19.02.2013 Views

Download - IBNS

Download - IBNS

Download - IBNS

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

usual blue rubber stamp and the number ‘50’ perforated in<br />

the upper centre. The 50-toman note has two ‘rosettes’ of nine<br />

holes perforated to either side of the ‘50’ on the issued notes.<br />

The 50-toman note is commonly found as a remainder, with the<br />

signatures printed (as for the other denominations), but without<br />

the rubber stamp and perforated value. (This suggests that the<br />

rubber stamp and the perforated value were applied near the time<br />

of issue.) It is not known whether this variety of the note, with the<br />

printed signatures, was ever placed into circulation; as all issued<br />

notes of this denomination appear to have been hand signed.<br />

The first period of progressive reform within Iranian Azerbaijan<br />

did not last long. Soviet influence was insidious, with many<br />

officials in the new government being Azerbaijanis from Soviet<br />

Azerbaijan. A secret service was set up to target people opposed to<br />

the new government, and it was not long before some of the laws<br />

intended for reform were being used against political opponents.<br />

For example, land was taken from people opposed to the new<br />

regime and distributed to the peasants. People who opposed the<br />

regime soon started disappearing, taken from their homes at<br />

night, and opposition to the Autonomous Government became<br />

less demonstrative as the terror increased.<br />

The much vaunted return to the Azerbaijani language soon<br />

became a fertile ground for writers and editors from Soviet<br />

Azerbaijan, as Soviet-sponsored literature increased. The<br />

authentic Azerbaijani of Iranian Azerbaijan was overwhelmed by<br />

interference from the Russian-influenced Azerbaijani of Soviet<br />

Azerbaijan, as books and the press became dominated by Sovietissued<br />

publications.<br />

With the advent of the Cold War, the occupation of northern<br />

Iran by Russia and its aspirations in the Middle East were causing<br />

concern to the British and Americans. In an ‘incident’ that is<br />

regarded as the first confrontation of the Cold War, the Russians<br />

initially bolstered their forces in Iran and then withdrew after<br />

Iran promised to establish a Soviet-Iranian oil company. In April<br />

1946 overtures by the Iranian government to Pishevari resulted<br />

in several positive meetings. In Tehran, politics had shifted<br />

to the left with a change in government, and there seemed to<br />

be a willingness by Tehran to come to an agreement with the<br />

Autonomous Government in Tabriz. Although initial talks were<br />

disappointing, in May 1946, following the withdrawal of Russia<br />

from northern Iran (including Iranian Azerbaijan), the talks<br />

became more productive. Despite losing the backing of his Soviet<br />

allies, Pishevari negotiated terms favourable to the Azerbaijanis,<br />

while making concessions to the central government. The outlook<br />

for his regime was looking politically sound and the negotiations<br />

that commenced in April seemed to be coming to a positive<br />

conclusion in August.<br />

However, even as the political gains were being savoured,<br />

the tide was turning against the Democratic Party in Iranian<br />

Azerbaijan. Discontent at Russian influence, diminishing respect<br />

for religious institutions and religious values by the new regime,<br />

conscription, grain collections, and crop failures, all led to<br />

increased opposition to Pishevari’s regime.<br />

In a political coup, Qavam al-Saltanah, the Iranian Prime<br />

Minister, turned the situation on its head. Until October1946<br />

he had shared government with leftist parties and he was not<br />

willing to be confrontationist. But after the Russians departed<br />

and his position firmed, he formed a new government without<br />

the left and immediately refused to negotiate further with the<br />

Azerbaijanis. Qavam declared national elections would be held in<br />

December 1946, and Iranian armed forces would supervise the<br />

elections in all provinces, including Azerbaijan.<br />

Feeling betrayed and now aware of his isolation, Pishevari<br />

postured and defied Tehran, pouring forth invective from Tabriz.<br />

But rather than rallying support from the people of the region, local<br />

opposition to Pishevari’s regime continued to grow. On 8 December<br />

1946 the Iranian army marched into Iranian Azerbaijan and met<br />

little resistance. Most of the officials in Tabriz realized the end had<br />

come, and some sought to negotiate with the central government. A<br />

call to fight to the death by Pishevari on 11 December was ignored<br />

and the Central Committee of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan<br />

admitted defeat on 12 December 1946.<br />

It is estimated that Pishevari’s regime was responsible for the<br />

death of over five hundred people. Unsurprisingly retribution<br />

followed hard on the heels of the Iranian occupation, not from<br />

the Iranians, but from the disaffected population of Iranian<br />

Azerbaijan. Many of those who had been part of the failed regime<br />

met an untimely death, usually from a crude gibbet. Truckloads<br />

of Azerbaijanis from the toppled government crossed into Soviet<br />

Azerbaijan, but there was, to the surprise of many, no support<br />

from the Soviet Union to restore the regime. The status quo was<br />

restored only when Iranian Azerbaijan came once more under the<br />

control of the central government.<br />

It is not known what happened to the currency issued by<br />

the Autonomous Government. In all likelihood, it became<br />

worthless and was not honoured by the Iranian administration.<br />

The availability of large numbers of 50-toman remainder notes<br />

suggests that these notes were in transit at the time the coup<br />

failed. These notes are common and easily available for collectors.<br />

Other denominations are less easy to obtain, but are available. As<br />

is the case for many other banknotes issued throughout history,<br />

the notes of the Autonomous Government of Azerbaijan remain<br />

one of the few tangible reminders of a distant event, an event<br />

now often romanticized, but which altered little in the fortunes of<br />

Iranian Azerbaijanis at the time.<br />

Bibliography<br />

Abrahamian, Ervand Iran Between Two Revolutions Princeton<br />

University Press, Princeton, USA.<br />

Farahbakhsh, Fereydon. Standard Catalogue of Iranian Banknotes<br />

Tehran 2005.<br />

Fawcett, Louise L’Estrange Iran and the Cold War – The<br />

Azerbaijan Crisis of 1946 Cambridge University Press,<br />

Cambridge, UK.<br />

Hovsepian, Armen http://www.iranbanknotes.com/<br />

Lenczowski, George Russia and the West in Iran, 1918-1948<br />

Cornell University Press, Ithaca, USA, 1949.<br />

Swietochowski, Tadeuz Russia and Azerbaijan – A Borderland in<br />

Transition Columbia University Press, New York, USA, 1995.<br />

Correspondence<br />

Prof. Peter Hill of the Australian National University<br />

Dr. M. Mehdi Ilhan of the Australian National University<br />

Footnotes<br />

1 The Iranians used the Jalaali or Persian calendar.<br />

2 Farahbakhsh, in his catalogue of Iranian banknotes, lists only<br />

lower denomination notes (i.e. all but the 50-toman note) with<br />

printed signatures, but then writes that lower denomination<br />

notes ‘signed by hand will be charged 40% over normal price’.<br />

Therefore, it cannot be said whether the lower denomination<br />

notes were ever issued with hand-written signatures.<br />

56 <strong>IBNS</strong> Journal 48.2

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!