Haiti Liberte 30 Novembre 2022

sans qu’aucune charge ne pèse sur
lui. S’il est extradé vers les États-
Unis, il risque jusqu’à 175 ans de
détention dans une prison de haute
sécurité.
Le ministère US de la Justice a
inculpé Assange en vertu de la loi sur
l’espionnage, bien que le fondateur
de WikiLeaks a utilisé des pratiques
journalistiques classiques pour recevoir
les informations qu’il a publiées.
L’appel explique que l’administration
Obama s’est abstenue de demander
l’inculpation d’Assange en raison
du précédent que cela pourrait créer,
mais que l’administration Trump
a décidé de poursuivre les accusations.
« Mais cette vision des choses
a évolué sous le mandat de Donald
Trump : le département de la justice
s’appuie à présent sur une loi remontant
à plus d’un siècle, l’Espionage
Act de 1917. Conçue pendant la
Première Guerre mondiale pour pouvoir
assigner en justice de potentiels
espions, cette loi fédérale n’avait jamais
été utilisée à l’encontre de journalistes,
de médias ou de diffuseurs
», indiquent les organes de presse.
La décision de l’administration
Trump d’inculper Assange est
probablement liée à la publication
par WikiLeaks de documents détaillant
les outils de piratage de la CIA,
connus sous le nom de Vault 7. Bien
que la publication de ces documents
n’ait rien d’illégal et qu’Assange soit
inculpé pour des fuites non liées à
ce dossier, Vault 7 a rendu furieux
la CIA et son directeur de l’époque,
Mike Pompeo.
L’année dernière, dans un rapport
qui a fait l’effet d’une bombe,
Yahoo News a révélé que la CIA,
sous la direction de Pompeo, avait
comploté pour kidnapper Assange et
avait discuté de son assassinat après
la publication de Vault 7. Le rapport
a été cité par l’équipe juridique d’Assange
pour s’opposer à la décision
de l’ancien ministre de l’Intérieur du
Royaume-Uni de l’extrader vers les
États-Unis, décision qui fait actuellement
l’objet d’un appel.
Anti War 28 novembre 2022
Traduit de l’anglais par GL
Investig’Action
29 novembre 2022
Suite de la page (16)
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coalition. This was likely the intent
of the U.S. government’s
support for Henry. The worsening
situation in Haiti has also been
used as a justification by Henry
for requesting a military intervention.
The leaders behind Montana,
however, have done nothing
to mobilize support for Montana
and force Henry from office
since the Accord was first published.
Instead, Montana’s leaders
have looked to Washington for
legitimacy and support. Meanwhile,
the limited public support
Montana once enjoyed is crumbling.
In January 2022, Fanmi Lavalas
withdrew its support from
the leadership behind the Montana
coalition. FL’s leadership
stated its concerns that Montana
leadership were “continuing with
the election calendar without
waiting to reach a broader and
more solid consensus of civil society”.
In May 2022, MOLEGHAF,
a Communist group, also withdrew
support. In a recent interview
, MOLEGHAF’s leader David
Oxygène said that “after MO-
LEGHAF left the Montana coalition,
the union CNOH (National
Confederation of Haitian Workers)
left, and many popular organizations
no longer recognize the
Montana Accord”.
Oxygène argues that Magalie
Comeau Denis, and other leaders
in the Montana coalition have
been more interested in “holding
meetings at the U.S. Embassy
and even in the United States,
so they could crush the popular
movement.”
A weakened, compliant
Montana coalition meets the criteria
as a “Haitian-led civil society
group” as defined in the GFA.
If Montana leadership accepts a
ten-year plan of U.S. “planned
security assistance” on behalf of
Haitians, this outcome is virtually
guaranteed.
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Montana & the GFA are
Connected
Many of Montana’s leaders
have already shown a tendency
to comply with Washington’s
dictates. This past compliance
makes them ideal candidates as
subordinates for Washington’s
continued imperial domination
of Haiti once Henry outlives his
usefulness and is removed from
power.
Haiti’s NED-funded organizations
are creating a consensus
among sectors of Haiti’s political
class. This apparent consensus
will be sufficient to convince
foreign leaders – some of whom
may be sympathetic to the plight
of everyday Haitians – that Haitians
truly want assistance under
the GFA. The addition of support
from “human rights” organizations
like the RNDDH, OCAPH,
the Bureau des Droits Humains
en Haiti, and Defenseurs Plus
will further cement this illusion of
consensus.
The U.S. government does
not fund organizations whose interests
oppose their foreign policy
goals. And one of the U.S. government’s
primary current foreign
policy goals in Haiti is to form a
partnership under the Global Fragility
Act.
Those who advocate for
Haiti ought to recognize that organizations
in and outside of
Haiti which receive funding from
the U.S. government via the NED
or other imperialist organizations
must be viewed as captured. Their
interests either correspond with
or do not challenge U.S. interests.
In a 2008 article, Nik Barry-Shaw
described the consequences
Western-backed NGOs
had on Haiti’s middle and intellectual
class in Haiti leading up to
the 2004 coup against Aristide:
“The tremendous resources
disposed of by these organization
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cannot but have a massive impact
on the political scene, operating
as they are amidst such extreme
deprivation. If you want to
get your daily bread, why bother
building a powerful socio-political
movement to press your demands
on an impotent state?”
The waning desire for transformative
social change competed
for the middle-class’ heart
with other, more individualistic
interests. As Robert Fatton Jr. explains:
“In a country where destitution
is the norm and private avenues
to wealth are rare, politics
becomes an entrepreneurial vocation,
virtually the sole means of
material and social advancement
for those not born into wealth
and prestige.” Ironically, the political
representatives of the middle
class ultimately did the most
to advance the neoliberal compromises
forced on Aristide.
These sectors subsequently
“turned to … generous funders of
‘civil society’ from the North.”
We must also scrutinize
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the claims of the middle and intellectual
class who receive funds
from the NED and other foundations
based in the United States
and other CORE group countries.
We must also be prepared to reconsider
the narratives that the
leaders and representatives of
these NED-funded institutions
present regarding marginalized or
villainized individuals or organizations
inside Haiti.
We must interrogate these
NED-funded institutions and their
various reports, manifestos, and
plans for Haiti because they in
some way serve the interests of
U.S. imperialist policies in Haiti.
An earlier version of this
article was published by Black
Agenda Report. Travis Ross is a
teacher based in Montreal, Quebec.
He is a co-editor of the Canada-Haiti
Information Project.
His articles have been published
in Truthout, Haïti Liberté, and
Rabble.ca. He can be reached on
Twitter.
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Vol 16 # 22 • Du 30 Novembre au 6 Décembre 2022
Haiti Liberté/Haitian Times
19