of</strong> these two th<strong>in</strong>kers gives to the word 'science'. It argues that<br />
to th<strong>in</strong>k M m and Hegel employ the same 'dialectical logic', is to falsify both <strong>of</strong> them.<br />
Mm meant precisely what he said <strong>in</strong> the 'Afterword' to the Sec<strong>on</strong>d Editi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
Cqitd they were 'direct opposites'.<br />
Hegel was no revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary, but neither was he the c<strong>on</strong>servative <strong>of</strong> legend. He was<br />
<strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> those th<strong>in</strong>kers who tried to illum<strong>in</strong>ate the path <strong>of</strong> reform <strong>in</strong> Germany, <strong>in</strong><br />
resp<strong>on</strong>se to the French Revoluti<strong>on</strong>. After 1819, this path was blocked by the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>servative forces <strong>in</strong> Prussia, and Hegel kept his newly-acquired place <strong>in</strong> the Berl<strong>in</strong> Chair<br />
<strong>of</strong> Philosophy <strong>on</strong>ly with the greatest difficulty. Some <strong>of</strong> his students were still less<br />
fortunate, and ended up <strong>in</strong> the pris<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the Prussian state.<br />
Like Schiller. Goethe, Schell<strong>in</strong>g, Hilderl<strong>in</strong> and others <strong>in</strong> Germany at that time, Hegel<br />
med to grasp the social developments ly<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> store for Europe. His study <strong>of</strong> Adam<br />
Smith, James Steuart and Adarn Fergus<strong>on</strong>, gave him a picture <strong>of</strong> a world governed by<br />
<strong>in</strong>dividual self-<strong>in</strong>terest, where the mass <strong>of</strong> atomised, fragmented human be<strong>in</strong>gs was<br />
c<strong>on</strong>demned to a life <strong>of</strong> utterly dehumanis<strong>in</strong>g labour. Could the fate which had already<br />
overtaken England and Scotland be avoided by their country, and, <strong>in</strong> any case, what had<br />
happened to the promise <strong>of</strong> the Enlightenment?<br />
The backwardness <strong>of</strong> Germany gave these th<strong>in</strong>kers a dist<strong>in</strong>ctive angle <strong>on</strong> such questi<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
Like the Scots whose work they studied so carefully, they were both <strong>in</strong>side and outside<br />
the develop<strong>in</strong>g 'civil society'. Vital for them all was an idealised picture <strong>of</strong> the ancient<br />
Greek polis, whose harm<strong>on</strong>y was c<strong>on</strong>trasted with the discord <strong>of</strong> the modem world.<br />
(Hegel saw the need for philosophy as orig<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the break-up <strong>of</strong> this harm<strong>on</strong>y <strong>in</strong><br />
the Fifth Century BC.) They were especially impressed by Fergus<strong>on</strong>, the Gaelic-<br />
speak<strong>in</strong>g Highlander, who po<strong>in</strong>ted to parallels between the polis. the Highland clans and<br />
<strong>in</strong>digenous North Americans, c<strong>on</strong>trast<strong>in</strong>g them favourably with 'civil society'.<br />
Hegel refused to evade such issues by capitulati<strong>on</strong> to c<strong>on</strong>servatism (like Schell<strong>in</strong>g), an<br />
aesthetic and romantic search for another world (Goethe, Schiller), or poetry and<br />
madness (Hilderl<strong>in</strong>). Hegel did not ignore the repulsive forms <strong>of</strong> nascent bourgeois<br />
society which were appear<strong>in</strong>g throughout Europe, but, look<strong>in</strong>g them <strong>in</strong> the face, tried<br />
to rec<strong>on</strong>cile them with the advance <strong>of</strong> humanity towards freedom.<br />
But how could the discordant forces which were tear<strong>in</strong>g modem society apart be grasped as<br />
a united whole? Hegel struggled with this c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> every <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> his major works.<br />
It is not hard to sec this <strong>in</strong> his early writ<strong>in</strong>gs, or <strong>in</strong> the Phenomenology <strong>of</strong> Spirit, the
Page 64 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
Philosophy <strong>of</strong> History and the Philosophy <strong>of</strong> Right. It is less easy to perceive, but it is<br />
also the unstated questi<strong>on</strong> at the heart <strong>of</strong> the Logic. Hegel believed that to answer it was<br />
the task <strong>of</strong> Science (Wissemchafr).<br />
Liv<strong>in</strong>g with the c<strong>on</strong>sequences <strong>of</strong> n<strong>in</strong>eteenth century natural science as we Q, we can<br />
easily misunderstand the term 'science', as it was used by Hegel. The modem scientist is<br />
taught to th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>of</strong> him- or herself as an <strong>in</strong>dividual operator, liv<strong>in</strong>g by their privately-<br />
owned wits and study<strong>in</strong>g objects <strong>in</strong> an external nature. 'Scientific objectivity' is taken to<br />
mean that the th<strong>in</strong>kers them-selves are excluded from the object <strong>of</strong> study.<br />
The procedure known as the 'scientific method', restricts itself from the start by<br />
accept<strong>in</strong>g its presuppositi<strong>on</strong>s and methods as a matter <strong>of</strong> faith. To follow it guarantees<br />
that you can questi<strong>on</strong> neither the mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> what you are do<strong>in</strong>g, nor the validity <strong>of</strong><br />
your methods <strong>of</strong> do<strong>in</strong>g it. Indeed, mean<strong>in</strong>g itself can <strong>on</strong>ly be thought <strong>of</strong> as someth<strong>in</strong>g<br />
external to science, imported subjectively - thus illegally - <strong>in</strong>to the world. Why do you<br />
want to test that particular hypothesis? Why should failure <strong>of</strong> a test destroy its truth?<br />
What is truth, anyway?<br />
Such questi<strong>on</strong>s are banned from science, and referred to another department Dur<strong>in</strong>g<br />
the last century, these impoverished forms <strong>of</strong> thought became widely accepted as the<br />
model for all th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g. They show their bankruptcy most pla<strong>in</strong>ly when people try to<br />
imitate these procedures and attitudes <strong>of</strong> the natural sciences <strong>in</strong> those pseudo-sciences<br />
called 'social'. 'Marxism', hear<strong>in</strong>g about the transformati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> socialism <strong>in</strong>to a<br />
science, assumed M m was some k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> 'social scientist'.<br />
The c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> science held by Mm and Hegel, while opposed to each other, are<br />
united <strong>in</strong> reject<strong>in</strong>g all <strong>of</strong> this. Hegel spent his life search<strong>in</strong>g for ways to show how, seen<br />
correctly, the antag<strong>on</strong>istic particles which make up modem society could be understood<br />
as parts <strong>of</strong> a whole. But how could he harm<strong>on</strong>ise the cacoph<strong>on</strong>ous clash <strong>of</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong><br />
'the battlefield <strong>of</strong> private <strong>in</strong>terest' (PR, para 289)? He set himself - and philosophy - a<br />
tremendous task. In a world <strong>of</strong> disunity and oppressi<strong>on</strong>. he wanted a science which could<br />
grasp human society as organically develop<strong>in</strong>g towards unity and freedom. Reflect<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>on</strong> the outcome <strong>of</strong> the French Revoluti<strong>on</strong>, he decided that to be self-determ<strong>in</strong>ed was <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
possible <strong>in</strong> the realm <strong>of</strong> systematic thought.<br />
Hegel saw Science as essentially a communal activity, and knowledge as a historical<br />
process. To engage <strong>in</strong> scientific work was to participate <strong>in</strong> the purposive activity <strong>of</strong><br />
Spirit, the entire movement <strong>of</strong> History. Only through it could the isolated <strong>in</strong>dividual,<br />
the <strong>in</strong>habitant <strong>of</strong> 'civil society', get hold <strong>of</strong> the picture as a whole.<br />
The task <strong>of</strong> lead<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>dividual from his uneducated standpo<strong>in</strong>t to<br />
knowledge had to be seen <strong>in</strong> its universal sense, just as it was the<br />
universal <strong>in</strong>dividual, self-c<strong>on</strong>scious Spirit, whose formative educati<strong>on</strong> had to<br />
be studied ... The s<strong>in</strong>gle <strong>in</strong>dividual is <strong>in</strong>complete Spirit, a c<strong>on</strong>crete shape <strong>in</strong><br />
whose whole existence <strong>on</strong>e determ<strong>in</strong>atedness predom<strong>in</strong>ates. (Phen, p 16.)<br />
Reas<strong>on</strong> was the unify<strong>in</strong>g power <strong>in</strong> knowledge, described by Hegel as 'purposive activity'<br />
(ibid, p 12). It was not the activity or purpose <strong>of</strong> any <strong>in</strong>dividual th<strong>in</strong>ker which did this<br />
work, but the acti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Spirit, the subjectivity <strong>of</strong> an entire social organism. This is<br />
what Hegel means when he says:
Science and Humanity: Hegel, Marx and Dialectic Page 65<br />
Everyth<strong>in</strong>g turns <strong>on</strong> grasp<strong>in</strong>g and express<strong>in</strong>g the True, not <strong>on</strong>ly as Substance, but<br />
equally as Subject (ibid, p 10).<br />
Such knowledge could not base itself <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual op<strong>in</strong>i<strong>on</strong>s. as Hegel expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> his<br />
very first lecture <strong>in</strong> Berl<strong>in</strong>.<br />
An op<strong>in</strong>i<strong>on</strong> (Me<strong>in</strong>ung) is m<strong>in</strong>e, it is not an <strong>in</strong>herently universal<br />
absolute ... ~hiloso~h~ is an objective science <strong>of</strong> truth, a science <strong>of</strong> its<br />
necessity, <strong>of</strong>' c<strong>on</strong>cepual know<strong>in</strong>g; it is no op<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g and no websp<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
op<strong>in</strong>i<strong>on</strong>s. (HP.)<br />
Philosophical science was not spun out <strong>of</strong> the heads <strong>of</strong> great th<strong>in</strong>kers, but was rooted<br />
<strong>in</strong> all the life and work <strong>of</strong> the whole <strong>of</strong> humanity.<br />
The possessi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> selfc<strong>on</strong>scious rati<strong>on</strong>ality, a possessi<strong>on</strong> hel<strong>on</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g to us.<br />
to our c<strong>on</strong>tanporary world, has not been ga<strong>in</strong>ed suddenly ... It is essentially an<br />
<strong>in</strong>heritance and ... the result <strong>of</strong> labour, the labour <strong>of</strong> all the preced<strong>in</strong>g<br />
generati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the human race. The arts <strong>of</strong> the externals <strong>of</strong> our life, the<br />
mass <strong>of</strong> means and skills, the arrangements and customs <strong>of</strong> social and<br />
political associati<strong>on</strong>s, all these are the result <strong>of</strong> the refleaim, <strong>in</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>,<br />
needs, misery and misfortune, the will and achievement <strong>of</strong> the history which<br />
has p ded our life <strong>of</strong> today. (Ibid.)<br />
What science must achieve is not just knowledge <strong>of</strong> sornettung outside us. but self-<br />
knowledge, where 'self' refers to the entire spiritual collective. It was at <strong>on</strong>ce a subjective<br />
and an objective activity, trac<strong>in</strong>g the path taken by the past movement <strong>of</strong> Spirit, but<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly the past. The method <strong>of</strong> this science, logic, was itself a science, and thus a part <strong>of</strong><br />
History. It revealed the pattern <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>ner c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s which b<strong>in</strong>d Reas<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>to a unity.<br />
Reas<strong>on</strong> was not a set <strong>of</strong> external rules to be followed by correct th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g, nor was logic a<br />
k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> calculus, merely po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g to the formal l<strong>in</strong>ks between the forms <strong>of</strong> objects. The<br />
forms were <strong>in</strong>separable from their c<strong>on</strong>tent. The logical structure <strong>of</strong> Hegel's science had to<br />
dem<strong>on</strong>strate how its objects were necessarily wnneued. -<br />
Logic be<strong>in</strong>g the science <strong>of</strong> the absolute form, this formal science. <strong>in</strong> order<br />
to he W, must possess <strong>in</strong> its own self a c<strong>on</strong>tent adequate to its form. (SL, p<br />
594.)<br />
A logical judgement - 'the rose is red'. 'Socrates is a man' - appears to be an asserti<strong>on</strong> that<br />
the subject and object are judged by us to have some relati<strong>on</strong>ship. But, Hegel believed,<br />
<strong>in</strong> his account <strong>of</strong> Be<strong>in</strong>g and Essence he has has dem<strong>on</strong>shated they bel<strong>on</strong>ged together<br />
essentially. The judgement necessarily gives rise to the syllogism, which itself, through<br />
the development <strong>of</strong> its 'figures', shows how it embodies truth.<br />
The criteri<strong>on</strong> for truth, <strong>in</strong>sisted Hegel, could not be external to systematic knowledge. It<br />
was not a matter <strong>of</strong> show<strong>in</strong>g that the asserti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> science were 'correct', by hold<strong>in</strong>g them<br />
up aga<strong>in</strong>st some image <strong>of</strong> a reality external to them, or test<strong>in</strong>g them by apply<strong>in</strong>g a rule<br />
for correctness. Truth had to be found <strong>in</strong> the very categories <strong>of</strong> thought, developed<br />
with<strong>in</strong> the system itself.<br />
Hitherto, the Noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> logic has rested <strong>on</strong> the separati<strong>on</strong> ... <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>tent <strong>of</strong><br />
cogniti<strong>on</strong> and its form, or <strong>of</strong> twfh and certa<strong>in</strong>ty ... (I)t is assumed that the
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material <strong>of</strong> know<strong>in</strong>g is present <strong>on</strong> its own account as a ready-made world<br />
apart from thought. that thi<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong> its own is empty and comes as m<br />
external form to the said material. fills itself with it and <strong>on</strong>ly thus acquires a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tent and so becomes d know<strong>in</strong>g. (Ibid, p 44.)<br />
To do the job Hegel set it, science had to be organically unified, a liv<strong>in</strong>g system, which<br />
c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed its own presuppositi<strong>on</strong>s and its own method <strong>of</strong> development with<strong>in</strong> itself. It did<br />
not try to answer questi<strong>on</strong>s which were posed fxom outside. but <strong>on</strong>ly those questi<strong>on</strong>s<br />
which were generated by its own work<strong>in</strong>gs. It had to <strong>in</strong>clude itself <strong>in</strong> its c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
the world. And it had to be dynamic, self-develop<strong>in</strong>g through c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ual self-criticism,<br />
gasp<strong>in</strong>g the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s, not just between itself and someth<strong>in</strong>g outside it, but with<strong>in</strong><br />
its own body.<br />
When it encounters such c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s,<br />
(t)h<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g will not give up, but ma<strong>in</strong>s faithful to itself even <strong>in</strong> this loss <strong>of</strong><br />
its be<strong>in</strong>g at home with itself, 'so that it may overcome', and may accomplish<br />
<strong>in</strong> th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g itself the resoluti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> its own c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s. (El, pan 11.)<br />
So Hegel's dialectic can't be a set <strong>of</strong> formulae, or rules, to be detached and 'applied'<br />
elsewhere. Dialectic means gasp<strong>in</strong>g that the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s which c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>t us at<br />
every turn are c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the f<strong>in</strong>ite, which science is driven to transcend.<br />
That is what everyth<strong>in</strong>g f<strong>in</strong>ite is: its own sublati<strong>on</strong> (Ambung). Hence, the<br />
dialectical ccmstitutes the mov<strong>in</strong>g soul <strong>of</strong> scientific progressi<strong>on</strong>, and it ia the<br />
pr<strong>in</strong>ciple through which al<strong>on</strong>e iwvn<strong>on</strong>cM coherence Mdmcwiry enter <strong>in</strong>to the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tent <strong>of</strong> science. just aa all genu<strong>in</strong>e, n<strong>on</strong>extemal elevati<strong>on</strong> above the fmite<br />
is to be found <strong>in</strong> this p.i.ciplc)(El.para81.)<br />
At his most optimistic, <strong>in</strong> 1816, Hegel told his Heidelberg students:<br />
The courage <strong>of</strong> truth, faith <strong>in</strong> the power <strong>of</strong> the spirit, is the first c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
philosophis<strong>in</strong>g. Because man is spirit he should and must deem himself<br />
w h y <strong>of</strong> the highest; he cannot thii highly enough <strong>of</strong> the gruuwsr and<br />
power <strong>of</strong> his spirit. For a man <strong>of</strong> this faith noth<strong>in</strong>g is so <strong>in</strong>flexible and<br />
refractory as not to disclose itself to him. The orig<strong>in</strong>al hidden and resaved<br />
essence <strong>of</strong> rhe universe has no f<strong>on</strong>x which could withstand the courage <strong>of</strong><br />
know<strong>in</strong>g (ErAelv~cm); it must expose itself to that courage, br<strong>in</strong>g its wealth<br />
and depths to hght for our mpplent. (HP.)<br />
Was Hegel an idealist? Does this questi<strong>on</strong> refer to a belief that the world was a product<br />
<strong>of</strong> an <strong>in</strong>dividual m<strong>in</strong>d, like Berkeley; or that the way we got to know it had to beg<strong>in</strong> with<br />
the certa<strong>in</strong>ty <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>dividual 'I', like Descartes; or that we c<strong>on</strong>structed our picture <strong>of</strong> it<br />
by means <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividually-possessed categories (Kant)? Then the answa is a decided NO!<br />
That k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> idealism, said Hegel, was<br />
a put ~arcrti<strong>on</strong> which doca nu comprehend its own self, nor can it make<br />
itself comprehensible to others. (Phcn. p 141.)<br />
Hegel claims, however, that his k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> idealism is shared by any real philosophy. It is<br />
basically the idea that truth cannot be found <strong>in</strong> isolated bits and pieces, but bel<strong>on</strong>gs <strong>on</strong>ly
to the whole picture.<br />
Science and Humanity: Hegel, Marx and Dialectic Page 67<br />
The propositi<strong>on</strong> that the f<strong>in</strong>ite is ideal (idecll) c<strong>on</strong>stitutes idealism. The<br />
idealism <strong>of</strong> philosophy c<strong>on</strong>sist <strong>in</strong> noth<strong>in</strong>g else than <strong>in</strong> recognis<strong>in</strong>g that the<br />
f<strong>in</strong>ite has no veritable be<strong>in</strong>g. Every philosophy is essentially an idealism, or<br />
at least has idealism for its pr<strong>in</strong>ciple. ... C<strong>on</strong>sequently, the oppositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
idealism and realistic philosophy has no significance. (SL, pp 154-5.)<br />
This ideality <strong>of</strong> the f<strong>in</strong>ite is the most important propositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> philosophy,<br />
and for that reas<strong>on</strong> every genu<strong>in</strong>e philosophy is Idealirm. (El, para. 95,<br />
Remark.)<br />
However 'mystical' it is made to appear <strong>in</strong> many standard accounts, the shape <strong>of</strong><br />
Hegel's system is the direct and precise expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the task he set philosophy to<br />
perform. He is c<strong>on</strong>v<strong>in</strong>ced that systematic th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g is the <strong>on</strong>ly way that the unity and<br />
developement <strong>of</strong> the world can be grasped. The demand that his science be absolute. that<br />
is, <strong>in</strong>dependent <strong>of</strong> anyth<strong>in</strong>g external to it determ<strong>in</strong>es Hegel's c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Nature, and its<br />
relati<strong>on</strong> to Spirit.<br />
Estranged from the Idea, Nature is <strong>on</strong>ly the corpse <strong>of</strong> the Understand<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
(E2, para 247, Remark.)<br />
Namre exhibits no freedom <strong>in</strong> its existence, but <strong>on</strong>ly necessity and<br />
c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>gency. (IM, para 248.)<br />
Nature, even at the highest po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> its elevati<strong>on</strong> over fmitude, always<br />
fds back <strong>in</strong>to it aga<strong>in</strong> and <strong>in</strong> this way exhibits a perpetual cycle. (E3, para<br />
381, Remark.)<br />
Most strik<strong>in</strong>g is Hegel's <strong>in</strong>ability to c<strong>on</strong>ceive <strong>of</strong> anyth<strong>in</strong>g like historical development<br />
<strong>in</strong> Nature, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the evoluti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> organisms. (See, for example, E2, para 249,<br />
Remark and para 339, Remark.)<br />
Now let us briefly illustrate Hegel's approach to social problems with a couple <strong>of</strong><br />
examples <strong>of</strong> the way that his dialectic copes with social issues.<br />
(i) The problem <strong>of</strong> crime and punishment is <strong>on</strong>e to which he gave c<strong>on</strong>siderable attenti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
He def<strong>in</strong>es crime as<br />
the <strong>in</strong>itial use <strong>of</strong> coerci<strong>on</strong>, as force employed by a free agent <strong>in</strong> such a way<br />
as to <strong>in</strong>fr<strong>in</strong>ge the existence <strong>of</strong> freedom <strong>in</strong> its c<strong>on</strong>crete sense - ie to <strong>in</strong>fr<strong>in</strong>ge<br />
right as right. (PR. para 95.)<br />
In his attitude to the punishment <strong>of</strong> a crim<strong>in</strong>al act, Hegel is quite liberal. For example,<br />
he is for limited use <strong>of</strong> the death penalty. While he believes str<strong>on</strong>gly <strong>in</strong> capital<br />
punishment for murder, he is critical <strong>of</strong> its impositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> England at that time for theft.<br />
The idea <strong>of</strong> punishment as revenge, as a preventative, as a deterrent or corrective, all leave<br />
him cold.<br />
Crime is an <strong>in</strong>fr<strong>in</strong>gement <strong>of</strong> 'right as right', and punishment is the 'cancellati<strong>on</strong>' <strong>of</strong> this<br />
<strong>in</strong>fr<strong>in</strong>gement. What matters to Hegel is neither the <strong>in</strong>jury to the victim nor the distorti<strong>on</strong>
Page 68 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15 .<br />
<strong>of</strong> the crim<strong>in</strong>al, but the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> between the crime and the logical whole. Crime<br />
has the logical status <strong>of</strong> the 'negative <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>ite judgement', like say<strong>in</strong>g 'a li<strong>on</strong> is not a<br />
table' - correct but po<strong>in</strong>tless. It affirms the total <strong>in</strong>commensurability <strong>of</strong> subject and<br />
predicate. (See El, para 173.)<br />
Some<strong>on</strong>e who commits a crime - for argument's sake a theft - does not<br />
merely deny the particular right <strong>of</strong> some<strong>on</strong>e else to this particular th<strong>in</strong>g (as<br />
<strong>in</strong> a suit about civil rights); <strong>in</strong>stead, he denies the rights <strong>of</strong> that pers<strong>on</strong><br />
canpletely; therefore he is not merely obliged to retum the th<strong>in</strong>g he stole.<br />
but is punished as well, because he has violated right as such, ie right <strong>in</strong><br />
general. (Ibki. See also SL, p 642.)<br />
Hegel is quite aware that the prevalence <strong>of</strong> crime is to be attributed to the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
life to which milli<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> people are c<strong>on</strong>demned He even had an <strong>in</strong>kl<strong>in</strong>g that there<br />
might be a c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> between this phenomen<strong>on</strong> and the rise <strong>of</strong> 'civil society'.<br />
For him, all <strong>of</strong> this is quite irrelevant. He is c<strong>on</strong>cerned <strong>on</strong>ly with the relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
crime to the logical structure <strong>of</strong> society. He can have no c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> that the collisi<strong>on</strong><br />
between the crim<strong>in</strong>al and his victim's groperty rights reflects <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>e aspect <strong>of</strong> the<br />
<strong>in</strong>human character <strong>of</strong> private property itself.<br />
(ii) Hegel is certa<strong>in</strong> that poverty as a modern phenomen<strong>on</strong> is the necessary c<strong>on</strong>sequence <strong>of</strong><br />
civil society, and is <strong>in</strong>separable from the heap<strong>in</strong>g up <strong>of</strong> wealth at the other pole. He also<br />
admits that he knows no soluti<strong>on</strong> to this 'problem'. which has deplorable results.<br />
(C)ivil society affords a spectacle <strong>of</strong> extravagance and misery as well as <strong>of</strong><br />
the ethical cormpi<strong>on</strong> comm<strong>on</strong> to both. (PR. pra 185.)<br />
When a large mass <strong>of</strong> people s<strong>in</strong>ks below the level <strong>of</strong> a certa<strong>in</strong> standard<br />
<strong>of</strong> liv<strong>in</strong>g - which automatically regulates itself at the level necessary for a<br />
member <strong>of</strong> the society <strong>in</strong> questi<strong>on</strong>, that feel<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> right, <strong>in</strong>tegrity and h<strong>on</strong>our<br />
which comes from support<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong>eself by <strong>on</strong>e's own activity and work is lost.<br />
This leads to the creati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a rabble (Pobef), which <strong>in</strong> tum makes it<br />
much easier for wealth to be c<strong>on</strong>centrated <strong>in</strong> a few hands ...<br />
... Poverty <strong>in</strong> itself does not reduce people to a rabble; a rabble is created<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly by the dispositi<strong>on</strong> associated with poverty, by <strong>in</strong>ward rebelli<strong>on</strong><br />
aga<strong>in</strong>st the rich, aga<strong>in</strong>st society, the government, etc ... This <strong>in</strong> turn gives<br />
rise to the evil that the rabble do not have sufficient h<strong>on</strong>our to ga<strong>in</strong> their<br />
livelihood through their own work, yet claim they have a right to receive<br />
their livelihood ...The important questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> how povelty can be remedied<br />
is <strong>on</strong>e which agitates and torments modem societies. (PR, para 244 and<br />
Remark.)<br />
There is no doubt that Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Hegel was genu<strong>in</strong>ely sorry for poor people. But he<br />
could not allow this to determ<strong>in</strong>e his philosophical c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the problem. As he<br />
says, it is not poverty '<strong>in</strong> itself that causes trouble, but the effect it has <strong>on</strong> the feel<strong>in</strong>gs<br />
about society <strong>of</strong> both poor and rich. Hegel refuses to ignore the problem <strong>of</strong> 'the rabble',<br />
or to avoid the awkward way this uncivil entity threatens the equilibrium <strong>of</strong> civil<br />
society. But his attenti<strong>on</strong> has to be focussed sternly <strong>on</strong> the ability <strong>of</strong> dialectic to<br />
accommodate poverty with<strong>in</strong> the overallc<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the movement <strong>of</strong> History towards<br />
freedom. The State sublated the difficulties <strong>of</strong> civil society, and this was a logical
esult.<br />
Science and Ilumanity: I-legel, Marx and Dialectic Pune 69<br />
Hegel's project is quite magnificent, and if you want to make sense <strong>of</strong> the world <strong>of</strong> civil<br />
society, it is <strong>in</strong>deed absolutely necessary. It also happens to be utterly impossible to<br />
achieve. For to complete it would mean to show how the forms <strong>of</strong> bourgeois society are<br />
compatible with freedom - and they are not. By 1831 when Hegel died these social<br />
forms could already be seen to be forms <strong>of</strong> oppressi<strong>on</strong>. However, what had begun to<br />
br<strong>in</strong>g this home to many people <strong>in</strong> Europe was not some new philosophical argument,<br />
but the revolt <strong>of</strong> the new 'slaves' themselves.<br />
In 1839, when Karl Marx was beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g work <strong>on</strong> his Doctoral Dissertati<strong>on</strong>, he<br />
recognised Hegel as 'our great teacher'. Thirty-four years later he could still 'avow'<br />
himself 'a pupil <strong>of</strong> that mighty th<strong>in</strong>ker'. (Cl, 'Afterword' to the Sec<strong>on</strong>d Editi<strong>on</strong>.) But as<br />
a postgraduate studenl he could already see that the Hegelian School was break<strong>in</strong>g up.<br />
It was not a matter <strong>of</strong> some errors <strong>in</strong> the argument. What was wr<strong>on</strong>g was that<br />
philosophy has sealed itself <strong>of</strong>f to form a c<strong>on</strong>summate, total world ... The<br />
world c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g a philosophy total <strong>in</strong> itself is ... a world tom apart. This<br />
philosophy's activity therefore also appears tom apart and c<strong>on</strong>tradictory.<br />
(MECW, Vol. 1, p 491.)<br />
In his Dissertati<strong>on</strong> itself, <strong>in</strong> 1841, he analysed the positi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the two w<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> this<br />
school - and accepted neither (ibid., p 85.) The problem for M m, then and always, was<br />
how the knowledge ga<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> philosophical work could 'turn outwards to the world'.<br />
In 1843, spurred <strong>on</strong> by the work <strong>of</strong> Feuerbach, but already go<strong>in</strong>g far bey<strong>on</strong>d it, Marx<br />
began his first assault <strong>on</strong> the edifice <strong>of</strong> the Hegelian system, his Critique <strong>of</strong> the Hegelian<br />
Philosophy <strong>of</strong> Law. He had no quarrel with Hegel's descripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the modem state,<br />
which was <strong>in</strong> any case not a justificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Prussian authoritarianism, as the legend<br />
has it, but an account <strong>of</strong> what a rati<strong>on</strong>ally-reformed Prussia might look like.<br />
Hcgel is not to be blamed for depict<strong>in</strong>g the nature <strong>of</strong> the modem state as it<br />
is, but for present<strong>in</strong>g that which is as the nolure <strong>of</strong> the state. (MECW, Vol.<br />
3, P 63.)<br />
Marx objects to Hegel's logical approach, the false relati<strong>on</strong> he assumes between his<br />
scientific expositi<strong>on</strong> and the world it is supposed to be illum<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
The c<strong>on</strong>crete c<strong>on</strong>tent, the actual def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong>, appears as someth<strong>in</strong>g formal;<br />
the wholly abstract formal def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong> appears as the c<strong>on</strong>crete c<strong>on</strong>tent.<br />
The essence <strong>of</strong> the def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the state is not that they are def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
the state, but that <strong>in</strong> their most abstract form they can be regarded as logical-<br />
metaphysical defiiti<strong>on</strong>s. Not the philosophy <strong>of</strong> law but logic is the real<br />
centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>terest. Philosophical work does not c<strong>on</strong>sist <strong>in</strong> embody<strong>in</strong>g<br />
th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> political def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong>s, but <strong>in</strong> evaporat<strong>in</strong>g the exist<strong>in</strong>g political<br />
def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong>to abstract thoughts. Not the logic <strong>of</strong> the matter, but the matter<br />
<strong>of</strong> logic is the philosophical element. The logic does not serve to prove the<br />
state, but the state to prove the logic. (ibid. pp 17-18.)<br />
Hegel has turned upside-down the relati<strong>on</strong> between philosophy and the world. says
Page 70 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
Mm. Hegel's method reflects the upsidedown, <strong>in</strong>human, irrati<strong>on</strong>al way that people<br />
live, and <strong>in</strong> so do<strong>in</strong>g attempts to make it appear as the embodiment <strong>of</strong> reas<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Mm's theoretical and practical work over the next four decades unfolded the<br />
implicati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> this '<strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong>' <strong>of</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong>ship <strong>of</strong> science to the world. By the start<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1844, <strong>in</strong> the Introducti<strong>on</strong> to the Critique <strong>of</strong> the Hegelian Philosophy <strong>of</strong>h, (the<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly part he ever completed), Mm had begun to see that he was look<strong>in</strong>g for the way to<br />
'actualise philosophy', and that this demanded a social power <strong>of</strong> a special k<strong>in</strong>d.<br />
As philosophy f<strong>in</strong>ds its mferial weap<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> the proletariat, so the prolariat<br />
fmds its spiritual weap<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> philosophy. And <strong>on</strong>ce the lightn<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
thought has struck this <strong>in</strong>genuous soil <strong>of</strong> the people, the emancipati<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> the Germans <strong>in</strong>to h mn be<strong>in</strong>gs will take place. (Ibid., p 187.)<br />
Both his study <strong>of</strong> political ec<strong>on</strong>omy and his c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> communist revoluti<strong>on</strong>,<br />
which engaged Mm's attenti<strong>on</strong> for the rest <strong>of</strong> his life, began from there. He saw the three<br />
great achievements <strong>of</strong> bourgeois thought as be<strong>in</strong>g political ec<strong>on</strong>omy, Hegel's dialectic<br />
and Utopian socialism. These three took the attempt <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual th<strong>in</strong>kers to grasp the<br />
atomised modem world as a totality as far as it could go. In his scientific critique <strong>of</strong><br />
them, Marx showed that all three <strong>of</strong> them unc<strong>on</strong>sciously expressed the <strong>in</strong>humanity <strong>of</strong> the<br />
world they studied<br />
Where Hegel's science strove to rec<strong>on</strong>cile the c<strong>on</strong>flict<strong>in</strong>g forces <strong>of</strong> the modem world,<br />
Mm's science set out from the necessity to actualise those very c<strong>on</strong>flicts and br<strong>in</strong>g<br />
them to fruiti<strong>on</strong>. For <strong>in</strong>stance, if science showed that the state expressed the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> 'civil society' founded <strong>on</strong> private property, this told us that both<br />
private property and the state were unfit for human life, and had to be abolished.<br />
Hegel's dialectic had locked up all the dis<strong>in</strong>tegrat<strong>in</strong>g forces <strong>of</strong> modern life <strong>in</strong>to a system <strong>of</strong><br />
c<strong>on</strong>cepts, while Mm's science struggled to unlock them. Obviously, then, the latter<br />
could never be a closed system. It was <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>in</strong>complete, open. Mm's science<br />
could <strong>on</strong>ly do its job when it went bey<strong>on</strong>d the bounds <strong>of</strong> science as such. Its problems<br />
could neither be posed nor solved <strong>on</strong> the level <strong>of</strong> knowledge.<br />
The key category <strong>of</strong> Mm's theoretical work was the <strong>on</strong>e which 'Marxism' sought to<br />
evade: the idea <strong>of</strong> 'humanness'. Without it, noti<strong>on</strong>s like 'capital', 'proletariat', 'surplus<br />
value', have no mean<strong>in</strong>g. His standpo<strong>in</strong>t, that <strong>of</strong> 'human society or socialised<br />
humanity' (Theses <strong>on</strong> Feuerback Thesis 10). enabled Mm to understand that certa<strong>in</strong><br />
forms <strong>of</strong> human life were beneath the dignity <strong>of</strong> homo sapiens, not 'worthy <strong>of</strong> their<br />
human nature' (C3, p 820.)<br />
But hidden <strong>in</strong>side these very forms was a human c<strong>on</strong>tent, which science had to discover.<br />
With<strong>in</strong> the framework <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividualism, <strong>in</strong>side which men and women had to fight each<br />
other to live, they reta<strong>in</strong>ed, perhaps <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> odd corners <strong>of</strong> their be<strong>in</strong>gs, their potential<br />
for self-determ<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>, self-creati<strong>on</strong>, self-c<strong>on</strong>sciousness and social solidarity. Indeed, it was<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly because there was a mismatch between this humanity and its <strong>in</strong>human f<strong>on</strong>ns,<br />
and because people had to struggle to 'fight out' this discrepancy, that it was possible to<br />
know which way up the world should go.<br />
Any account <strong>of</strong> any part <strong>of</strong> Mm's work which does not centre <strong>on</strong>. this c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> - and<br />
that <strong>in</strong>cludes 90 percent <strong>of</strong> the huge volume <strong>of</strong> writ<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>on</strong> the subject - any discussi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong>
Science and Humanity: Hegel, Marx and Dialectic Page 71<br />
'Marxian ec<strong>on</strong>omics', or 'Marxist sociology', and the like, must be utterly false. It<br />
seems to me that the supreme task today, and not an easy <strong>on</strong>e, is to dis<strong>in</strong>ter Marx's<br />
fundamental <strong>in</strong>sight, and to f<strong>in</strong>d ways to articulate it <strong>in</strong> as accessible a form that we can,<br />
free <strong>of</strong> all academic mystificati<strong>on</strong>. Only then can it become the foundati<strong>on</strong> for<br />
practical acti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
It was his c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'humanness' which gave Marx his criteri<strong>on</strong> for truth. For<br />
example:<br />
The mediat<strong>in</strong>g process between men engaged <strong>in</strong> exchange is not a social or<br />
human process, not human relati<strong>on</strong>ship; it is the abstract relati<strong>on</strong>ship <strong>of</strong><br />
private. property to private property ... S<strong>in</strong>ce men engaged <strong>in</strong> exchange do not<br />
relate to each other as men, th<strong>in</strong>gs lose the significance <strong>of</strong> human pers<strong>on</strong>al<br />
property. (MECW. 3 pp 212-3.)<br />
To identify Hegel's dialectic with the method <strong>of</strong> Marx is to deny such a view. For Hegel's<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> science left no room for such a critical judgement - <strong>in</strong>deed, it was designed<br />
especially to preclude it. Humanity, identified as Spirit, just was, and there was noth<strong>in</strong>g<br />
more to be said about it. Hegel believed that science had to comprehend the forms taken by<br />
human life and c<strong>on</strong>sciousness, not to ask 'should they be', but <strong>on</strong>ly to show the necessary<br />
place <strong>of</strong> each as a part <strong>of</strong> the whole picture. This is what Marx means when he referred to<br />
the k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>sciousness - and philosophical c<strong>on</strong>sciousness is precisely <strong>of</strong><br />
this k<strong>in</strong>d - which regards the comprehend<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>sciousness (begreifende<br />
Denken) as the real man, and the comprehended world as such as the real<br />
world. (MECW Vol. 28, p 38.)'<br />
That is why Hegel could c<strong>on</strong>sider neither the State nor political ec<strong>on</strong>omy as subjects for<br />
critique. He could <strong>on</strong>ly pay tribute to the scientific work <strong>of</strong> Smith, Say and Ricardo. Marx<br />
was also an admirer <strong>of</strong> these great thiiers. But he saw that when they viewed human<br />
society as a collecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividuals <strong>in</strong>spired by self-<strong>in</strong>terest, they were accurately<br />
reflect<strong>in</strong>g the real relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> bourgeois society, and,mak<strong>in</strong>g them appear as if this were<br />
the 'natural' way to live.<br />
The understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> what is and is not human permeates Mm's c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> science.<br />
C<strong>on</strong>sider two well-known remarks from Volume 3 <strong>of</strong> Capital:<br />
All science would be superfluous if the outward appearance<br />
(Ersche<strong>in</strong>ungsform) and the essence (Wesen) <strong>of</strong> th<strong>in</strong>gs directly co<strong>in</strong>cided. (C3,<br />
p 817. See also Letter Marx to Engels, June 27. 1867.)<br />
And earlier, discuss<strong>in</strong>g 'prices <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>',<br />
Thus everyth<strong>in</strong>g appears reversed <strong>in</strong> competiti<strong>on</strong>. The f<strong>in</strong>al pattern (Gestalt) <strong>of</strong><br />
Gall<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>k have been spilt <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpdng this 1857 Introducti<strong>on</strong>. In almost every case. the assumpti<strong>on</strong><br />
is made that, when Marx says he is expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the Method <strong>of</strong> Political Ec<strong>on</strong>omy, and show<strong>in</strong>g its close rdati<strong>on</strong><br />
with the method <strong>of</strong> Hegel, he mm that he is describ<strong>in</strong>g his own method. This entk body <strong>of</strong> WO& rests <strong>on</strong> the<br />
s<strong>in</strong>gle word bffeW, generally translated as 'evidently'. This can't be right, and a read<strong>in</strong>g-<strong>of</strong> the rest <strong>of</strong> this Secti<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> the Introducti<strong>on</strong>, unencumbered by 'Marxist' prejudice, makes this pla<strong>in</strong>, I believe. This belief would need more<br />
space to justify than I can devote here.
Page 72 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omic relati<strong>on</strong>s as seen <strong>on</strong> the surface, <strong>in</strong> their real existence (realen<br />
Existenz), and c<strong>on</strong>sequently <strong>in</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong>s (Vorstellungen) by which the<br />
bearers and agents <strong>of</strong> these relati<strong>on</strong>s seek to understand them, is very much<br />
different from, and <strong>in</strong>deed quite the reverse <strong>of</strong>, their <strong>in</strong>ner but c<strong>on</strong>cealed<br />
(verhiillien) essential (wesentlichen) pattern and the c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> (Begrifn<br />
corresp<strong>on</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g to it. (C3. p 209)<br />
Here, the parallels between Mm's method and Hegel's are pla<strong>in</strong> to see. But <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> Marx's<br />
case is a further questi<strong>on</strong> immediately raised (although rarely by 'Marxists'): why are<br />
appearance and essence opposed? Why can't we live <strong>in</strong> such a way that they do co<strong>in</strong>cide?<br />
His struggle to answer such questi<strong>on</strong>s is the heart and soul <strong>of</strong> Mm's critique <strong>of</strong> political<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omy. <strong>of</strong> his c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> history and <strong>of</strong> his noti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the communist revoluti<strong>on</strong> and<br />
communist society.<br />
When 'Marxism' thought that M m had produced a set <strong>of</strong> 'ec<strong>on</strong>omic doctr<strong>in</strong>es', a 'Marxist<br />
political ec<strong>on</strong>omy', and when it identified 'Marx's dialectic' with Hegel's dialectic, it was<br />
deny<strong>in</strong>g Marx's central <strong>in</strong>sight. In present<strong>in</strong>g the most developed form <strong>of</strong> his work <strong>on</strong> the<br />
critique <strong>of</strong> political ec<strong>on</strong>omy, <strong>in</strong> the 1873 Editi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Capital, M m expla<strong>in</strong>ed quite clearly<br />
that 'my dialectic is not <strong>on</strong>ly different from that <strong>of</strong> Hegel, but its direct opposite.'<br />
Unfortunately, nobody was listen<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
Right at the start <strong>of</strong> his study <strong>of</strong> political ec<strong>on</strong>omy, M m wrote:<br />
The community <strong>of</strong> men, or the manifestati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the nature <strong>of</strong> men, their<br />
mutual complement<strong>in</strong>g the result <strong>of</strong> which is species-life, uuly human life -<br />
this canmunity is c<strong>on</strong>ceived by political ec<strong>on</strong>omy <strong>in</strong> the form <strong>of</strong> exchunge<br />
and d... It is seen that political ec<strong>on</strong>omy def<strong>in</strong>es the esbanged form <strong>of</strong><br />
social <strong>in</strong>tercourse as the essential and origi~l form corresp<strong>on</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g to man's<br />
nature. (Ibid., p 217.)<br />
In oppositi<strong>on</strong> to this, M m knew that<br />
s<strong>in</strong>ce human nature is the true community <strong>of</strong> men, by manifest<strong>in</strong>g their<br />
&we men meale, produce, the human community, the social entity, which is<br />
no abstract universal power opposed to the s<strong>in</strong>gle <strong>in</strong>dividual, but is the<br />
essential nature <strong>of</strong> each <strong>in</strong>dividual, his own activity. his own life, his own<br />
spirit, his own wealth. (Ibd)<br />
As he put it nearly thirty years later:<br />
The categories <strong>of</strong> bourgeois political ec<strong>on</strong>any ... are forms <strong>of</strong> thought which<br />
are socially valid, and therefore objective, for the relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong><br />
bel<strong>on</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g to this historic-ally determ<strong>in</strong>ed mode <strong>of</strong> social producti<strong>on</strong>. (Cl, p<br />
169)<br />
These formulas, which bear the unmistakeable stamp <strong>of</strong> bel<strong>on</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g to a social<br />
formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> which the process <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong> has mastery over man, <strong>in</strong>stead<br />
<strong>of</strong> the opposite, appear to the political ec<strong>on</strong>omists' c<strong>on</strong>sciousness to be as<br />
much a self-evident and nature-imposed necessity as productive labour itself.<br />
(Ibid. pp 174-5.)
Science and Humanity: Hegel, Marx and Dialectic Page 73<br />
Marx's critique <strong>of</strong> political ec<strong>on</strong>omy cannot be separated from his critique <strong>of</strong> the Hegelian<br />
dialectic.' He showed how Hegel's logic expressed most pr<strong>of</strong>oundly the logic <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey<br />
and capital, and was bound up with the distorti<strong>on</strong>, <strong>in</strong>versi<strong>on</strong> and <strong>in</strong>humanity <strong>of</strong> the forms<br />
<strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>sciousness through which m<strong>on</strong>ey operated. For Hegel. as for Ricardo, m<strong>on</strong>ey<br />
simply functi<strong>on</strong>ed as a'universal means <strong>of</strong> exchange', promot<strong>in</strong>g justice and equality (PR.<br />
para299.)<br />
Mm, by analysis <strong>of</strong> the categories <strong>of</strong> the political ec<strong>on</strong>omists themselves, showed how<br />
this relati<strong>on</strong>'s impers<strong>on</strong>al power arose necessarily out <strong>of</strong> the nature <strong>of</strong> the commodity, and<br />
enslaved the whole <strong>of</strong> society, both rich and poor. The subdunce, 'value', transformed<br />
itself <strong>in</strong>to the active subject, 'capital', and this was what Hegel unc<strong>on</strong>sciously depicted as<br />
'Spirit'.' Where Hegel sees Spirit as the product <strong>of</strong> human social activity which c<strong>on</strong>trols<br />
our lives, Marx sees capital.<br />
When Marx unfolds the forms <strong>of</strong> value, their necessary development <strong>in</strong>to the m<strong>on</strong>ey-form,<br />
and the development <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey <strong>in</strong>to capital, he deliberately refers to Hegel's expositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
the Judgement and the Syllogism. Hegel's account shows no way out <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>exorable<br />
forward march <strong>of</strong> the Idea. Marx po<strong>in</strong>ts to the <strong>in</strong>humanity and craz<strong>in</strong>ess (Verriicktheit)' <strong>of</strong><br />
these forms, whose apparent '<strong>in</strong>evitability' and 'naturalness' he shows to arise from with<strong>in</strong><br />
this <strong>in</strong>human social formati<strong>on</strong> itself.<br />
So these parallel logical processes actually move <strong>in</strong> opposite directi<strong>on</strong>s. Hegel purports to<br />
dem<strong>on</strong>strate that thought can f<strong>in</strong>d a place for all k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> phenomena <strong>of</strong> the modem world.<br />
Anyth<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>in</strong>deed, that is to be discovered exist<strong>in</strong>g there has to be shown to be there <strong>of</strong><br />
necessity. However miserable people may be <strong>in</strong> such situati<strong>on</strong>s, they will be c<strong>on</strong>soled<br />
when they hear how it is all for the best '<strong>in</strong> the end'. The dialectic moves <strong>on</strong> past their<br />
misery, majestically carry<strong>in</strong>g 'us' - 'we who look <strong>on</strong>' - to the heights <strong>of</strong> the Absolute.<br />
In Mm, <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>trary, the forms dem<strong>on</strong>strate <strong>in</strong> their movement the way the dialectical<br />
trick works. They show us, step by step, how the <strong>in</strong>human relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong>side which we live<br />
our lives disguise themselves as 'natural'. This is the direct opposite <strong>of</strong> his 'great master'.<br />
Hegel locks the gates <strong>of</strong> our <strong>in</strong>human pris<strong>on</strong>, fix<strong>in</strong>g to them the sign 'FREEDOM'. Marx<br />
wants to show us, not just that we are impris<strong>on</strong>ed, certa<strong>in</strong>ly not a Utopian picture <strong>of</strong> what<br />
lies bey<strong>on</strong>d the walls, but how we locked ourselves <strong>in</strong> and thus how to get out. that is, to<br />
live as humans.<br />
Was Karl Marx a materialist? If this word is used to mean someth<strong>in</strong>g about 'matter be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
given to us through our senses', or th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g be<strong>in</strong>g a 'reflecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> matter', certa<strong>in</strong>ly NOT.<br />
Such materialism, said Marx, took the standpo<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> 'the isolated <strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>in</strong> civil<br />
society' (Theses <strong>on</strong> Feuerbach, Thesis 10.) When he called himself a materialist, he wanted<br />
to stress how scientific th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g reflected 'the real movement'.<br />
- 4--<br />
Books like The Logic <strong>of</strong> Man's Capital, by T<strong>on</strong>y Smith, and Dialccrics and Social Theory, by Ali<br />
Shamsavai, typify a type <strong>of</strong> lamed discourse about Mm and Hegel which deletes all dist<strong>in</strong>guish<strong>in</strong>g marks bdwca!<br />
their methods, m dis-t<strong>in</strong>guishcs than <strong>on</strong>ly by vague refc~cncea to 'idealism' md ' m a ~ m m Such . wrikrs ncvcr<br />
both to ask thanselvcs why Hegel's dirlanic takes the shapc it das. Nor do b y wnsider what, if myth<strong>in</strong>g,<br />
Man's method has to do with his communism, which, by the way, is never so much as mcntimd<br />
Him~hi Uchida's book Mm's Grundkw' and Hegel's 'Logic' gives m important expositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> this and<br />
dated ideas. Scc also, Patrick Murray, Mlux's Theory <strong>of</strong> Scimific Knowledge for a related view.<br />
In Cl, p 169, the word is translated coyly as .absurd'.
Page 74 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
Technology reveals the active relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> man to nature, the direct producti<strong>on</strong><br />
process <strong>of</strong> his lie. (Cl, p 493).<br />
But bourgeois society turned technology and natural science <strong>in</strong>to <strong>in</strong>struments for the<br />
<strong>in</strong>human exploitati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> both Nature and labour power. This is the root cause <strong>of</strong><br />
the weaknesses <strong>of</strong> the abstract materialism <strong>of</strong> natural science, a materialism<br />
which excludes the historical process. (Ibid. p 494.)<br />
By liberat<strong>in</strong>g society from fetishised forms, the communist revoluti<strong>on</strong> would make it<br />
possible for humanity to see its true relati<strong>on</strong>ship with Nature. Productive activity was<br />
revealed as 'a process between man and nature', <strong>in</strong> which the human be<strong>in</strong>g 'c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>ts the<br />
materials <strong>of</strong> nature as a force <strong>of</strong> nature'. When a human be<strong>in</strong>g 'acts up<strong>on</strong> nature and<br />
changes it ... he simultaneously changes his own nature' and 'develops the potentialities<br />
slumber<strong>in</strong>g with<strong>in</strong> nature'. That is why Mm's science - <strong>in</strong> direct oppositi<strong>on</strong> to Hegel's -<br />
could see the potentially human role <strong>of</strong> the natural sciences:<br />
History itself is a red part <strong>of</strong> natwal hirtory - <strong>of</strong> nature develop<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to man.<br />
Natural science will <strong>in</strong>corporate <strong>in</strong>to itself natural science: there will be <strong>on</strong>e<br />
science ... The social reality <strong>of</strong> nature. and hwnan natural science, or the<br />
~twal science <strong>of</strong>man, are identical terms. (MECW 3, pp 303-4.)<br />
Marx could not have d<strong>on</strong>e his job without Hegel. By exhibit<strong>in</strong>g the work<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> his<br />
dialectic <strong>in</strong> such detail, and so comprehensively, Marx's 'great teacher' had given us a<br />
faithful map <strong>of</strong> our jail. 'All' that M m needed to do was to turn the map upside down and<br />
reverse the arrows <strong>on</strong> the sign-posts. That is why critique, <strong>in</strong> the special mean<strong>in</strong>g Marx<br />
gave that term, was so important for Marx's work. Through gaps and <strong>in</strong>ternal<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> Hegel's system, Marx could glimpse possible routes for our escape<br />
tunnel.<br />
Of course, just as Hegel's task could never be completed, Marx's was also <strong>on</strong>e that could<br />
never have an end In any case, he <strong>on</strong>ly had time to beg<strong>in</strong> the study <strong>of</strong> <strong>on</strong>e particular item<br />
<strong>on</strong> his agenda. If we refuse to be bound by the false noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'Marxism', the idea that it<br />
possessed the patent <strong>on</strong> a 'complete, <strong>in</strong>tegral world-outlook', then we stand a chance <strong>of</strong><br />
follow<strong>in</strong>g Mm's lead and c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g his work <strong>in</strong>to the uncharted terra<strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> the twenty-<br />
fist century.
Tom Pa<strong>in</strong>e <strong>on</strong> Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> Puge 75<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
Tom Pa<strong>in</strong>e <strong>on</strong> Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong><br />
Richard Gunn<br />
Thomas Pa<strong>in</strong>e's Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong>, which ridiculed m<strong>on</strong>archy and argued passi<strong>on</strong>ately for<br />
American <strong>in</strong>dependence from Great Brita<strong>in</strong>, was published an<strong>on</strong>ymously <strong>in</strong> 1776, the year<br />
<strong>of</strong> the American Declarati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Independence and - perhaps an event <strong>of</strong> no lesser<br />
significance - the publicati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Adam Smith's Wealth <strong>of</strong> Nati<strong>on</strong>s. Later, Pa<strong>in</strong>e was to<br />
become a French Revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary, align<strong>in</strong>g himself with the Gir<strong>on</strong>d<strong>in</strong>s and vot<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
the executi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Louis XVI. His career was that <strong>of</strong> a pr<strong>of</strong>essi<strong>on</strong>al revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary, always <strong>in</strong><br />
the thick <strong>of</strong> events, and his fame rests up<strong>on</strong> the stream <strong>of</strong> pamphlets and theoretical texts<br />
that his defence <strong>of</strong> revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary causes produced. In England, the public hangman burnt<br />
Pa<strong>in</strong>e's books.<br />
For readers <strong>of</strong> the present journal, Pa<strong>in</strong>e's <strong>in</strong>terest lies <strong>in</strong> his hamass<strong>in</strong>g together <strong>of</strong> the<br />
noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> revoluti<strong>on</strong> and <strong>of</strong> comm<strong>on</strong> sense. The c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> is by no means obvious, and<br />
<strong>in</strong>deed <strong>in</strong> Scottish 'comm<strong>on</strong> sense' philosophy, from which the journal Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong><br />
derives its name, it may seem to be denied altogether. The Scots, from the eighteenth<br />
century <strong>on</strong>wards, have tended to l<strong>in</strong>k comm<strong>on</strong> sense to a 'secular calv<strong>in</strong>ism' and to noti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> the 'imperfectibility <strong>of</strong> man'.' Scenarios <strong>of</strong> revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary apocalypse have never much<br />
appealed to Scottish philosophers, for good or bad historical reas<strong>on</strong>s, and <strong>in</strong> general<br />
political moderati<strong>on</strong> has been seen as the implicati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> comm<strong>on</strong> sensical views. Pa<strong>in</strong>e,<br />
an Englishman born <strong>in</strong> Thetford <strong>in</strong> 1737 (his father was a staymaker) challenges all <strong>of</strong><br />
this. For him, the c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> between comm<strong>on</strong> sense and revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary apocalypse was<br />
direct and obvious. It is, however, also problematic and so what follows should be seen as<br />
the explorati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a theoretical and practical tensi<strong>on</strong> rather than as an expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> an<br />
alternative view.<br />
In Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong>, ' Pa<strong>in</strong>e uses the expressi<strong>on</strong> 'comm<strong>on</strong> sense' <strong>on</strong>ly three times. It is<br />
omitted from his knockabout and polemically brilliant attack <strong>on</strong> m<strong>on</strong>archy - his <strong>in</strong>vective<br />
aga<strong>in</strong>st 'all the crowned ruffians that ever lived' (p.81) - and appears <strong>on</strong>ly when his defence<br />
<strong>of</strong> the American Revoluti<strong>on</strong> comes <strong>on</strong> stage. In fact his first two <strong>in</strong>vocati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> comm<strong>on</strong><br />
sense are to be found <strong>in</strong> his first three pages devoted to the cause <strong>of</strong> American<br />
<strong>in</strong>dependence. In what follows I shall discuss each <strong>of</strong> his three <strong>in</strong>vocati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> 'comm<strong>on</strong><br />
sense' <strong>in</strong> turn.<br />
1. 'In the follow<strong>in</strong>g pages I <strong>of</strong>fer noth<strong>in</strong>g more than simple facts, pla<strong>in</strong> arguments, and<br />
comm<strong>on</strong> sense; and have no other prelim<strong>in</strong>aries to settle with the reader, than that he will<br />
GoorgeDavieTk Crisis <strong>of</strong> the Democratic I&l&ct, Polyg<strong>on</strong>, 1986.<br />
My Icfmccs are to the Pengu<strong>in</strong> Books edn. 1976.
Page 76 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
divest himself <strong>of</strong> prejudice and prepossessi<strong>on</strong>, and suffer his reas<strong>on</strong> and his feel<strong>in</strong>gs to<br />
determ<strong>in</strong>e for themselves; that he will put <strong>on</strong>, or rather that he will no put <strong>of</strong>f, the true<br />
character <strong>of</strong> a man, and generously enlarge his views bey<strong>on</strong>d the present day' (p. 81-1).<br />
Read carelessly, this passage could seem to equate comm<strong>on</strong> sense <strong>in</strong> a hopeless and crude<br />
way with the gut feel<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> the pla<strong>in</strong> man. This is a hopeless equati<strong>on</strong> because gut<br />
feel<strong>in</strong>gs are not always reliable; because the pla<strong>in</strong> man can be a reacti<strong>on</strong>ary man; because<br />
'facts', however 'simple', are theory-based; and because the upshot <strong>of</strong> such an equati<strong>on</strong> is a<br />
relativism whereby <strong>on</strong>e gut feel<strong>in</strong>g counts as no less justified than another. What seems<br />
obvious is always someth<strong>in</strong>g which is socially c<strong>on</strong>structed, so that as a necessary (but not<br />
necessarily sufficient) c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary theoris<strong>in</strong>g the category <strong>of</strong> obviousness<br />
has to be problematised. Were the careless read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the quoted passage to be correct<br />
Pa<strong>in</strong>e's attempt to l<strong>in</strong>k comm<strong>on</strong> sense with revoluti<strong>on</strong> would be, at best, <strong>in</strong>coherent and<br />
self-c<strong>on</strong>tradictory at worst.<br />
A more careful read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the passage can notice that it reports a progressive deepen<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> comm<strong>on</strong> sense. We start out from comm<strong>on</strong> sense specified as 'simple facts,<br />
pla<strong>in</strong> arguments'; then we turn to comm<strong>on</strong> sense as divestment <strong>of</strong> prejudice and the<br />
adopti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the true character <strong>of</strong> a m; and f<strong>in</strong>ally we arrive at comm<strong>on</strong> sense as a<br />
generous enlargement <strong>of</strong> views. That is, the fit deepen<strong>in</strong>g (from simple facts to the<br />
character <strong>of</strong> an unprejudiced man) l<strong>in</strong>ks comm<strong>on</strong> sense to the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual<br />
aut<strong>on</strong>omy, much <strong>in</strong> the sense <strong>of</strong> Kant's def<strong>in</strong>iti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> 'enlightenment', ' and the sec<strong>on</strong>d<br />
deepen<strong>in</strong>g (from <strong>in</strong>dividual aut<strong>on</strong>omy <strong>in</strong>to an enlarg<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> views) l<strong>in</strong>ks comm<strong>on</strong> sense<br />
back to <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> its orig<strong>in</strong>al mean<strong>in</strong>gs as sensus communis, that is, as public or shared<br />
sense.' This enlarg<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> views was extremely important to Pa<strong>in</strong>e, and entirely self-<br />
c<strong>on</strong>scious, because (p. 63) he wished to c<strong>on</strong>tend that 'The cause <strong>of</strong> America is the cause <strong>of</strong><br />
all mank<strong>in</strong>d'. The turn <strong>of</strong> phrase 'all mank<strong>in</strong>d' signals an appeal to a sensus communis<br />
other than that <strong>of</strong> the gut feel<strong>in</strong>gs and 'prejudice' or false obviousness which support the<br />
status quo. So far as I know this is the very fit time <strong>in</strong> Western history when the<br />
noti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> revoluti<strong>on</strong> as a 'new beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g" and <strong>of</strong> comm<strong>on</strong> sense qua sensus communis<br />
were <strong>in</strong>terc<strong>on</strong>nected <strong>in</strong> such an explicit way. Pa<strong>in</strong>e was appeal<strong>in</strong>g from 'prejudice' to a<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary <strong>in</strong>tersubjectivity, and he was do<strong>in</strong>g it <strong>in</strong> the name <strong>of</strong> comm<strong>on</strong> sense.<br />
2. Might an <strong>in</strong>cipiently <strong>in</strong>dependent America not after all rec<strong>on</strong>cile itself with Great<br />
Brita<strong>in</strong>? Pa<strong>in</strong>e says that he wishes 'To exam<strong>in</strong>e that c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> and dependance, <strong>on</strong> the<br />
pr<strong>in</strong>ciples <strong>of</strong> nature and comm<strong>on</strong> sense to see what we have to trust to, if separated, and<br />
what we are to expect, if <strong>in</strong>dependant' (p. 83).<br />
The most strik<strong>in</strong>g feature <strong>of</strong> this passage is its equati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the pr<strong>in</strong>ciples <strong>of</strong> 'nature' and <strong>of</strong><br />
'comm<strong>on</strong> sense'. I th<strong>in</strong>k it is here that Pa<strong>in</strong>e is most at odds with the Scots. His<br />
Scottish c<strong>on</strong>temporaries, whilst well aware <strong>of</strong> their <strong>in</strong>debtedness to Stoics and thereby<br />
natural law traditi<strong>on</strong>s, had learnt via their Calv<strong>in</strong>ism (however 'secularised') to mistrust<br />
nature-based appeals. Nature itself, and not just hwnan nature, counts as fallen. The<br />
Scots could not permit themselves the cheerful and easy l<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> comm<strong>on</strong> sense to<br />
nature which Pa<strong>in</strong>e assumes.<br />
Kant On Hisrory. Bobbs-Mmil. 1%3, p.3.<br />
In the 1720s. Hutchcs<strong>on</strong> translated sensur communis as 'publick sense'. H-G Gadamer's Tnid~ ad<br />
Method (Shed and Ward 197 l) develops this issue further.<br />
S H. Arendt On Revoluti<strong>on</strong> Pengu<strong>in</strong> 1973
Tom Pa<strong>in</strong>e <strong>on</strong> Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> Puge 77<br />
This said, Pa<strong>in</strong>e and the Scots shared the <strong>in</strong>heritance <strong>of</strong> a waditi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> natural law. For<br />
reas<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> space I shall refer <strong>on</strong>ly to <strong>on</strong>e - but very <strong>in</strong>fluential - representative <strong>of</strong> this<br />
traditi<strong>on</strong>, namely Samuel Pufendorf. Pufendorf, <strong>in</strong> his The Rights and Duties <strong>of</strong> Citizens<br />
Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Natural LW, urges that the c<strong>on</strong>tent <strong>of</strong> natural law can be deduced from<br />
socktar, which may be translated either as sociality or sociability. The simple fact <strong>of</strong> the<br />
matter is that Pufnedorf's deducti<strong>on</strong>s cannot be susta<strong>in</strong>ed (each clause <strong>in</strong> natural law is<br />
argued <strong>on</strong> its merits, rather than be<strong>in</strong>g seen as an <strong>in</strong>ference from societas) and he seems to<br />
leave the status <strong>of</strong> natural law (human ? or div<strong>in</strong>ely prescribed?) entirely unclear. Even the<br />
noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> societas rema<strong>in</strong>s problematic. Is he argu<strong>in</strong>g that sociability has merely a<br />
utilitarian justificati<strong>on</strong> so that, unless we accepted the duty to be sociable, we would be<br />
fly<strong>in</strong>g at <strong>on</strong>e mothers' throats? Or is he say<strong>in</strong>g that we have a dist<strong>in</strong>ctively moral duty to<br />
be sociable? I th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>on</strong>e might cut through much <strong>of</strong> this by say<strong>in</strong>g that socktas <strong>in</strong><br />
Pufendorf l<strong>in</strong>ks up with comm<strong>on</strong> sense qua sensus communis. The c<strong>on</strong>tent <strong>of</strong> natural law<br />
does not have to be derived, deductively, from societas because it just is societas. It relies<br />
up<strong>on</strong> judgements which. though <strong>in</strong>formal, are not necessarily un<strong>in</strong>formed. Pufendorf's<br />
<strong>in</strong>vocati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> God (the alleged author <strong>of</strong> natural law) can be taken up <strong>in</strong> the same<br />
comm<strong>on</strong> sensical way: rightly or wr<strong>on</strong>gly he appealed to a God whom comm<strong>on</strong> sense or<br />
natural reas<strong>on</strong> could see.<br />
Thus, when Pa<strong>in</strong>e l<strong>in</strong>ks comm<strong>on</strong> sense to nature, he is do<strong>in</strong>g it - almost at the end <strong>of</strong> this<br />
natural law traditi<strong>on</strong> - <strong>in</strong> a highly mediated way. Pa<strong>in</strong>e writes simply, for the comm<strong>on</strong><br />
man, but his writ<strong>in</strong>gs are c<strong>on</strong>sciously or unc<strong>on</strong>sciously complex. What, for Pa<strong>in</strong>e, makes<br />
it possible to l<strong>in</strong>k comm<strong>on</strong> sense to nature is the Pufendorfian c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> societas or,<br />
<strong>in</strong> other words, sensus communis. The noti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> trust and expectati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the passage<br />
above cited both refer (<strong>in</strong> ~<strong>on</strong>~ast<strong>in</strong>g ways) to a comm<strong>on</strong> world: to a world <strong>of</strong> enlarged and<br />
n<strong>on</strong>-prejudiced thought. As it happens his name for this world is 'America'. As it also so<br />
happens. America rema<strong>in</strong>ed for at least a century after the foundati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the United States a<br />
heartland for utopian experiments, and dreams. Most <strong>of</strong> them failed Inasmuch as Pa<strong>in</strong>e<br />
mediates nature to wmrn<strong>on</strong> sense through sociability (his generous enlargement) he helps<br />
us to l<strong>in</strong>k comm<strong>on</strong> sense to revoluti<strong>on</strong> and to th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>of</strong> 'America' as a myth.<br />
3. Pa<strong>in</strong>e doubts that a British navy would supply the best defence <strong>of</strong> the American<br />
seaboard: 'Comm<strong>on</strong> sense will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue<br />
us, is <strong>of</strong> all others the most improper to defend us' (p. 105). This is <strong>on</strong> the face <strong>of</strong> it the<br />
least <strong>in</strong>formative <strong>of</strong> Pa<strong>in</strong>e's comm<strong>on</strong> snesical appeals. It seems to go back to gut<br />
feel<strong>in</strong>gs. However, it c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>s a sotto voce appeal to an enlarged community <strong>of</strong><br />
enlightened nati<strong>on</strong>s, and even to a Kantian noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> universalisability as applied to<br />
<strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al law. In place <strong>of</strong> leav<strong>in</strong>g nati<strong>on</strong> states <strong>in</strong> the state <strong>of</strong> nature vis d vis <strong>on</strong>e<br />
another Pa<strong>in</strong>e appeals to a literally <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al comm<strong>on</strong> sense. Pa<strong>in</strong>e therefore, agitator<br />
though he was <strong>in</strong> every state where he lived. c<strong>on</strong>tends that even (or perhaps <strong>on</strong>ly)<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries have an <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> defend<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al law. Indeed it is possible for an<br />
anarchist to say: the laws <strong>of</strong> nati<strong>on</strong> states mean noth<strong>in</strong>g; patriotism is absurd; but<br />
<strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>al law is an important human (though certa<strong>in</strong>ly fallible) protecti<strong>on</strong> aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
horror. The world <strong>of</strong> the enlarged imag<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> and <strong>of</strong> 'all mank<strong>in</strong>d' which Pa<strong>in</strong>e summ<strong>on</strong>s<br />
has to be world-wide or noth<strong>in</strong>g else. Pa<strong>in</strong>e was a patriot <strong>on</strong>ly (and always) <strong>of</strong> states <strong>in</strong><br />
which revoluti<strong>on</strong> occurred.<br />
The d51culties c<strong>on</strong>cern<strong>in</strong>g Pa<strong>in</strong>e are these. It is not remotely clear how 'simple facts' and<br />
'pla<strong>in</strong> arguments' can be deepened <strong>in</strong>to aut<strong>on</strong>omy; nor is it clear how aut<strong>on</strong>omy can be<br />
deepened <strong>in</strong>to a generous enlargement <strong>of</strong> views <strong>of</strong> a mutually recognitive and revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary<br />
k<strong>in</strong>d. Nor is it certa<strong>in</strong> that an appeal to 'nature', however mediated through sociability,
Page 78 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
gets <strong>on</strong>e anywhere: Rousseau, for example, c<strong>on</strong>tended that the <strong>in</strong>nocence <strong>of</strong> the state <strong>of</strong><br />
nature imp<strong>in</strong>ged <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong>directly, if at all, up<strong>on</strong> judgements c<strong>on</strong>cern<strong>in</strong>g corrupt andlor<br />
virtuous social man. If 'nature' refers to sociability then it is not natural, puce Pufendorf,<br />
and if sociability refers to nature then it is to a nature which is already socially c<strong>on</strong>stituted,<br />
and c<strong>on</strong>strued. F<strong>in</strong>ally, Pa<strong>in</strong>e's pragmatic womes about the navy <strong>of</strong> Great Brita<strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>k<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly vaguely with his c<strong>on</strong>cern with 'the cause <strong>of</strong> all mank<strong>in</strong>d', and with his c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
enlarged judgement: he may have rema<strong>in</strong>ed a revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary patriot, after all.<br />
What is str<strong>on</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Pa<strong>in</strong>e is his refusal to be pessimistic about comm<strong>on</strong> sense, his refusal<br />
to Calvanise it and his <strong>in</strong>sistence up<strong>on</strong> its power (Potentia not Potestas6) to open<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary gates. By implicati<strong>on</strong>, he raises the questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> whether or not the term<br />
'comm<strong>on</strong> sense' is an appropriate <strong>on</strong>e for revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries to use. As so <strong>of</strong>ten, political<br />
and term<strong>in</strong>ological debates <strong>in</strong>tersect.<br />
This short presentati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Pa<strong>in</strong>e delivers no judgements. It <strong>in</strong>tends <strong>on</strong>ly to keep tensi<strong>on</strong>s<br />
alive. All that I should like to say is that, unless comm<strong>on</strong> sense (<strong>in</strong> some def<strong>in</strong>ti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
term) and revoluti<strong>on</strong> can be seen as strictly equivalent then <strong>on</strong>e or the other <strong>of</strong> these<br />
projects fails. For example. James Ferrier <strong>in</strong> the n<strong>in</strong>eteenth century prised comm<strong>on</strong> sense<br />
away from the <strong>in</strong>tersubjectivity which revoluti<strong>on</strong> could be held to have promised, and so<br />
threatened to destroy it.' For example, T<strong>on</strong>i Negri <strong>in</strong> the twentieth century prises comm<strong>on</strong><br />
sense away from <strong>in</strong>tersubjectivity and sensus communis <strong>in</strong>to 'multiplicity" and so<br />
threatens us with the fate <strong>of</strong> a post-modem world. What seems to be required is an<br />
<strong>in</strong>tersecti<strong>on</strong> as between the vaguely (or not so vaguely) Calvanist Scot and the apocalyptic<br />
(or not so apocalyptic) revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary Italians. I suspect that Tom Pa<strong>in</strong>e might have spun<br />
<strong>in</strong> his grave, with sheer revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary delight, were it to be possible - frankly I doubt that<br />
it is - for aut<strong>on</strong>omia and Scottish comm<strong>on</strong> sense to jo<strong>in</strong> hands.<br />
A. Negri The Savage Anomaly Univmity <strong>of</strong> M<strong>in</strong>nesota Press 1991.<br />
Debates c<strong>on</strong>cern<strong>in</strong>g Fenier's heritage rema<strong>in</strong> unrcsolvcd. Davie'sThe Democrak Infellecl (EUP 1961) and<br />
Aahur Thoms<strong>on</strong>'sFerrier <strong>of</strong> ST. Andrews (SAP 1985) are, so far, the standard texts.<br />
A. Negri The Politics <strong>of</strong> Subversi<strong>on</strong> Polity 1986.
Book Reviews Page 79<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
Book<br />
Reviews<br />
Jennifer Harbury<br />
al<strong>on</strong>e it serves as an important document <strong>of</strong><br />
oral history which gives a voice to those<br />
who have either been ignored or caricatured<br />
Bridge Of Courage:<br />
particularly by the U.S. media.<br />
Life Stories Of The<br />
Com~aneros And Cornpaneras<br />
An excellent <strong>in</strong>troducti<strong>on</strong> by Noam<br />
Chomsky supplies a brief summary <strong>of</strong> the<br />
history <strong>of</strong> Guatemala from the 1930's to the<br />
AK Press, Ed<strong>in</strong>burgh, 1994, present day. In a bitterly ir<strong>on</strong>ic and bit<strong>in</strong>g<br />
264 pp, £7.95.<br />
t<strong>on</strong>e Chomsky displays the perennial<br />
ISBN 1-873 176-61-9.<br />
<strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>of</strong> the U.S. <strong>in</strong> attempt<strong>in</strong>g to<br />
Reviewed by Ian Fraser<br />
secure a "stable" envir<strong>on</strong>ment with<strong>in</strong> which<br />
American capital could <strong>in</strong>vest. Up to 1944<br />
this was provided by the dictator Jorge<br />
Ubico whose particular claim to fame had<br />
The Lat<strong>in</strong> American regi<strong>on</strong> has l<strong>on</strong>g been a been to legalise the murder<br />
Indians by<br />
slaughter bench up<strong>on</strong> which many landowners. With his regime overthrown<br />
thousands <strong>of</strong> people have been sacrificed. the new social and agrarian caused<br />
Guatemala, <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> the smaller nati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> problefns for the and U.S. agribus<strong>in</strong>ess<br />
this area, is no excepti<strong>on</strong> to this experience. Ope'aUg <strong>in</strong> the country. Not "W's<strong>in</strong>gly*<br />
It has a 500 year history <strong>of</strong> a ferocious life then* a U.S. backed ensued ten Years<br />
and death struggle between those who later and set <strong>in</strong> proms a 'ystem <strong>of</strong> terror<br />
produce and those who ~~~~~f~ which elim<strong>in</strong>ated any<strong>on</strong>e who was seen to<br />
Harbury, an American lawyer who began be <strong>in</strong> to the government. the<br />
work<strong>in</strong>g with Guatemalan refugees <strong>in</strong> the 19'0'' around 200*000 people were<br />
early eighties, became an eye-witness to estimated to have either "disappeared" or<br />
this bale. D~~~~ <strong>in</strong> deeper and deeper to been killed. Even <strong>in</strong> January <strong>of</strong> this year,<br />
the ~~~~~~~l~ struggle ~~b~~ came <strong>in</strong>to under the reformist presidency <strong>of</strong> Carpio,<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tact with those who were engag<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the cOunq's human 'ghts ombudsman- 46<br />
overt acti<strong>on</strong>s aga<strong>in</strong>st the government, the people were executed by death 'quads lhat<br />
companen,s and cornpaneras Rvo~uti<strong>on</strong>ar~es. are l<strong>in</strong>ked to bus<strong>in</strong>ess <strong>in</strong>terests and the<br />
It is their testim<strong>on</strong>ies <strong>of</strong> why they became<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries and their life <strong>in</strong> the struggle<br />
that forms the basis <strong>of</strong> this book. this<br />
Yet it is aga<strong>in</strong>st this unrelent<strong>in</strong>g backdrop
Page80 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
<strong>of</strong> atrocity that the Guatemalan themselves now found it possible to assert<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries have waged their struggle. their <strong>in</strong>dependence and rights with<strong>in</strong> a group<br />
What, though, made them become which was equally respective <strong>of</strong> their<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries <strong>in</strong> the first place? This wishes. The experience <strong>of</strong> all <strong>in</strong>dividuals<br />
questi<strong>on</strong> takes up the fist part <strong>of</strong> the book with<strong>in</strong> the movement, although at times<br />
as ten <strong>in</strong>dividuals relate how they decided to obviously hard, is an enlighten<strong>in</strong>g and<br />
head for the mounta<strong>in</strong>s and fight. The educative <strong>on</strong>e as they are taught to th<strong>in</strong>k<br />
overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g reas<strong>on</strong> for all <strong>of</strong> them was even more critically about the world around<br />
that their oppositi<strong>on</strong> activities <strong>in</strong> Guatemala them.<br />
city and the towns meant they would<br />
eventually be targeted by the military. Strangely enough, however, the overall<br />
Interest<strong>in</strong>gly, however, the cornpanera feel<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong>e gets from this book is the<br />
"Anita", who was under the same threat,. power <strong>of</strong> capital rather than the power <strong>of</strong><br />
makes an additi<strong>on</strong> to this. She reports: labour. Yet for capital to resp<strong>on</strong>d to any<br />
dissent <strong>in</strong> such a ferocious manner can <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
"1 could have fled the country to safety, but I mean that it is threatened by the self-<br />
chose not to. I had made a decisi<strong>on</strong> - I had valoris<strong>in</strong>g activities <strong>of</strong> those opposed to it.<br />
decided to fight. I had decided that when those T~ h these activities are reported.<br />
animals came look<strong>in</strong>g for me, to kill<br />
me ...<br />
<strong>in</strong>stance, we are told about the attempts to<br />
they were go<strong>in</strong>g to f<strong>in</strong>d me with a gun<br />
m my hands" (p. 38).<br />
set up co-operatives with<strong>in</strong> villages which<br />
, became so successful that the military<br />
Such sentiments, l<strong>in</strong>ked with a desire to co"stantly tried destroy them.<br />
struggle for a better future free from the "new societies" created with<strong>in</strong> the<br />
and tome, are what motivated revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary movement based <strong>on</strong> a<br />
these <strong>in</strong>dividuals to jo<strong>in</strong> the Guatemalan<br />
different value system to that<br />
~ ~ t i ~ ~ a l ~ Uni<strong>on</strong> (URNG) ~ and prevail<strong>in</strong>g ~ <strong>in</strong> society l are readily ~ evident. ~<br />
take up arms aga<strong>in</strong>st the forces <strong>of</strong> capital. the <strong>in</strong>stances <strong>of</strong> the<br />
~h~ formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a decisi<strong>on</strong> was revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries fight<strong>in</strong>g back and "w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g"<br />
cloaked <strong>in</strong> the blood <strong>of</strong> their families, engagements with are limited and<br />
friends and fellow Guatemalans. However, obscured by the weight <strong>of</strong> those<br />
as v~aspartsw testim<strong>on</strong>y suggests, "for every accounts which relay the suffer<strong>in</strong>g. This is<br />
pa<strong>in</strong>ful story there is <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> beauty" (p. 81) "Ot to Suggest that the atrocities aga<strong>in</strong>st the<br />
and the is the resilience <strong>of</strong> the Guatemalan people should be ignored but to<br />
Guatemalan people <strong>in</strong> general and the the importance <strong>of</strong> counter-balanc<strong>in</strong>g<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries <strong>in</strong> particular. T~~~ is this with the successful revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary<br />
especially prevalent <strong>in</strong> part two <strong>of</strong> the book resistance that has taken place.<br />
which c<strong>on</strong>siders testim<strong>on</strong>ies <strong>on</strong> life <strong>in</strong> he For example, the companero "Tomas"<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>. The solidarity and humanity phts Out, "we did lose Our<br />
am<strong>on</strong>gst the group members is both not even way back ... when we had noth<strong>in</strong>g"<br />
impressive and heart-warm<strong>in</strong>g. This is @. 198) Yet the general tenor the book is<br />
particularly so <strong>in</strong> the cases <strong>of</strong> those who had One lucky escapes Or horrific deaths<br />
to drop their and m*e an equal with tremendous resilience and courage. In<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong> to those tasks they had ben c<strong>on</strong>trast, "Tomas's" tale <strong>of</strong> how the<br />
brought up to believe were the <strong>of</strong>. revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries, positi<strong>on</strong>ed high am<strong>on</strong>gst<br />
women. similarly, women who had hen the ancient rocks <strong>of</strong> their ancestors,<br />
<strong>in</strong>doctr<strong>in</strong>ated to th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>in</strong> this way S~CC~SS~U~~Y repelled the advancement the
Book Reviews Page 81<br />
military is a salutary <strong>on</strong>e. "Camilo's" broadcasts which the military has not been<br />
account has a similar res<strong>on</strong>ance as he tells able to silence. The revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries now<br />
<strong>of</strong> a wealthy plantati<strong>on</strong> own<strong>in</strong>g family that march openly <strong>in</strong> the towns <strong>on</strong> the southern<br />
were <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> hand<strong>in</strong>g over people to be coast and even near the capital itself.<br />
killed or tortured and who allowed the Encourag<strong>in</strong>gly. disc<strong>on</strong>tent has spread to<br />
military to use their land as a military base. workers around a 100,000 <strong>of</strong><br />
In comradely fashi<strong>on</strong> the owner was told by whom went <strong>on</strong> strike <strong>in</strong> January <strong>of</strong> this<br />
the URNG to cease <strong>in</strong>volvement with the year. Just where all this activity will lead is<br />
military but he decided to refuse their uncerta<strong>in</strong> but as Harbury herself notes "it<br />
request. The result<strong>in</strong>g attack saw the owner does not matter for the people who have<br />
and his family vacate the premises with patience. They are will<strong>in</strong>g to c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ue to<br />
great haste pursu<strong>in</strong>g those soldiers that had struggle and to die until the curse <strong>of</strong> the last<br />
already determ<strong>in</strong>ed it was best to depart. five hundred years is broken, and their<br />
"Camilo" and his comrades then set about people are free at last" (p. 204). It is to this<br />
burn<strong>in</strong>g the cott<strong>on</strong> sheds and help<strong>in</strong>g end that the book aims to c<strong>on</strong>tribute and as<br />
themselves to some <strong>of</strong> the immense number such it deserves to be thoroughly<br />
<strong>of</strong> brand foods that l<strong>in</strong>ed the pantry. They recommended.<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cluded that their own food from the<br />
villages was far more satisfy<strong>in</strong>g. "We just<br />
couldn't understand it", says "Camilo", Werner B<strong>on</strong>efeld<br />
"why would any<strong>on</strong>e want fast food that was<br />
so fast that you couldn't tell the beans from T ,,, R c m p i i <strong>of</strong> h<br />
the potatoes without look<strong>in</strong>g at the labels?"<br />
British State Dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1980s<br />
(p. 135). Hence, these isolated examples <strong>of</strong><br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary success <strong>in</strong> engagements with<br />
capital and the military are the most DafbIl~uth Publish<strong>in</strong>g Company<br />
encourag<strong>in</strong>g parts <strong>of</strong> the book.<br />
Aldershot, 1993,<br />
ISBN 1 85521 377 X, pp. viii + 282,<br />
Sadly, <strong>of</strong> course. some <strong>of</strong> the comrades £35.00.<br />
featured are now dead or impris<strong>on</strong>ed but<br />
others fight <strong>on</strong> with a "new generati<strong>on</strong>" also Reviewed by Brian McGrail<br />
build<strong>in</strong>g the "bridge <strong>of</strong> courage" to a free<br />
Guatemala. The book itself is also "active"<br />
<strong>in</strong> this struggle <strong>in</strong> that it gives <strong>in</strong>formati<strong>on</strong> Compared with the majority <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>on</strong> support groups <strong>in</strong> the U.S. that readers c<strong>on</strong>temporary works <strong>on</strong> the state, which<br />
Can C<strong>on</strong>tact. Also. royalties from the book adopt a "political" textbook t<strong>on</strong>e and/or a<br />
go to a campaign to release those URNG purely descriptive procedure. B<strong>on</strong>efeld's<br />
members held as pris<strong>on</strong>ers <strong>of</strong> war. book, <strong>in</strong> the true dialectical (Hegelian)<br />
traditi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Marxism, deals with the<br />
The current situati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> Guatemala is as antag<strong>on</strong>istic c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the state,<br />
tense as ever. The reformist Guatemalan especially with its apparently fragmentruy<br />
government, al<strong>on</strong>g with the military, now existence as a purely "political"<br />
negotiates with the URNG and other phenomen<strong>on</strong> which is aut<strong>on</strong>omous from<br />
guerrilla pups. The latter have <strong>in</strong>creased "the ec<strong>on</strong>omy". Hence, not <strong>on</strong>ly is state<br />
their powers <strong>of</strong> communicati<strong>on</strong> to the rest theory dealt with but the very divisi<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> the populati<strong>on</strong> through their radio between state and ec<strong>on</strong>omy, which lies at
Page82 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
the heart <strong>of</strong> political ec<strong>on</strong>omy (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g all<br />
those political ec<strong>on</strong>omies that claim to be<br />
radical or revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary), is underm<strong>in</strong>ed.<br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeld's po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> departure is thus the<br />
recent debates <strong>of</strong> the 19805, closely related<br />
to the Marxism <strong>of</strong> the British Communist<br />
Party before its demise, which focused <strong>on</strong><br />
the so-called Post-fordist restructur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the<br />
capitalist state. The open<strong>in</strong>g chapter (also<br />
the Introducti<strong>on</strong>) criticises both Post-fordist<br />
and Regulati<strong>on</strong>ist approaches to the<br />
state/ec<strong>on</strong>omy relati<strong>on</strong>ship, despite their<br />
<strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the state and the ec<strong>on</strong>omy<br />
<strong>in</strong>to a 'totality', for see<strong>in</strong>g "the articulati<strong>on</strong><br />
between the political and the ec<strong>on</strong>omic ...<br />
as be<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>stituted by structural laws" (p.<br />
9). As such the analysis <strong>of</strong> the antag<strong>on</strong>istic<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the state rema<strong>in</strong>s<br />
undeveloped <strong>in</strong> these theories s<strong>in</strong>ce both<br />
state and ec<strong>on</strong>omy are understood as be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
the products <strong>of</strong> objective forces andlor trends<br />
which lie outside the realm <strong>of</strong> subjective<br />
acti<strong>on</strong>. This leads to "the disarticulati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
structure and process" (p. 11) which<br />
fetishises (or objectifies) both the structures<br />
(ie. 'the state' as opposed to 'the ec<strong>on</strong>omy')<br />
and the process (ie. 'political' as opposed to<br />
'ec<strong>on</strong>omic' relati<strong>on</strong>s/struggles) - the<br />
necessary outcome <strong>of</strong> which are the<br />
complementary tw<strong>in</strong> evils <strong>of</strong><br />
historical/technological determ<strong>in</strong>ism<br />
(ec<strong>on</strong>omism) and idealist subjectivism<br />
(Statism). The political becomes a<br />
determ<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the ec<strong>on</strong>omic but precisely<br />
when the ec<strong>on</strong>omy is seen as noth<strong>in</strong>g more<br />
than a multitude. or sum total, <strong>of</strong> socially<br />
or politically determ<strong>in</strong>ed acti<strong>on</strong>s (eg. as <strong>in</strong><br />
behaviouralist approaches to ec<strong>on</strong>omics).<br />
Each structure is the "subject" <strong>of</strong> the other<br />
structure with the c<strong>on</strong>sequence, for this k<strong>in</strong>d<br />
<strong>of</strong> approach, that the noti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> an<br />
antag<strong>on</strong>istic subject <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st the<br />
structures disappears from the vital process<br />
<strong>of</strong> analys<strong>in</strong>g the c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the state.<br />
The political implicati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> this theory for<br />
the work<strong>in</strong>g class are that they are<br />
c<strong>on</strong>demned to play an external and/or<br />
<strong>in</strong>cidental role <strong>in</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
state - a role which is either essentialist<br />
(eg. the 'noth<strong>in</strong>g can be d<strong>on</strong>e' <strong>of</strong> trade uni<strong>on</strong><br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omism) or volllntarist (eg. the 'jo<strong>in</strong> the<br />
political party' <strong>of</strong> idyllic statism). With<strong>in</strong><br />
this c<strong>on</strong>textualisati<strong>on</strong> B<strong>on</strong>efeld's book may<br />
be seen as a repudiati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong>, and antedote to,<br />
the political implicati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Post-fordist<br />
state theory.<br />
From the outset (specifically Chapter 2)<br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeld makes clear that his own<br />
<strong>in</strong>terpretati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the state/ec<strong>on</strong>omy relati<strong>on</strong><br />
is dialectical, but, not <strong>in</strong> the 'Classical<br />
Marxist' sense <strong>of</strong> a c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g<br />
between two phenomena (as if political and<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omic crises emerged from the mismatch<br />
<strong>of</strong> structures themselves, as if "capital ...<br />
[was] ... <strong>in</strong> <strong>crisis</strong> with itself' (p. 16)).<br />
rather, <strong>in</strong> the 'Hegelian Marxist' sense <strong>of</strong> an<br />
<strong>in</strong>ternal c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> which each<br />
phenomen<strong>on</strong> is the c<strong>on</strong>tradictory form <strong>of</strong><br />
the other's existence. Thus, 'the state' is<br />
the political form <strong>in</strong> and through which 'the<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omy' reproduces itself, and vice versa,<br />
'the ec<strong>on</strong>omy' is the ec<strong>on</strong>omic form <strong>in</strong> and<br />
through which 'the state' reproduces itself.<br />
Dialectics therefore proceeds from with<strong>in</strong><br />
the object <strong>of</strong> study giv<strong>in</strong>g the subject (and<br />
hence theo~y) an active role <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ternal<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> phenomena - "subject and<br />
object are <strong>in</strong>ternally related" (p. 17).<br />
However, <strong>in</strong> as much as 'the state'<br />
reproduces itself <strong>in</strong> and through the<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omic form <strong>of</strong> social reproducti<strong>on</strong> (ie.<br />
taxati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> surplus value) it is the product,<br />
or object, <strong>of</strong> an antag<strong>on</strong>istic subject,<br />
namely labour <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital - that<br />
is, <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st the extracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> surplus<br />
value. 'The ec<strong>on</strong>omy' is a reijicatwn <strong>of</strong> the<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omic form <strong>of</strong> the existence <strong>of</strong> labour <strong>in</strong><br />
and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital. Similarly, 'the state',<br />
<strong>in</strong> as much as 'the ec<strong>on</strong>omy' reproduces<br />
itself <strong>in</strong> and through the political form <strong>of</strong><br />
social reproducti<strong>on</strong> (ie. the reducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong>
labour to wage labour), is a reificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
the political fom <strong>of</strong> the same antag<strong>on</strong>istic<br />
relati<strong>on</strong> (capital and labour). The "presence<br />
<strong>of</strong> labour" (p. 17) <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital is<br />
"the key to this c<strong>on</strong>ceptualisati<strong>on</strong>" (p. 17),<br />
ie. <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ternal relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> subject/object.<br />
'The state' must thenceforth be understood<br />
as a process which open-endedly or<br />
undeterm<strong>in</strong>istically has to c<strong>on</strong>stantly reduce<br />
labour to wage labour, subject to object.<br />
"The understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the fom <strong>of</strong> the state<br />
as a mode <strong>of</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> class antag<strong>on</strong>ism<br />
expla<strong>in</strong>s why the state seeks to decompose<br />
class relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> the basis <strong>of</strong> law and<br />
m<strong>on</strong>ey" (p. 66). It is a process which<br />
denies the subjectivity <strong>of</strong> labour (its<br />
aut<strong>on</strong>omy) and is thus a c<strong>on</strong>tradictory<br />
process. The c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> lies <strong>in</strong> the fact<br />
that, as a process, the state's work is never<br />
d<strong>on</strong>e - labour as subject c<strong>on</strong>stantly re-<br />
imposes itself <strong>in</strong> and through a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradictory social form <strong>of</strong> reproducti<strong>on</strong>,<br />
which as process and as form has<br />
limitati<strong>on</strong>s, or is c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ually open to a<br />
radically different c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>. By this<br />
manner <strong>of</strong> argumentati<strong>on</strong> B<strong>on</strong>efeld<br />
overcomes the determ<strong>in</strong>ism <strong>of</strong> both<br />
mechanistic materialism and idealism so<br />
<strong>in</strong>scribed <strong>in</strong> the 1980s Post-fordist debates.<br />
In place <strong>of</strong> the determ<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour (and<br />
struggle) by structural laws, or the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> policies co<strong>in</strong>cidental with<br />
the "relatively aut<strong>on</strong>omous forces <strong>of</strong> the<br />
market" (p. 10) which amounts to the same<br />
th<strong>in</strong>g, B<strong>on</strong>efeld ascribes to labour the role<br />
<strong>of</strong> "productive and disruptive power" (p.<br />
140) which composes, decomposes and<br />
recomposes the political and ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />
forms <strong>of</strong> capitalist (class) relati<strong>on</strong>s. The<br />
state, as the political form <strong>of</strong> antag<strong>on</strong>istic<br />
class relati<strong>on</strong>s. is thus c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ually<br />
recomposed as a means <strong>of</strong> underm<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the<br />
compositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g class which<br />
undenwites struggles over the extracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
surplus value - the antag<strong>on</strong>istic basis <strong>of</strong><br />
capital accumulati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Book Reviews Page 83<br />
Chapter 3 shifts the focus <strong>of</strong> attenti<strong>on</strong> to a<br />
more substantive level, namely, the most<br />
recent <strong>crisis</strong> <strong>of</strong> accumulati<strong>on</strong> faced by the<br />
capitalist class, and hence the state.<br />
B<strong>on</strong>efeld chooses the aband<strong>on</strong>ment <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Brett<strong>on</strong> Woods Agreement <strong>in</strong> 1971 as the<br />
most important <strong>in</strong>dicator <strong>of</strong> this <strong>crisis</strong> - the<br />
beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the <strong>crisis</strong> but also the<br />
culm<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a cycle <strong>of</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g class<br />
struggles which brought it <strong>on</strong>. This event<br />
represents the term<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the cosy post-<br />
war relati<strong>on</strong> between global m<strong>on</strong>ey and the<br />
nati<strong>on</strong>al ec<strong>on</strong>omy which existed <strong>in</strong> and<br />
through the political form <strong>of</strong> Keynesianism<br />
or the 'Welfare State'. It represents the<br />
flight <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey from its productive base<br />
but <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> order that m<strong>on</strong>ey can re-impose<br />
its command over labour <strong>in</strong> and through the<br />
global market. M<strong>on</strong>etarism becomes the<br />
theoretical expressi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> such a 'bypass'<br />
operati<strong>on</strong> - it aims to use m<strong>on</strong>ey-as-<br />
command to recompose class relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong><br />
terms advantageous to the further<br />
accumulati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capital. This necessarily<br />
<strong>in</strong>volves the decompositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g<br />
class as a c hs - the reducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour to<br />
wage labour. However, such a process is<br />
wrought with difficulties given the<br />
productive power <strong>of</strong> labour, its <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>to the process <strong>of</strong> social reproducti<strong>on</strong>. The<br />
Welfare State is central to the accumulati<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> capital just as much as it is a burden, and<br />
thus, 'dole' has to be seen <strong>in</strong> the light <strong>of</strong> it<br />
be<strong>in</strong>g a 'wage' which 'keeps the peace'.<br />
Political stability be<strong>in</strong>g a central plank <strong>of</strong><br />
capital accumulati<strong>on</strong> any decompositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
the work<strong>in</strong>g class <strong>in</strong> and through the m<strong>on</strong>ey<br />
form <strong>of</strong> social reproducti<strong>on</strong> poses the<br />
problem <strong>of</strong> recompos<strong>in</strong>g class relati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
Capital requires the assistance <strong>of</strong> labour - to<br />
accept its role as that <strong>of</strong> wage labour (or<br />
labour power). As B<strong>on</strong>efeld po<strong>in</strong>ts out (p.<br />
107- 108) Michael Edwarde's planslideas for<br />
the re-impositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> management c<strong>on</strong>trol at<br />
British Leyland lead to c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>tati<strong>on</strong>,
Page 84 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
disloyality, bad feel<strong>in</strong>g and low morale <strong>on</strong> us. The ma<strong>in</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tradictory development<br />
which made the 'right to manage' B<strong>on</strong>efeld analyses is the way <strong>in</strong> which<br />
impossible. "Employers could not adopt Thatcherite policies <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>stra<strong>in</strong>t (eg. cuts<br />
Edwarde's (1984) prescripti<strong>on</strong> and practice <strong>in</strong> public expenditure) were <strong>on</strong>ly made<br />
... because it would have underm<strong>in</strong>ed the possible. and therefore largely <strong>of</strong>f-set, by<br />
self-discipl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> workers necessary to make saddl<strong>in</strong>g "social relati<strong>on</strong>s with an<br />
the <strong>in</strong>tense compositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capital unprecedented weight <strong>of</strong> debt" (p. 137).<br />
productive" (p.107). The <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> Hence, although Thatcher succeeded <strong>in</strong><br />
labour was not just required <strong>on</strong> the reduc<strong>in</strong>g public expenditure as a Wntage<br />
shopfloor or <strong>in</strong> the general 'workplace' but <strong>of</strong> GDP from 44% <strong>in</strong> 1983 to 39% <strong>in</strong> 1989<br />
throughout society. Students, the peace and (now back to 42% <strong>in</strong> 1992) this can <strong>on</strong>ly be<br />
anti-nuclear power movements, properly understood <strong>in</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>text <strong>of</strong> the<br />
envir<strong>on</strong>ment and local/community acti<strong>on</strong> government's use <strong>of</strong> credit expansi<strong>on</strong> as<br />
groups, and umsumers all had to be equally the means by which to impose social<br />
well discipl<strong>in</strong>ed to make society work. c<strong>on</strong>trol. Credit afforded the government the<br />
Hence M<strong>on</strong>etarism was aband<strong>on</strong>ed as a possibility to remove and reduce welfare<br />
feasible project s<strong>in</strong>ce it failed to guarantee benefits and. at the same time, <strong>in</strong>crease the<br />
the <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour <strong>in</strong> capital. The volume <strong>of</strong> taxati<strong>on</strong> whilst reduc<strong>in</strong>g its rate.<br />
impositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey-as-command or 'The government used state budget<strong>in</strong>g as a<br />
"market forces" lead not <strong>on</strong>ly to the means <strong>of</strong> fragment<strong>in</strong>g social relati<strong>on</strong>s<br />
destructi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>efficient capitals but to a through legal and m<strong>on</strong>etary <strong>in</strong>terventi<strong>on</strong>,<br />
de-stabilisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the very basis up<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the credit and fiscal explosi<strong>on</strong><br />
which capital and hence the power <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey which susta<strong>in</strong>ed the boom. and the<br />
was reproduced. This eventually lead to the recompositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the welfare state which<br />
W<strong>in</strong>ter <strong>of</strong> Disc<strong>on</strong>tent which came about as a guaranteed the c<strong>on</strong>vertibility <strong>of</strong> credit <strong>in</strong>to<br />
result <strong>of</strong> the Labour government's tax revenue by mak<strong>in</strong>g the unemployed pay<br />
M<strong>on</strong>etarist policies. F<strong>in</strong>ally. <strong>in</strong> the wake the price <strong>of</strong> credit growth" (p. 232). In<br />
<strong>of</strong> Mexico's threat to default <strong>on</strong> its loans <strong>in</strong> other words. while credit expansi<strong>on</strong> was<br />
1982 (debt be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong>e mechanism through used to cut higher tax rates it was also used<br />
which the power <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey attempted to as the argument for impos<strong>in</strong>g austerity<br />
assert itself) and the subsequent collapse <strong>of</strong> measures. As a result "fiscal redistributi<strong>on</strong><br />
several U.S. banks, m<strong>on</strong>etarism was s<strong>of</strong>tened the impact <strong>of</strong> the crash <strong>of</strong> 1987 <strong>on</strong><br />
aband<strong>on</strong>ed <strong>on</strong> a global scale and new f<strong>in</strong>ancial markets and susta<strong>in</strong>ed the boom,<br />
'growth' policies were <strong>in</strong>stigated as a means domestically and <strong>in</strong>ternati<strong>on</strong>ally, until the<br />
<strong>of</strong> re-<strong>in</strong>tegrat<strong>in</strong>g labour <strong>in</strong>to the early 1990s" (p. 233). In this manner<br />
accumulati<strong>on</strong> process. Yet these policies Thatcher decomposed the wider work<strong>in</strong>g<br />
made a radical departure from the Keynesian class movement. More directly trade uni<strong>on</strong><br />
form <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> just as much as they laws were used to substantially curb the<br />
borrowed from it. power <strong>of</strong> traditi<strong>on</strong>al wage labour<br />
associati<strong>on</strong>s (also analysed <strong>in</strong> Chapter 4).<br />
It is <strong>in</strong> Chapter 4 that B<strong>on</strong>efeld moves <strong>on</strong>to N<strong>on</strong>etheless. the picture B<strong>on</strong>efeld pa<strong>in</strong>ts is<br />
the questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> the not a determ<strong>in</strong>sitically depress<strong>in</strong>g <strong>on</strong>e. "In<br />
British state dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1980s and pulls c<strong>on</strong>tradist<strong>in</strong>cti<strong>on</strong> to approaches which are<br />
apart the determ<strong>in</strong>istic 'coherency' <strong>of</strong> predicated <strong>on</strong> Thatcherism as a successful<br />
Thatcherism (as a 'political philosophy') hegem<strong>on</strong>ic project, the pacificati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class<br />
which Post-fordists were adept at foist<strong>in</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>flict through credit-susta<strong>in</strong>ed
accumulati<strong>on</strong> existed <strong>on</strong>ly c<strong>on</strong>tradictorily"<br />
(p. 246). While Thatcherism aided the<br />
accumulati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey <strong>on</strong> the back <strong>of</strong><br />
credit expansi<strong>on</strong> this accumulati<strong>on</strong> and thus<br />
the Thatcherite project itself was purely<br />
speculative until debt is turned <strong>in</strong>to means<br />
<strong>of</strong> payment. For any<strong>on</strong>e liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Brita<strong>in</strong>,<br />
<strong>in</strong>deed <strong>on</strong> planet earth, over the last 5 years<br />
the rest is history - a massive credit crunch<br />
and the l<strong>on</strong>gest depressi<strong>on</strong> s<strong>in</strong>ce records<br />
began. What rema<strong>in</strong>s to be said <strong>in</strong> this<br />
review, however, is that B<strong>on</strong>efeld does not<br />
ascribe this situati<strong>on</strong> to the work <strong>of</strong> chance,<br />
<strong>in</strong> fact he ascribes it - quite beautifully - to<br />
the power <strong>of</strong> labour:<br />
"M<strong>on</strong>ey is not a saleable th<strong>in</strong>g. It exists<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> and through labour as substance <strong>of</strong><br />
value. ?he unprecedented dissociati<strong>on</strong><br />
between m<strong>on</strong>etary and productive<br />
accumulati<strong>on</strong> expresses the presence <strong>of</strong><br />
labour. The key to turn<strong>in</strong>g debt <strong>in</strong>to means<br />
<strong>of</strong> payments is the effectiveness <strong>of</strong> capital <strong>in</strong><br />
exploit<strong>in</strong>g labour, and labour's effectiveness<br />
<strong>in</strong> resisl<strong>in</strong>g exploitati<strong>on</strong> by capital" @. 247).<br />
Here it can be seen that (a) Thatcherism<br />
failed to steam roller the work<strong>in</strong>g class -<br />
the power <strong>of</strong> labour <strong>in</strong> and aga<strong>in</strong>st capital -<br />
and thus provide the state form necessary to<br />
the recompositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class relati<strong>on</strong>s al<strong>on</strong>g<br />
capitalist l<strong>in</strong>es, and (b) the battle is not<br />
over. B<strong>on</strong>efeld's thesis is as much about<br />
the theory <strong>of</strong> history as much as it is about<br />
the theory <strong>of</strong> the state or 'macro-<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omics'. Thus, <strong>in</strong> Chapter 5 (also the<br />
C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>) B<strong>on</strong>efeld not <strong>on</strong>ly summarises<br />
his critiques <strong>of</strong> works which emphasise the<br />
structural nature <strong>of</strong> the <strong>crisis</strong> (whether it is<br />
seen as simply a 'British' phenomen<strong>on</strong> or a<br />
struggle between fragments <strong>of</strong> capital, ie.<br />
f<strong>in</strong>ancial versus <strong>in</strong>dustrial capital) but<br />
optimistically c<strong>on</strong>cludes that the<br />
recompositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> class relati<strong>on</strong>s necessary<br />
to the transformati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> m<strong>on</strong>ey (debt) <strong>in</strong>to<br />
"truly productive capital ... is still bey<strong>on</strong>d<br />
the horiz<strong>on</strong>" (p. 263). We can thus take<br />
Book Reviews Page 85<br />
heart that it is not just 'Thatcherism' which<br />
has failed but post-Thatcherism as well.<br />
To c<strong>on</strong>clude I will make two further<br />
comments. Firstly, I have found this book<br />
immensely stimulat<strong>in</strong>g to read as its<br />
complexity, although <strong>of</strong>f-putt<strong>in</strong>g to beg<strong>in</strong><br />
with, provides a variety <strong>of</strong> routes to<br />
understand<strong>in</strong>g the present c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
(British) state form <strong>on</strong>ce the reader has<br />
mastered the viewpo<strong>in</strong>t from which it is<br />
be<strong>in</strong>g written - post-capitalist and post-<br />
socialist. Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, it is a work <strong>of</strong> negative<br />
dialectics the joy <strong>of</strong> which is the ability it<br />
affords us to laugh at all the m<strong>on</strong>ey-bag and<br />
socially-c<strong>on</strong>cerned state reformers who<br />
would try to put us down, however, <strong>in</strong> as<br />
far as it tells us that they (the capitalist<br />
class and their ilk) cannot get it right it does<br />
not give us <strong>in</strong>sight <strong>in</strong>to what we are gett<strong>in</strong>g<br />
right and how we are gett<strong>in</strong>g it right The<br />
job <strong>of</strong> another work perhaps? More<br />
importantly the silence speaks volumes -<br />
the c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g <strong>crisis</strong> is not that <strong>of</strong><br />
"capital's" but ours.<br />
Hillel Tickt<strong>in</strong><br />
Orig<strong>in</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the Crisis <strong>in</strong> the<br />
USSR: Essays <strong>on</strong> the Political<br />
Ec<strong>on</strong>omy <strong>of</strong> a Decl<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />
System.<br />
ME. Sharp Inc, New York, 1992, ISBN<br />
0-87332-8884.<br />
Reviewed by David Gorman<br />
This book is a demand<strong>in</strong>g read but all the<br />
more reward<strong>in</strong>g for that. As the <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
empirically grounded theoretical work <strong>on</strong><br />
the nature <strong>of</strong> stal<strong>in</strong>ist society, moreover, its<br />
importance cannot be stressed enough. It
Page 86 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
c<strong>on</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>s a wealth <strong>of</strong> material and ideas and no c<strong>on</strong>trol over his or her own work process<br />
<strong>in</strong> the space <strong>of</strong> a short review it is possible and so is forced to collaborate with others to<br />
to touch <strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong>ly a few aspects <strong>of</strong> the work. resist the system; there is an <strong>in</strong>herent<br />
For a more detailed account the reader tendency towards antag<strong>on</strong>istic collectivity.<br />
should c<strong>on</strong>sult Paul Smith's review <strong>in</strong> In the USSR, by c<strong>on</strong>trast, each <strong>in</strong>dividual<br />
Radical Cha<strong>in</strong>s No. 4. had a substantial degree <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol over his<br />
or her own labour process. This was a<br />
Atomizati<strong>on</strong> and Bureaucratic c<strong>on</strong>sequence <strong>of</strong> the fact that <strong>in</strong> the former<br />
Dependence. USSR it was impossible to sack workers<br />
without f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g alternative employment for<br />
Tickt<strong>in</strong> stresses that you cannot understand them. As a result each worker was able to<br />
the USSR if you assume that the categories work out an <strong>in</strong>dividual barga<strong>in</strong> with the<br />
developed by Man <strong>in</strong> Capitol apply to it management and this <strong>in</strong> turn <strong>in</strong>hibited the<br />
without modificati<strong>on</strong>. It cannot be assumed formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> collectivity; it did so by<br />
apriori that the law <strong>of</strong> value operated <strong>in</strong> the remov<strong>in</strong>g the immediate need for<br />
USSR; the categories themselves must be collectivity.<br />
drawn from reality. This can be seen when<br />
the category <strong>of</strong> atomizati<strong>on</strong> is exam<strong>in</strong>ed. It might be objected that some <strong>of</strong> these<br />
features <strong>of</strong> atomizati<strong>on</strong> are also feamres <strong>of</strong><br />
Under the law <strong>of</strong> value atomizati<strong>on</strong> is atomizati<strong>on</strong> with<strong>in</strong>modem capitalism - the<br />
mediated through m<strong>on</strong>ey. The <strong>in</strong>dividual is bureaucratic structures <strong>of</strong> the welfare state<br />
<strong>in</strong>dependent <strong>in</strong> so far as the is no direct are the prime example here - and it must be<br />
dependence <strong>on</strong> other <strong>in</strong>dividuals; there is acknowledged that Tickt<strong>in</strong> sometimes seems<br />
thus a degree <strong>of</strong> real <strong>in</strong>dependence but this is to be c<strong>on</strong>trast<strong>in</strong>g the USSR with an ideal<br />
also illusory as there is a de facto type <strong>of</strong> capitalism which does not exist.<br />
dependence mediated by the commodity Tickt<strong>in</strong> is, however, well aware <strong>of</strong> the<br />
form. Individuals have little real c<strong>on</strong>trol existence <strong>of</strong> relati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> bureaucratic<br />
over their lives; atomised through dependency under modem capitalism as is<br />
commodity relati<strong>on</strong>s, the populati<strong>on</strong> is <strong>in</strong> shown clearly <strong>in</strong> his discussi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e.<br />
fact c<strong>on</strong>trolled by the commodity itself - He locates the questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the USSR with<strong>in</strong><br />
hence commodity fetishism. the general c<strong>on</strong>text <strong>of</strong> the global decl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism and the transiti<strong>on</strong> to socialism.<br />
In the former USSR, by c<strong>on</strong>trast, Essentially, Tickt<strong>in</strong> sees the form <strong>of</strong><br />
atomizati<strong>on</strong> was direct: the direct dependence atomizati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the USSR as a necessary<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>on</strong>e <strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>on</strong> another. Because social result <strong>of</strong> abolish<strong>in</strong>g m<strong>on</strong>ey relati<strong>on</strong>s<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>s were not mediated by m<strong>on</strong>ey, there without also <strong>in</strong>troduc<strong>in</strong>g forms <strong>of</strong> direct<br />
was no space for the illusi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol from below. Bureaucratic<br />
<strong>in</strong>dependence to emerge. There was therefore dependency <strong>in</strong> the USSR was a direct result<br />
direct antag<strong>on</strong>ism towards the system itself <strong>of</strong> the obstructi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the process <strong>of</strong><br />
although this antag<strong>on</strong>ism took an atomised transiti<strong>on</strong> from capitalism to socialism. The<br />
form. This, Tickt<strong>in</strong> argues, c<strong>on</strong>trasts development <strong>of</strong> bureaucratic dependency<br />
directly with antag<strong>on</strong>ism under capitalism. outside the USSR was likewise a result <strong>of</strong><br />
Under capitalism atomizati<strong>on</strong> is through the the failure <strong>of</strong> the revoluti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the period<br />
wage and absolute poverty and so all <strong>of</strong> 1917-21. The c<strong>on</strong>trast is between<br />
workers are subord<strong>in</strong>ated to capital with<strong>in</strong> ascendent capitalism and decl<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />
the work process itself. The <strong>in</strong>dividual has capitalism, with the USSR as the most
extreme manifestati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a tendency<br />
<strong>in</strong>herent with<strong>in</strong> capitalism <strong>in</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e.<br />
This is implicit <strong>in</strong> Tickt<strong>in</strong>'s account, but<br />
his form <strong>of</strong> presentati<strong>on</strong> sometimes<br />
obscures the po<strong>in</strong>t. It is the understand<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>of</strong> bureaucratic dependency as a form <strong>of</strong><br />
social c<strong>on</strong>trol with<strong>in</strong> decl<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g capitalism<br />
which is crucial and accord<strong>in</strong>g to Tickt<strong>in</strong>,<br />
the book 'is really about this whole<br />
questi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> bureaucratic dependence placed<br />
<strong>in</strong> a political-ec<strong>on</strong>omic c<strong>on</strong>text' (p. 39).<br />
The Elite and the Work<strong>in</strong>g Class.<br />
This c<strong>on</strong>text <strong>of</strong> capitalist decl<strong>in</strong>e and the<br />
transiti<strong>on</strong>al epoch is also the basis for<br />
Tickt<strong>in</strong>'s understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the nature <strong>of</strong> the<br />
rul<strong>in</strong>g group <strong>in</strong> the USSR. This group is,<br />
<strong>in</strong> Tickt<strong>in</strong>'s view, an 'elite', rather than the<br />
'caste' or 'bureaucracy' that Trotsky thought<br />
it was. The terms 'caste' or 'bureaucracy',<br />
Tickt<strong>in</strong> argues, 'imply that the rul<strong>in</strong>g group<br />
is really a parasitic part <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g<br />
class, and so rema<strong>in</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>f<strong>in</strong>ed by the<br />
momentum <strong>of</strong> the October revoluti<strong>on</strong>' (p.<br />
62). By c<strong>on</strong>trast with orthodox trotskyists<br />
such as Ernest Mandel, Tickt<strong>in</strong> rejects the<br />
view that the rul<strong>in</strong>g group rests <strong>on</strong> and<br />
defends the 'ga<strong>in</strong>s' <strong>of</strong> the October<br />
Revoluti<strong>on</strong>. For Tickt<strong>in</strong>, there are no such<br />
ga<strong>in</strong>s; or, rather, the ga<strong>in</strong>s that did exist<br />
have been turned aga<strong>in</strong>st the work<strong>in</strong>g class<br />
<strong>in</strong> order to atomise it.<br />
The so called 'ga<strong>in</strong>s' <strong>of</strong> the October<br />
Revoluti<strong>on</strong> were <strong>in</strong> fact forms <strong>of</strong> defeat.<br />
Individualised c<strong>on</strong>trol over the labour<br />
process meant that workers related to their<br />
own work process <strong>in</strong>dividually rather than<br />
collectively to the labour process as a<br />
whole. This <strong>in</strong> turn <strong>in</strong>hibited the formati<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> the workers <strong>in</strong>to a class. 'Thus, the<br />
worker is doubly c<strong>on</strong>trolled: his product is<br />
held by others and his work process is such<br />
that he is separated form his fellow workers'<br />
Book Reviews Page 87<br />
(p. 121).<br />
But this does not mean that the rul<strong>in</strong>g<br />
group is a class. To c<strong>on</strong>stitute a class.<br />
Tickt<strong>in</strong> argues, the rul<strong>in</strong>g group must be<br />
able to form a class around the extracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
the surplus product. Under the law <strong>of</strong> value,<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trol is enforced through unemployment<br />
and commodity fetishism; <strong>in</strong> the USSR, by<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trast. 'the worker regards the elite as a<br />
usurper to be thwarted to advantage<br />
whenever possible' (p. 63). The atomised<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trol exercised by <strong>in</strong>dividual workers over<br />
their own work process deprived the elite <strong>of</strong><br />
full c<strong>on</strong>trol over the surplus product. While<br />
workers did not have any choice about<br />
work<strong>in</strong>g or not work<strong>in</strong>g, they did not<br />
wholly rel<strong>in</strong>quish c<strong>on</strong>trol over their labour<br />
power. As Tickt<strong>in</strong> puts it, the worker 'is<br />
alienated h m his product, but he does not<br />
sell his labour power' (p. 83). The result is<br />
that the homogeneity <strong>of</strong> labour under<br />
capitalism did not exist <strong>in</strong> the USSR.<br />
Because there was no abstract labour the<br />
elite had no way <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>troll<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
producti<strong>on</strong> process and so could not<br />
c<strong>on</strong>troll<strong>in</strong>g the extracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the surplus.<br />
The formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> classes is central to<br />
Tickt<strong>in</strong>'s perspective. His understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
the political ec<strong>on</strong>omy <strong>of</strong> the USSR is<br />
essentially dynamic. Emerg<strong>in</strong>g from the<br />
defeat <strong>of</strong> the October Revoluti<strong>on</strong>, the rul<strong>in</strong>g<br />
group attempted to form itself <strong>in</strong>to a class<br />
with full c<strong>on</strong>trol over the surplus product.<br />
Lack<strong>in</strong>g the market, however, it was never<br />
able to establish more than a liited form<br />
<strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol over the surplus product: 'The<br />
system is therefore partly driven by the<br />
elite's need to become a class. To change<br />
<strong>in</strong>to a class, the rul<strong>in</strong>g group needs to<br />
establish full c<strong>on</strong>trol over the surplus<br />
product and hence over the extractive<br />
process itself (p. 61).
Page 88 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
The Laws <strong>of</strong> Political Ec<strong>on</strong>omy<br />
<strong>in</strong> the USSR.<br />
In Tickt<strong>in</strong>'s view, the fundamental<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Soviet system, which<br />
lay <strong>in</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>trol <strong>of</strong> the workers through<br />
atomizati<strong>on</strong>, deprived the elite <strong>of</strong> the power<br />
it needed to direct the means <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong><br />
efficiently <strong>in</strong> its own <strong>in</strong>terests. It was <strong>in</strong> the<br />
<strong>in</strong>terest <strong>of</strong> the elite to maximise their<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trol over the surplus product, but full<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trol by the elite over the surplus as a<br />
whole required <strong>in</strong>dividual c<strong>on</strong>trol by elite<br />
members over their own porti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
surplus. There had to be private property <strong>in</strong><br />
the means <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>. Lack<strong>in</strong>g this, the<br />
elite is <strong>in</strong> a positi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> permanent<br />
<strong>in</strong>stability.<br />
The fundamental law <strong>of</strong> moti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
USSR was thus <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>flict between<br />
organisati<strong>on</strong> and the <strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>of</strong><br />
the unit. There was a permanent and<br />
endemic c<strong>on</strong>flict between the need <strong>of</strong> the<br />
centre to c<strong>on</strong>trol and duect the system <strong>in</strong> the<br />
<strong>in</strong>terest <strong>of</strong> those who c<strong>on</strong>trol and oppositi<strong>on</strong><br />
from all the units below it. There was,<br />
moreover, no <strong>in</strong>built mechanism for<br />
rec<strong>on</strong>cil<strong>in</strong>g this c<strong>on</strong>flict. C<strong>on</strong>flict took the<br />
form <strong>of</strong> two c<strong>on</strong>flict<strong>in</strong>g laws: the law <strong>of</strong><br />
organisati<strong>on</strong> and the law <strong>of</strong> self-<strong>in</strong>terest.<br />
These two laws <strong>of</strong> moti<strong>on</strong> were degenerated<br />
forms <strong>of</strong> the law <strong>of</strong> value and the law <strong>of</strong><br />
plann<strong>in</strong>g. The law <strong>of</strong> organisati<strong>on</strong> expresses<br />
the permanent tensi<strong>on</strong> that exists between<br />
the need to organise the ec<strong>on</strong>omy <strong>on</strong> a<br />
centralised basis and the real needs <strong>of</strong> the<br />
elite. Elite 'plann<strong>in</strong>g' <strong>of</strong> the ec<strong>on</strong>omy led to<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flict with the direct producers and thus<br />
with the <strong>in</strong>terests <strong>of</strong> all the <strong>in</strong>dividual units<br />
<strong>in</strong> the system. The units c<strong>on</strong>stantly<br />
re<strong>in</strong>terpreted commands <strong>in</strong> their own<br />
particular <strong>in</strong>terest and this <strong>in</strong> turn forced the<br />
elite to try to c<strong>on</strong>centrate organisati<strong>on</strong> at the<br />
centre. This, Tickt<strong>in</strong> argues (p. 119), 'was<br />
the ec<strong>on</strong>omic mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the purge period'.<br />
Because the elite did not c<strong>on</strong>trol the labour<br />
process, its c<strong>on</strong>trol over the surplus<br />
rema<strong>in</strong>ed formal. In order to fully c<strong>on</strong>trol<br />
the surplus the elite had to try to dom<strong>in</strong>ate<br />
the labour process. This could not succeed.<br />
The elite c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ually attempted to assert<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trol through cent~alisati<strong>on</strong>, but the more<br />
they centralised c<strong>on</strong>trol over the ec<strong>on</strong>omy,<br />
the more they socialised the means <strong>of</strong><br />
producti<strong>on</strong>. The more socialised the divisi<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> labour became, however, the more<br />
difficult it was to atomise workers around<br />
their <strong>in</strong>dividual work processes. If, <strong>on</strong> the<br />
other hand, they tried to decentralise.<br />
Tickt<strong>in</strong> argues, the law <strong>of</strong> self-<strong>in</strong>terest took<br />
over, and the <strong>in</strong>dividual ignored central<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trol. This resulted <strong>in</strong> chaos.<br />
As the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong>tensified over time<br />
with the <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g socialisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
productive forces, the nature <strong>of</strong> the struggle<br />
changed too. In the earlier period workers<br />
rebelled through direct sabotage.<br />
absenteeism and a high labour turnover. In<br />
the post-Stal<strong>in</strong> period workers began to<br />
struggle over the norm: there was a move<br />
from more <strong>in</strong>dividualistic to less<br />
<strong>in</strong>dividualistic forms <strong>of</strong> struggle. This<br />
caused ever more <strong>in</strong>tensive problems for the<br />
elite. It is easier to deal with workers who<br />
struggle primarily <strong>on</strong> an <strong>in</strong>dividualistic<br />
basis and <strong>in</strong> Tickt<strong>in</strong>'s view, The Soviet<br />
worker has been mov<strong>in</strong>g from a positi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
total defeat to <strong>on</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g strength,<br />
which has a series <strong>of</strong> ramificati<strong>on</strong><br />
throughout the ec<strong>on</strong>omy'. (p. 149).<br />
The C<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> with<strong>in</strong> Use<br />
Value and the end<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Absolute Surplus.<br />
It is worth look<strong>in</strong>g at this process <strong>in</strong> more<br />
depth. The system was <strong>in</strong>herently chaotic,<br />
held together <strong>on</strong>ly by the expansi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
absolute surplus. Once this ended the
problems became <strong>in</strong>superable. The<br />
expansi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the relative surplus required<br />
the subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g class to<br />
discipl<strong>in</strong>e and this required the impositi<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> the value form.<br />
Producti<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the USSR was<br />
bureaucratically organised and distributi<strong>on</strong><br />
took place through rati<strong>on</strong><strong>in</strong>g. The basic<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> was not between value and<br />
use-value but with<strong>in</strong> use value itself. The<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> lay with the product itself.<br />
between 'the imag<strong>in</strong>ed nature <strong>of</strong> the product<br />
and its actual nature', or, <strong>in</strong> other words.<br />
'between the bureaucratic or organised nature<br />
<strong>of</strong> the product and its real form' (p. 134).<br />
The use value was thus defective and this<br />
led to another c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>, between the<br />
potential use value <strong>of</strong> a product and its real<br />
use value. The result was enormous and<br />
ever grow<strong>in</strong>g waste. For example, mach<strong>in</strong>e<br />
tools were so badly made and they broke<br />
down so <strong>of</strong>ten that the sector <strong>of</strong> the<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omy based <strong>on</strong>,the repair <strong>of</strong> mach<strong>in</strong>e<br />
tools had to be bigger than the sector<br />
produc<strong>in</strong>g new mach<strong>in</strong>e tools. To<br />
compensate for low quality, either more had<br />
to be produced or somehow quality had to<br />
be improved. But both soluti<strong>on</strong>s led<br />
necessarily to greater <strong>in</strong>dustrialisati<strong>on</strong> and<br />
so socialisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>. This meant<br />
greater ec<strong>on</strong>omic <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> which.<br />
however, <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>in</strong>creased the potential <strong>of</strong> an<br />
even worse product when any l<strong>in</strong>k <strong>in</strong> the<br />
cha<strong>in</strong> broke down.<br />
What has happened <strong>in</strong> the last ten or fifteen<br />
years 'is that the growth <strong>of</strong> the absolute<br />
surplus has come to an end because the<br />
workforce can no l<strong>on</strong>ga be replenished from<br />
the farms, the home, or elsewhere' (p. 138).<br />
Because it is no l<strong>on</strong>ger possible to expand<br />
the labour force, it is impossible to<br />
c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ue the rapid c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> new<br />
factories. Because it was <strong>on</strong>ly through<br />
build<strong>in</strong>g new factories that new techniques<br />
Book Reviews Page 89<br />
could be <strong>in</strong>troduced, this <strong>in</strong> turn has<br />
<strong>in</strong>hibited technical development. In additi<strong>on</strong>,<br />
<strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g urbanisati<strong>on</strong> has resulted <strong>in</strong><br />
greater <strong>in</strong>tegrati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> different ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />
sectors, with the result that failures <strong>in</strong> <strong>on</strong>e<br />
sector automatically transfer to the ec<strong>on</strong>omy<br />
as a whole, caus<strong>in</strong>g even more chaos than<br />
previously. The paradox is that it is an<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omy with giant plants, trusts and<br />
"central plann<strong>in</strong>g" that cannot supply or<br />
repair itself with any regularity. so that its<br />
potential virtue is <strong>in</strong> fact its Achilles heel.<br />
Today the ramificati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> failure to deliver<br />
<strong>on</strong> time, c<strong>on</strong>slnct to specificati<strong>on</strong>, or repair<br />
as requested are much greater than ever<br />
before. The costs are multiples <strong>of</strong> what they<br />
were twenty and more ywm ago. The effect<br />
is to magnify the failure <strong>of</strong> the Soviet<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omy' (p. 142).<br />
Looked at historically, the <strong>orig<strong>in</strong>s</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
defective Soviet product can be traced to a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flict <strong>in</strong> the goals <strong>of</strong> the regime <strong>in</strong> the<br />
twenties. The aim <strong>of</strong> the collectivisati<strong>on</strong><br />
programme begun <strong>in</strong> 1929 was to raise the<br />
relative surplus, ie.. to <strong>in</strong>crease the surplus<br />
product by reduc<strong>in</strong>g the amount <strong>of</strong><br />
labour-time required to produce goods. Yet<br />
it was <strong>on</strong>ly the rise <strong>in</strong> the absolute surplus<br />
that permitted growth <strong>of</strong> the relative surplus<br />
and so the growth <strong>in</strong> productivity. The<br />
Soviet elite were faced with the problem <strong>of</strong><br />
how to raise the necessary surplus to ensure<br />
susta<strong>in</strong>ed accumulati<strong>on</strong>. They had fist to<br />
obta<strong>in</strong> an <strong>in</strong>itial surplus and sec<strong>on</strong>dly to<br />
susta<strong>in</strong> re<strong>in</strong>vestment <strong>of</strong> that surplus <strong>in</strong> new<br />
technology. They acquired the <strong>in</strong>itial<br />
surplus through squeez<strong>in</strong>g the standard <strong>of</strong><br />
liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the direct producers and obta<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
the necessary flow <strong>of</strong> labour to the towns<br />
by <strong>in</strong>duc<strong>in</strong>g starvati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the wuntryside.<br />
'This process, analogous to primitive<br />
accumulati<strong>on</strong>, raised the absolute surplus<br />
product. In other words. the surplus was<br />
raised through the extensi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour time<br />
and the reducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the standard <strong>of</strong> liv<strong>in</strong>g'
Page 90 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
(p. 145). <strong>of</strong> the USSR does not depend <strong>on</strong> events <strong>in</strong><br />
the USSR al<strong>on</strong>e but <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
The growth <strong>of</strong> the absolute surplus masked global ec<strong>on</strong>omy. The <strong>in</strong>troducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
the regimes's failure to <strong>in</strong>crease the relative market <strong>in</strong> the USSR requires direct<br />
surplus and generated the appearance <strong>of</strong> c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>tati<strong>on</strong> with Soviet workers and it is<br />
success. At the same time, however, the not clear that this can succeed The attempt<br />
extracti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the absolute surplus through to <strong>in</strong>troduce the market could succeed if it<br />
the extensi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour time and the would result <strong>in</strong> higher wages. better<br />
reducti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the wage, permitted a c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong> work, and an improved<br />
c<strong>on</strong>siderable extensi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> producer goods standard <strong>of</strong> liv<strong>in</strong>g, but all the evidence<br />
producti<strong>on</strong> and thus ended with the suggests that it will have - and is already<br />
socialisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour and hence the hav<strong>in</strong>g - the opposite effect. Hence the<br />
grow<strong>in</strong>g power <strong>of</strong> the labour force. New oppositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Soviet work<strong>in</strong>g class and<br />
technology could be <strong>in</strong>troduced and the the difficulties <strong>of</strong> the regime. Success would<br />
relative surplus raised <strong>on</strong>ly so l<strong>on</strong>g as the require a massive <strong>in</strong>vestment and aid<br />
absolute surplus was expand<strong>in</strong>g. Now this package from the west but <strong>in</strong> c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />
has ended, the regime faces a <strong>crisis</strong> that can renewed and deepen<strong>in</strong>g recessi<strong>on</strong>, this is not<br />
be resolved <strong>on</strong>ly by destroy<strong>in</strong>g the negative go<strong>in</strong>g to be forthcom<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trol <strong>of</strong> atomised workers over the labour<br />
process that was established <strong>in</strong> the thirties. But the fundamental reas<strong>on</strong> has to do with<br />
the nature <strong>of</strong> the present epoch itself. S<strong>in</strong>ce<br />
The Transiti<strong>on</strong>al Epoch and the the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> this century. the<br />
Current Crisis <strong>in</strong> the USSR. fundamental social relati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> capitalism,<br />
the law <strong>of</strong> value, has been <strong>in</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e. The<br />
It is this historical background that expla<strong>in</strong>s global decl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> the law <strong>of</strong> value, which<br />
the nature <strong>of</strong> the current <strong>crisis</strong> <strong>in</strong> the USSR manifests itself <strong>in</strong> the growth <strong>of</strong><br />
and the problems faced by the elite. bureaucratically adm<strong>in</strong>istered welfare<br />
Gorbachev's problem was to try to systems, state regulati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the ec<strong>on</strong>omy.<br />
transform the elite <strong>in</strong>to a real social class nati<strong>on</strong>alisati<strong>on</strong>. and so <strong>on</strong>, prescribes the<br />
fully <strong>in</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol <strong>of</strong> the surplus product The limits with<strong>in</strong> which the Soviet elite can<br />
real historical functi<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the elite had been move. It is impossible to <strong>in</strong>troduce the law<br />
to hold together a system that had no basis <strong>of</strong> value <strong>in</strong> its prist<strong>in</strong>e form <strong>in</strong> the USSR<br />
for be<strong>in</strong>g held together. It served no other when it is <strong>in</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e elsewhere. And the law<br />
<strong>in</strong>terest than that <strong>of</strong> the old order <strong>in</strong> <strong>of</strong> value is <strong>in</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e globally. primarily<br />
prevent<strong>in</strong>g the emergence <strong>of</strong> a new form <strong>of</strong> because the socialisati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> labour under<br />
society and capital allowed it to c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ue to capitalist producti<strong>on</strong> relati<strong>on</strong>s has resulted<br />
exist so l<strong>on</strong>g as it fulfilled this functi<strong>on</strong>. <strong>in</strong> an objective strenghnhg <strong>of</strong> the power<br />
From the po<strong>in</strong>t at which the USSR could <strong>of</strong> the work<strong>in</strong>g class which has made it<br />
no l<strong>on</strong>ger survive <strong>in</strong> its old form, however, dangerous for capital to c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ue to exist <strong>in</strong><br />
an orderly transiti<strong>on</strong> to the market became its prist<strong>in</strong>e form. The very process that<br />
necessary and this was the task <strong>of</strong> resulted earlier this century <strong>in</strong> the removal<br />
Gorkhev and now Yelts<strong>in</strong>. <strong>of</strong> the USSR from the direct orbit <strong>of</strong> the<br />
law <strong>of</strong> value ensures also that it cannot<br />
Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Tickt<strong>in</strong> the transiti<strong>on</strong> to the return.<br />
market carmot succeed. The r eam are quite<br />
complex but the ma<strong>in</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t is that the fate This is not an easy book to read. Some <strong>of</strong>
its arguments, especially those about the<br />
laws <strong>of</strong> moti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> the USSR, are better<br />
presented <strong>in</strong> the articles Tickt<strong>in</strong> has<br />
published <strong>in</strong> Critique and elsewhere. Its<br />
form as a series <strong>of</strong> essays. moreover, makes<br />
for repetiti<strong>on</strong> and sometimes results <strong>in</strong> a<br />
failure to properly l<strong>in</strong>k together different<br />
parts <strong>of</strong> the argument. Nevertheless, this<br />
should not stop people read<strong>in</strong>g it. The fact<br />
that it is a demand<strong>in</strong>g read and the fact that<br />
the reader has <strong>of</strong>ten to make explicit the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s that are <strong>of</strong>ten merely implicit<br />
<strong>in</strong> the book. it itself a good discipl<strong>in</strong>e. The<br />
difficulty and challenge <strong>of</strong> grappl<strong>in</strong>g with<br />
such a text is itself a reward<strong>in</strong>g experience.<br />
Bey<strong>on</strong>d that, however, whether <strong>on</strong>e agrees<br />
or disagrees with Tickt<strong>in</strong>, his book does<br />
c<strong>on</strong>stitute the <strong>on</strong>ly serious and empirically<br />
grounded attempt to thwrise stal<strong>in</strong>ism and<br />
must form the start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t for any<br />
attempt to understand the phenomen<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Paul B. Smith (ed.)<br />
Unmask<strong>in</strong>g Reality: Lectures<br />
given to the John Maclean<br />
Society 1990-92<br />
John Maclean Society, Glasgow,<br />
1993, £4.95<br />
Reviewed by Brian McGrail<br />
Although this book may not be a major<br />
work <strong>in</strong> Marxistlrevoluti<strong>on</strong>ary theory it is<br />
an important publicati<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>text <strong>of</strong><br />
the Scottish labour movement and its<br />
critical theory. Not <strong>on</strong>ly is it published by<br />
the John Maclean Society, which c<strong>on</strong>t<strong>in</strong>ues<br />
to keep alive <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> Maclean's life and<br />
thought, but it br<strong>in</strong>gs together a number <strong>of</strong><br />
Book Reviews Page 91<br />
<strong>of</strong> politically disparate writers, activists and<br />
radicals who, <strong>in</strong> their own way, are<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tribut<strong>in</strong>g to the cultural life <strong>of</strong> Scotland<br />
and the emancipatory project <strong>in</strong> particular.<br />
As the title suggests, the book is a<br />
collecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> articles which were first<br />
presented as lectures to the society between<br />
1990 and 1992. A wide array <strong>of</strong> topics are<br />
therefore covered: three different articles <strong>on</strong><br />
aspects <strong>of</strong> anarchism and its relati<strong>on</strong> to<br />
more 'ma<strong>in</strong>stream' socialist organisati<strong>on</strong><br />
and history; <strong>on</strong>e <strong>on</strong> the mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
'socialist society'; <strong>on</strong>e <strong>on</strong> the legacy <strong>of</strong><br />
Bolshevism; another <strong>on</strong> Marx's categories;<br />
and a f<strong>in</strong>al <strong>on</strong>e <strong>on</strong> the Scottish nati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
questi<strong>on</strong>. The most positive element <strong>in</strong><br />
this collecti<strong>on</strong> is the fact that each article is<br />
written by some<strong>on</strong>e sympathetic to the<br />
political views and po<strong>in</strong>ts be<strong>in</strong>g expressed.<br />
This approach cuts through the 'dryness' <strong>of</strong><br />
debate which is so <strong>of</strong>ten to be found <strong>in</strong><br />
works solely produced for and aimed at<br />
academic and <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>al readerships. For<br />
example, Farquhar McLay's article<br />
Anarchism <strong>in</strong> Glasgow is drawn from his<br />
pers<strong>on</strong>al experience as a young man who<br />
came to anarchism from grow<strong>in</strong>g up <strong>in</strong><br />
1950s Glasgow whilst Paul Anders<strong>on</strong>'s<br />
What is Bolshevism? clearly wishes to<br />
reclaim the revoluti<strong>on</strong>ary pr<strong>in</strong>ciples <strong>of</strong> that<br />
traditi<strong>on</strong> and Hillel Tickt<strong>in</strong>'s What is a<br />
Socialist Society? reproduces his own, and<br />
quite unique, views. Hence, an emphasis<br />
evident <strong>in</strong> Smith's <strong>in</strong>troducti<strong>on</strong>, is the po<strong>in</strong>t<br />
that co-operati<strong>on</strong> between politically<br />
opposed critics with<strong>in</strong> the anti-capitalist<br />
literary camp is not <strong>on</strong>ly possible but<br />
desirable, especially <strong>in</strong> the present period<br />
with its c<strong>on</strong>tradictory repressed social<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sciousness <strong>in</strong> the midst <strong>of</strong> worldwide<br />
work<strong>in</strong>g class <strong>in</strong>subord<strong>in</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>. "Look<br />
around the world and see how militant<br />
workers are today. Workers are more<br />
powerful than ever" (p. 3). In this manner
Page 92 Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong> - Issue 15<br />
...........................................................................................................<br />
the book is upbeat and optimistic which<br />
makes a pleasant change from the unhelpful<br />
and demoralis<strong>in</strong>g tomes produced by<br />
ma<strong>in</strong>stream socialists <strong>in</strong> recent times.<br />
Reformism may be dead, whether <strong>of</strong> the<br />
liberal (British Labour Party) or<br />
authoritarian (Soviet Communist Party)<br />
k<strong>in</strong>d, but rather than shed tears true<br />
revoluti<strong>on</strong>aries should have cause for<br />
celebrati<strong>on</strong> at such a lack <strong>of</strong> reformist<br />
visi<strong>on</strong> - Smith's book goes some way<br />
towards a reflecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> this state <strong>of</strong> affairs.<br />
However, though the opems <strong>of</strong> the debate<br />
is to be welcomed the diversity <strong>of</strong> topics<br />
covered is also a downfall <strong>in</strong> so far as the<br />
book stands as a s<strong>in</strong>gle volume. A more<br />
focused theme would have sharpened<br />
arguments and rounded the project through<br />
direct criticism and cross-referenc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
articles <strong>in</strong> the volume. Each article<br />
expresses differ<strong>in</strong>g political views but tend<br />
to break <strong>of</strong>f at a tangent <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> the<br />
ground be<strong>in</strong>g covered. This fault cannot<br />
really be placed at the door <strong>of</strong> the editor nor<br />
<strong>of</strong> the lecture organisers (given the difficulty<br />
<strong>of</strong> gett<strong>in</strong>g people to present papers). The<br />
result, n<strong>on</strong>etheless, is a book which is<br />
much more like <strong>on</strong>e issue <strong>of</strong> a series or a<br />
journal. Read<strong>in</strong>g this work not <strong>on</strong>ly leaves<br />
<strong>on</strong>e with anticipati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> a sequel but with<br />
expectati<strong>on</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>on</strong>e <strong>in</strong> which direct criticism<br />
<strong>of</strong> McLay, Anders<strong>on</strong>. Tickt<strong>in</strong> et a1 will be<br />
opened UP.<br />
Hav<strong>in</strong>g said this it <strong>on</strong>ly rema<strong>in</strong>s to be stated<br />
that Unmask<strong>in</strong>g Reality should be given the<br />
thumbs up - not <strong>on</strong>ly because <strong>of</strong> its n<strong>on</strong>-<br />
sectarianism but because <strong>of</strong> the way <strong>in</strong><br />
which it deals with the issue <strong>of</strong> left<br />
sectarianism. Rather than try<strong>in</strong>g to reduce<br />
every<strong>on</strong>e to the lowest comm<strong>on</strong><br />
denom<strong>in</strong>ator, that is, to get every<strong>on</strong>e to<br />
diplomatically agree to the same set <strong>of</strong><br />
pr<strong>in</strong>ciples, Unmask<strong>in</strong>g Reality 'S openess by<br />
allow<strong>in</strong>g criticism to flourish helps us to<br />
recognise that criticism is a vital part <strong>of</strong><br />
social reality and not someth<strong>in</strong>g to be<br />
shunned or denied <strong>in</strong> the name <strong>of</strong> theoretical<br />
purity. So here's hop<strong>in</strong>g for many more<br />
years <strong>of</strong> fruitful debate.<br />
[The John Maclean Society can be c<strong>on</strong>taaed via:<br />
The C<strong>on</strong>vener, c10 11, north Laggan by Spean<br />
Bridge, Invemesshixe.]
Comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>Sense</strong><br />
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We will provide a creche; there is wheelchair access,<br />
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