Chapter 6: Tense, aspect and mood

when followed by the REFL or CAUS suffix. In subclass 1A(v) the stem-final vowel is preceded by a
labialised velar and absorbs its labialisation and is realised as [u] (vowel rounding and backing rule
P-3). Since both /i/ and /əә/ can absorb the labialisation of preceding labialised velars, it is
impossible to determine the underlying quality of the stem-final vowel, which is represented as
/V/. This vowel is realised as [a] when followed by the REFL or CAUS suffix and the labialisation of
the velar is preserved. Finally, subclass 1A(vi) involves stems ending in a consonant. An
epenthetic vowel is inserted between the stem and the suffix (which becomes [a] when word-final).
In all five subclasses, the RECP suffix -yi- is preceded by ee (the orthographic symbol for [e]).
Recall that the stem- and suffix-final vowels in this and the following tables are underlying values,
which may only surface when followed by another suffix; when word-final, all vowels are realised
as [a]. So the NP1 stem -errikbv- is [ɛɾikpa] when not followed by a suffix, but [ɛɾikpəәma ~
ɛɾikpʊma] when followed by -ma.
Some of the verbs belonging to the various 1A classes are (including the number of attested
roots from Leeding 1989 and the dictionaries where possible):
(6) Class 1A(i) Class 1A(ii) (5 roots) Class 1A(iii)
-dhv- ‘INCH’ -mebi- ‘sing’ -akbijangv- ‘jump’
-yi- ‘RECP’ -beki- ‘drink’ Thematic +mv-
Thematic +bi- -marngki- ‘laugh’ 4 (e.g. -lhakar+mv- ‘choke’
(e.g. -yeng+bi- ‘speak’ -ngwanji- ‘stop’ -rerr+mv- ‘become dry’
-errik+bi- ‘throw’ -rarrki- ‘be ready’ -ngaruku+mv ‘fish by line’
-errek+bi- ‘vomit’) -nyirr+mv- ‘blow nose’)
Thematic +bv- Thematic +mi-
(e.g. -mvdhilyak+bv- ‘cough’ (e.g. -warde+mi- ‘cry out’
-rak+bv- ‘blow didgeridoo’) -dhvrreng+mi- ‘explode
-dharr+bv- ‘move away’ -edhvrre+mi- ‘deny’)
Thematic +lhv- +arrngv- ‘bend’
(e.g. -lhaku+lhv- ‘be joined together’ +barrngv- ?‘be heavy’
-abv+lhv- ‘be mixed’)
Class 1A(iv) (19 roots) Class 1A(v) (5 roots) Class 1A(vi) (6 roots)
-ngambe- ‘bathe’ -jungwV- ‘REFL, die’ -lharr- ‘fall’
-awiyebe- ‘enter, wear’ -walyuwV- ‘be/come ripe’ -angkarr- ‘run’
-wilyake- ‘spin, go around’ -rnjirrkwV- ‘move’ -alyvbar- 5 ‘eat’
-lyingkwe- ‘spread’ -ajabangwV- ‘creep’ -warr- ‘move’
-angmardhe- ‘hate’ -ebirrangwV- ‘defecate’ +barr- ‘split’
4 The dictionary lists the CAUS form of this verb as -marngka-ji- ~ -marngki-ji- ‘to laugh at’.
5 In Leeding’s (1989) material the stem form of this verb is alyvb, not alyvbar. This verb takes NP2 and P2 suffixes
-arnv, -arnv in her analysis. However, the nominalised form of this verb in the Waddy Dictionary is a-kw-alyelyvbara
‘food’, which indicates that the stem is -alyvbar- (with reduplication in the nominalised form). Leeding’s analysis in
fact confirms the one proposed here, because I claim that an epenthetic vowel is inserted between the stem -alyvbar-
and the tense/aspect suffixes -na, -nv. Being epenthetic, this vowel may be barely audible: [aʎəәpaɻəәna ~ aʎəәpaɻna].
Leeding presumably only heard [aʎəәpaɻna] and thus concluded that the suffix must involve a retroflex nasal (i.e.
belong to my subclass 1B).
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