Caribbean Diaspora in the USA: Diversity of Caribbean Religions in New York City

Caribbean Religions in New York City 67
of the larger cities in the USA, according to Michael Laguerre. In cities such as
New York City, Miami, Boston, Chicago and Washington DC Haitians successfully
founded their own communities with shops, churches, restaurants, clubs and other
things that are more or less connected to each other (Laguerre 1996: 21–2). In New
York City the Haitian community includes US citizens, legal and illegal migrants,
refugees, students and children of Haitian parents. According to Laguerre, it is not
possible to establish the number of vodouisants among the migrants because many
Vodou priests and their believers live illegally in the USA (1996: 29). Laguerre fails
to explain why there should be so many illegal people among vodouisants. It could
be that he is unconsciously influenced by a widespread prejudice among Haitian
intellectuals. Many still think that Vodou is a religion for uneducated peasants
but they ignore the changes in Vodou, in particular since its spread to the USA.
According to my observations many people who regularly consult a Vodou priest
and participate at Vodou ceremonies appear to be well educated and belong to the
middle or even upper class. 56
Despite the lack of empirical data the tabloids still connect Vodou with criminal
activities, as Laguerre complains:
Such innuendoes about voodoo-related crimes have never been proved to have any empirical
basis. In fact, the community affairs officer of the 77th Precinct in Brooklyn, located in
the midst of a very densely populated Haitian-American neighborhood, is reported to have
said in 1979: ‘In my 26 years here, I have never come across any crime actually linked to
Voodoo. Narcotics is still our biggest problem in this area.’ (1996: 29) 57
Up to the present day the public has been inclined to trace any mistakes and criminal
charges against Haitians to Vodou. The New York Times gave a police report against
a Haitian more attention than usual because he was a Vodou priest who apparently
harmed a woman during a ceremony with a candle (Pierre-Pierre 1998: B5). 58 This
event is quite symptomatic of the representation of the Haitian community, which
still has to fight against stereotypes such as illegality, criminality and poverty. In
contrast, Haitian communities are economically quite successful and have managed
to establish a place in society despite racist stereotypes. Laguerre even argues that
Haitian migrants have developed their sense of belonging because of the pressures
of the wider society, not despite them (1996: 155–9).
But any picture of the Haitian community as homogeneous is misleading; the
reality is quite diverse. Even the religious area demonstrates tensions and breaks.
Among the Vodou communities in New York City there exist disputes and jealousy
between the temples. Many priests regard themselves as competing for members and
patients. The community I have just presented encounters envy because of its effort
to register as a church. Though many young vodouisants are trying to establish an
56 This development is quite similar to the development among believers of Cuban
Santería in Miami where priests are consulted predominately by well-paid people. See also
the film Legacy of the Spirit by Karen Kramer that demonstrates the beginning of Vodou in
New York City and the way it spread to non-Haitian communities in the 1980s.
57 Laguerre refers to the New York Times Magazine from 2.12.1979.
58 Because of lack of any motive the police stopped the enquiry after a while.