Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
usual blue rubber stamp and the number ‘50’ perforated in<br />
the upper centre. The 50-toman note has two ‘rosettes’ of nine<br />
holes perforated to either side of the ‘50’ on the issued notes.<br />
The 50-toman note is commonly found as a remainder, with the<br />
signatures printed (as for the other denominations), but without<br />
the rubber stamp and perforated value. (This suggests that the<br />
rubber stamp and the perforated value were applied near the time<br />
of issue.) It is not known whether this variety of the note, with the<br />
printed signatures, was ever placed into circulation; as all issued<br />
notes of this denomination appear to have been hand signed.<br />
The first period of progressive reform within Iranian Azerbaijan<br />
did not last long. Soviet influence was insidious, with many<br />
officials in the new government being Azerbaijanis from Soviet<br />
Azerbaijan. A secret service was set up to target people opposed to<br />
the new government, and it was not long before some of the laws<br />
intended for reform were being used against political opponents.<br />
For example, land was taken from people opposed to the new<br />
regime and distributed to the peasants. People who opposed the<br />
regime soon started disappearing, taken from their homes at<br />
night, and opposition to the Autonomous Government became<br />
less demonstrative as the terror increased.<br />
The much vaunted return to the Azerbaijani language soon<br />
became a fertile ground for writers and editors from Soviet<br />
Azerbaijan, as Soviet-sponsored literature increased. The<br />
authentic Azerbaijani of Iranian Azerbaijan was overwhelmed by<br />
interference from the Russian-influenced Azerbaijani of Soviet<br />
Azerbaijan, as books and the press became dominated by Sovietissued<br />
publications.<br />
With the advent of the Cold War, the occupation of northern<br />
Iran by Russia and its aspirations in the Middle East were causing<br />
concern to the British and Americans. In an ‘incident’ that is<br />
regarded as the first confrontation of the Cold War, the Russians<br />
initially bolstered their forces in Iran and then withdrew after<br />
Iran promised to establish a Soviet-Iranian oil company. In April<br />
1946 overtures by the Iranian government to Pishevari resulted<br />
in several positive meetings. In Tehran, politics had shifted<br />
to the left with a change in government, and there seemed to<br />
be a willingness by Tehran to come to an agreement with the<br />
Autonomous Government in Tabriz. Although initial talks were<br />
disappointing, in May 1946, following the withdrawal of Russia<br />
from northern Iran (including Iranian Azerbaijan), the talks<br />
became more productive. Despite losing the backing of his Soviet<br />
allies, Pishevari negotiated terms favourable to the Azerbaijanis,<br />
while making concessions to the central government. The outlook<br />
for his regime was looking politically sound and the negotiations<br />
that commenced in April seemed to be coming to a positive<br />
conclusion in August.<br />
However, even as the political gains were being savoured,<br />
the tide was turning against the Democratic Party in Iranian<br />
Azerbaijan. Discontent at Russian influence, diminishing respect<br />
for religious institutions and religious values by the new regime,<br />
conscription, grain collections, and crop failures, all led to<br />
increased opposition to Pishevari’s regime.<br />
In a political coup, Qavam al-Saltanah, the Iranian Prime<br />
Minister, turned the situation on its head. Until October1946<br />
he had shared government with leftist parties and he was not<br />
willing to be confrontationist. But after the Russians departed<br />
and his position firmed, he formed a new government without<br />
the left and immediately refused to negotiate further with the<br />
Azerbaijanis. Qavam declared national elections would be held in<br />
December 1946, and Iranian armed forces would supervise the<br />
elections in all provinces, including Azerbaijan.<br />
Feeling betrayed and now aware of his isolation, Pishevari<br />
postured and defied Tehran, pouring forth invective from Tabriz.<br />
But rather than rallying support from the people of the region, local<br />
opposition to Pishevari’s regime continued to grow. On 8 December<br />
1946 the Iranian army marched into Iranian Azerbaijan and met<br />
little resistance. Most of the officials in Tabriz realized the end had<br />
come, and some sought to negotiate with the central government. A<br />
call to fight to the death by Pishevari on 11 December was ignored<br />
and the Central Committee of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan<br />
admitted defeat on 12 December 1946.<br />
It is estimated that Pishevari’s regime was responsible for the<br />
death of over five hundred people. Unsurprisingly retribution<br />
followed hard on the heels of the Iranian occupation, not from<br />
the Iranians, but from the disaffected population of Iranian<br />
Azerbaijan. Many of those who had been part of the failed regime<br />
met an untimely death, usually from a crude gibbet. Truckloads<br />
of Azerbaijanis from the toppled government crossed into Soviet<br />
Azerbaijan, but there was, to the surprise of many, no support<br />
from the Soviet Union to restore the regime. The status quo was<br />
restored only when Iranian Azerbaijan came once more under the<br />
control of the central government.<br />
It is not known what happened to the currency issued by<br />
the Autonomous Government. In all likelihood, it became<br />
worthless and was not honoured by the Iranian administration.<br />
The availability of large numbers of 50-toman remainder notes<br />
suggests that these notes were in transit at the time the coup<br />
failed. These notes are common and easily available for collectors.<br />
Other denominations are less easy to obtain, but are available. As<br />
is the case for many other banknotes issued throughout history,<br />
the notes of the Autonomous Government of Azerbaijan remain<br />
one of the few tangible reminders of a distant event, an event<br />
now often romanticized, but which altered little in the fortunes of<br />
Iranian Azerbaijanis at the time.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Abrahamian, Ervand Iran Between Two Revolutions Princeton<br />
University Press, Princeton, USA.<br />
Farahbakhsh, Fereydon. Standard Catalogue of Iranian Banknotes<br />
Tehran 2005.<br />
Fawcett, Louise L’Estrange Iran and the Cold War – The<br />
Azerbaijan Crisis of 1946 Cambridge University Press,<br />
Cambridge, UK.<br />
Hovsepian, Armen http://www.iranbanknotes.com/<br />
Lenczowski, George Russia and the West in Iran, 1918-1948<br />
Cornell University Press, Ithaca, USA, 1949.<br />
Swietochowski, Tadeuz Russia and Azerbaijan – A Borderland in<br />
Transition Columbia University Press, New York, USA, 1995.<br />
Correspondence<br />
Prof. Peter Hill of the Australian National University<br />
Dr. M. Mehdi Ilhan of the Australian National University<br />
Footnotes<br />
1 The Iranians used the Jalaali or Persian calendar.<br />
2 Farahbakhsh, in his catalogue of Iranian banknotes, lists only<br />
lower denomination notes (i.e. all but the 50-toman note) with<br />
printed signatures, but then writes that lower denomination<br />
notes ‘signed by hand will be charged 40% over normal price’.<br />
Therefore, it cannot be said whether the lower denomination<br />
notes were ever issued with hand-written signatures.<br />
56 <strong>IBNS</strong> Journal 48.2