The North Atlantic Fisheries, 1100-1976 - University of Hull
The North Atlantic Fisheries, 1100-1976 - University of Hull
The North Atlantic Fisheries, 1100-1976 - University of Hull
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<strong>The</strong> <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong><br />
<strong>Fisheries</strong>, <strong>1100</strong>-<strong>1976</strong><br />
National Perspectives on a<br />
Common Resource<br />
Edited by<br />
Poul Holm<br />
David J. Starkey<br />
Jón Th. Thór<br />
Studia <strong>Atlantic</strong>a, 1
<strong>The</strong> <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong>, <strong>1100</strong>-<strong>1976</strong><br />
3
Fiskeri- og Søfartsmuseets Studieserie, 7<br />
Studia <strong>Atlantic</strong>a, 1<br />
Esbjerg, 1996<br />
ISBN 87 87453 71 1<br />
ISSN 0908-3421 (Studieserien)<br />
ISSN 1396-6294 (Studia <strong>Atlantic</strong>a)<br />
© 1996 authors and publisher<br />
<strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong> History Association<br />
c/o Dr Jón Th. Thór, President<br />
Icelandic Centre for <strong>Fisheries</strong> History Research<br />
Hafrannsóknast<strong>of</strong>nun, Skúlagötu 4, P.O.Box 1390, IS-121 Reykjavík<br />
e-mail jonthor@hafro.is<br />
Editorial address for Studia <strong>Atlantic</strong>a is<br />
c/o Dr Poul Holm<br />
Center for Maritim og Regional Historie<br />
Tarphagevej 2-6, DK-6710 Esbjerg V<br />
e-mail cmrhpoho@inet.uni-c.dk<br />
Updated information<br />
on the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong> History Association<br />
is available on the Internet<br />
http://inet.uni-c.dk/~cmrhpoho/nafha.htm<br />
Editor <strong>of</strong> Studieserien<br />
Poul Holm<br />
Editors <strong>of</strong> Studia <strong>Atlantic</strong>a<br />
Poul Holm, David J. Starkey and Jón Th. Thór<br />
General editor <strong>of</strong> Fiskeri- og Søfartsmuseets Forlag<br />
Morten Hahn-Pedersen<br />
4
Preface<br />
This volume comprises the papers presented to a symposium on ‘<strong>North</strong><br />
<strong>Atlantic</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong> History, <strong>1100</strong>-<strong>1976</strong>’, held in July 1995 on the<br />
Westman Islands, Iceland. <strong>The</strong> meeting was generously sponsored by the<br />
Nordic Cultural Foundation, Iceland’s Minister <strong>of</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong>, the Mayor<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Westman Islands, and the Icelandic Marine Research Institute.<br />
<strong>The</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> these proceedings was financially supported by the<br />
Fiskeri- og Søfartsmuseets Publishing Fund, the Town Council <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Westman Islands and four companies operating from the islands, Ísfélag<br />
Vestmannaeyja hf., Íslandsbanki hf., Sparisjóður Vestmannaeyja and<br />
Vinnslustöðin hf. <strong>The</strong> editors are extremely grateful to all those<br />
individuals and institutions who have supported the symposium and this<br />
publication.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong> History Association (NAFHA) was<br />
inaugurated at the Westman Islands symposium. Its aim is to promote<br />
research into the exploitation <strong>of</strong> the living marine resources <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong><br />
<strong>Atlantic</strong> from the Middle Ages to the present day, and to assess the<br />
significance <strong>of</strong> this activity to the populations <strong>of</strong> the countries bordering<br />
these seas. In pursuing this aim, NAFHA will foster international and<br />
interdisciplinary research by facilitating the exchange <strong>of</strong> researchers<br />
between participating institutions, and by organising regular seminars<br />
and conferences. <strong>The</strong> results <strong>of</strong> these enquiries will be disseminated in<br />
various forms, including the publication <strong>of</strong> a history <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong><br />
as a common resource over the last 600 years.<br />
Poul Holm<br />
David J. Starkey<br />
Jón Th. Thór<br />
5
Contents<br />
Jón Th.Thór<br />
with Kjartan Árnason, Magnús H. Helgason and Óðinn Haraldsson<br />
Icelandic Fishing History Research ....................................................13<br />
Jóan Pauli Joensen<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands. An Overview...............................27<br />
Dorete Bloch<br />
Whaling in the Faroe Islands, 1584-1994: An Overview ...................49<br />
Vagn Wåhlin<br />
with Henning Mosegaard Kristensen<br />
<strong>The</strong> Faroese Greenland Fishery. Faroese Fishery Policy towards<br />
Denmark and Greenland in the Inter-War Period ...............................63<br />
Axel Kjær Sørensen<br />
Fishing by the Greenlanders ...............................................................89<br />
Jaap R. Bruijn<br />
Dutch <strong>Fisheries</strong>: An Historiographical and <strong>The</strong>matic Overview ......105<br />
Robb Robinson & David J. Starkey<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sea <strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>of</strong> the British Isles, 1376-<strong>1976</strong>:<br />
A Preliminary Survey .......................................................................121<br />
Pål Christensen & Alf Ragnar Nielssen<br />
Norwegian <strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>1100</strong>-1970. Main Developments.....................145<br />
Bertil Andersson<br />
<strong>Fisheries</strong> in Western Sweden c1650-1950.<br />
A Short Historical, Bibliographical and Statistical Survey...............169<br />
Poul Holm<br />
Catches and Manpower in the Danish <strong>Fisheries</strong>, c1200-1995 ..........177<br />
Note on Contributors.........................................................................207<br />
6
Introduction<br />
In his History <strong>of</strong> an Expanding World, Niels Steensgaard pointed to the<br />
fact that the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> fisheries played a crucial part in European<br />
expansion. 1 As we approach the five-hundredth anniversary <strong>of</strong> John<br />
Cabot’s discovery <strong>of</strong> the great fishing banks <strong>of</strong>f Newfoundland,<br />
historians should be especially aware <strong>of</strong> the important contribution made<br />
by late-medieval and early-modern fishermen to the development <strong>of</strong><br />
European economy and society. Contemporary quota problems and<br />
social distress in fishery-dependent communities also serve to stress the<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> the industry.<br />
Nevertheless, European historians, in some contrast to colleagues on<br />
the other shore <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Atlantic</strong>, have been curiously disinterested in the<br />
history <strong>of</strong> fishing. To redress this situation, a group <strong>of</strong> Nordic historians<br />
met in Esbjerg in November 1994 to prepare the ground for a full-scale<br />
history <strong>of</strong> the fisheries <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong>. <strong>The</strong> first step in this scheme<br />
was generously supported by the Nordic Cultural Foundation, which<br />
sponsored a symposium on <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong> History,<br />
c<strong>1100</strong>-<strong>1976</strong>, held on the Icelandic Westman Islands 26-29 July, 1995.<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> the symposium was to provide an overview <strong>of</strong> the state <strong>of</strong><br />
research in <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> fisheries history and to bring together a select<br />
number <strong>of</strong> scholars active in this field. <strong>The</strong> symposium was organised at<br />
short notice, and the organisers are grateful that those invited were not<br />
only willing to give a paper, but also delivered final texts shortly<br />
afterwards.<br />
<strong>The</strong> papergivers were directed by the organisers “to analyse and<br />
discuss the utilization <strong>of</strong> resources in the <strong>North</strong>ern Seas through five<br />
hundred years in the interplay <strong>of</strong> native and foreign production,<br />
technological innovation, settlement patterns, organisation <strong>of</strong> trade, and<br />
rivalry between states.” Naturally, not all aspects <strong>of</strong> this vast arena were<br />
covered by the papers, but the organisers hoped to start a process which<br />
in the longer run will provide the sort <strong>of</strong> comparative studies which are<br />
needed. This hope was more than amply fulfilled.<br />
<strong>The</strong> programme was a mix <strong>of</strong> national overviews and thematic<br />
studies. For the purpose <strong>of</strong> the workshop, the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> was defined<br />
broadly as the ocean between the American and European continents<br />
1 Verden på oppdagelsernes tid, 1350-1500, Aschehougs Verdenshistorie, eds. K. Helle<br />
et al. (Oslo, 1984-85).<br />
7
north <strong>of</strong> the latitude <strong>of</strong> the Bay <strong>of</strong> Biscay, including the <strong>North</strong> Sea, the<br />
Davis Strait and the Arctic Sea around Svalbard / Spitsbergen. <strong>The</strong> main<br />
emphasis was put on cod fisheries, but whaling, sealing and herring and<br />
plaice operations were also considered. <strong>The</strong> period under review was<br />
c<strong>1100</strong> to <strong>1976</strong> – i. e. the era <strong>of</strong> almost unrestricted utilisation <strong>of</strong> the<br />
<strong>North</strong>ern Seas. Systematic comparison and discussion <strong>of</strong> a range <strong>of</strong><br />
relevant issues was encouraged, with questions such as fish prices,<br />
ecology, biological knowledge, colonial rivalries, demography and<br />
settlement patterns afforded particular attention.<br />
Individual contributors have treated this broad subject very<br />
differently. This should cause no surprise given the pioneering nature <strong>of</strong><br />
the meeting, and the absence <strong>of</strong> an international scholarly debate which<br />
might have served to point out fields and problems for special<br />
comparative attention. In as much as the overviews published in this<br />
volume represent the first easily accessible introduction to national<br />
research in fishing history, we have no doubt that the volume will serve<br />
to identify fields which are in need <strong>of</strong> more research and call for<br />
international collaboration.<br />
<strong>The</strong> reader will find a broad chronological discussion <strong>of</strong> national<br />
fisheries in the overviews <strong>of</strong> Norwegian, Danish, Icelandic, Faroese,<br />
British, and Dutch fisheries, with guidelines as to statistics and literature.<br />
<strong>The</strong> basic approach is that <strong>of</strong> economic history, while the authors also<br />
identify distinct national research interests. Unfortunately, it was not<br />
possible to cover every national fishery as contributions on Canadian,<br />
American, German, Belgian, French and other interests in the <strong>North</strong><br />
<strong>Atlantic</strong> could not be arranged.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fisheries developed very differently in the <strong>North</strong>ern Seas,<br />
dependent on a wide array <strong>of</strong> factors, most <strong>of</strong> which are discussed in<br />
these essays. One <strong>of</strong> the defining parameters was the character <strong>of</strong> the<br />
coast. As Jaap Bruijn and Jóan Pauli Joensen both point out, the nature <strong>of</strong><br />
harbours is crucial to any understanding <strong>of</strong> the basic technological<br />
development <strong>of</strong> boat-types. Open coasts, natural ports and manmade<br />
harbours exert a key influence on the development <strong>of</strong> flat-bottomed boats<br />
and keel-boats, not to mention large decked vessels. A comparative study<br />
<strong>of</strong> fishing-boat design over the past centuries is much needed.<br />
<strong>The</strong> technology used for catching also needs comparative study. <strong>The</strong><br />
introduction <strong>of</strong> the longline is a case in point. While it seemed to spread<br />
relatively rapidly from Flemish and Dutch fishermen to English and<br />
Danish fishermen in medieval times, Norwegian, Faroese and Icelandic<br />
8
fishermen resisted the introduction <strong>of</strong> this gear as late as the nineteenth<br />
century. Another case <strong>of</strong> technological diffusion that would repay more<br />
study is presented by the British sailing trawlers which were sold in large<br />
numbers to Swedish and Icelandic fishermen around 1900, when Britain<br />
turned to steam-powered vessels. This outdated technology made it<br />
possible to continue the tradition <strong>of</strong> handlining on new distant grounds<br />
in the first half <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century.<br />
For a comparative study, differences in distance to the fishing<br />
grounds are also crucial. While the Icelanders naturally considered their<br />
fjords as inshore grounds, these were distant water grounds to<br />
continental and British fishermen. A large amount <strong>of</strong> capital was needed<br />
to carry out these voyages, while Icelandic and Faroese activity on these<br />
grounds developed as farmer-fishing. Even in the <strong>North</strong> Sea, the<br />
distinction between capitalised and artisanal fisheries developed very<br />
early. Certainly by the fifteenth century, Dutch fishermen had developed<br />
a large-scale herring fishery with big vessels which needed substantial<br />
quantities <strong>of</strong> capital.<br />
<strong>The</strong> capital problem was even more acute in the development <strong>of</strong><br />
commercial networks. <strong>The</strong> Hanseatics controlled the artisanal fisheries<br />
in the medieval Danish Sound fishery, and when the Dutch took control<br />
<strong>of</strong> the European herring market in the sixteenth century, they developed a<br />
quality control system which ensured supremacy until the end <strong>of</strong> the<br />
eighteenth century. <strong>The</strong> development <strong>of</strong> the mass market during the<br />
mid-nineteenth century was stimulated by a revolution in the<br />
transportation system. <strong>The</strong> key factors in this process were iced cargoes,<br />
ship carriers and, most <strong>of</strong> all, the railway system which provided inland<br />
consumers with access to fresh fish for the first time. <strong>The</strong> price rise<br />
which followed enabled fishermen and investors to revolutionize fishing<br />
technology. In that process, the protectionist measures which had been<br />
introduced in the Netherlands to safeguard the old industry were<br />
abolished.<br />
Periodisation is a major problem in any comparative history. While<br />
the mid- or late-nineteenth century stands out in all the essays as a critical<br />
phase for the modernisation <strong>of</strong> the industry, there is less clarity as regards<br />
earlier periods. <strong>The</strong> Norwegian and Danish essays point to the 1620s as<br />
times <strong>of</strong> crisis, when earlier large-scale fisheries declined leading to<br />
stagnation throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. At the<br />
same time, the Dutch fisheries expanded till around 1650, when British<br />
fisheries seemed to gain ground. British growth lasted until the late<br />
9
eighteenth century when the Newfoundland fishing grounds were lost to<br />
resident fishermen across the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong>. While economic<br />
explanations go a long way to explain these changing fates, there is less<br />
certainty as regards biological factors. While variations in sea<br />
temperature seem to explain the fluctuating abundance <strong>of</strong> pilchard and<br />
herring <strong>of</strong>f southwestern England, and climatic change also is the crucial<br />
determinant <strong>of</strong> the appearance and disappearance <strong>of</strong> cod in Greenland<br />
waters, there is less certainty regarding the changing fortunes <strong>of</strong> national<br />
fisheries. In the <strong>North</strong> Sea, Danish fisheries slumped while Dutch<br />
fisheries boomed in the seventeenth century. Clearly, the evidence on<br />
climatic history needs to be substantiated.<br />
Interdisciplinary work between historians and scientists would go a<br />
long way to illuminate these problems, just as the history <strong>of</strong> modern<br />
fisheries cannot be written without reference to biological knowledge.<br />
<strong>The</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> national marine biological institutions in the last<br />
quarter <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century, and in particular the creation <strong>of</strong> ICES<br />
in 1903, has greatly facilitated research into fishing history by making<br />
good statistics accessible. However, the interpretation <strong>of</strong> these statistics<br />
has only just begun and much more work is needed to overcome the<br />
standard explanations which mar not only historical understanding but<br />
also common-sense assumptions about fishery regulations.<br />
Moreover, basic questions such as the economic impact <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fisheries need much more work. While the immediate output <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fishing industry is measurable, we know very little about the derived<br />
economic importance <strong>of</strong> the fishing sector, such as how many jobs on<br />
land are created by one fisherman at sea. In an age when the number <strong>of</strong><br />
fishermen is rapidly shrinking and thus reducing the importance <strong>of</strong><br />
fishermen as a political constituency, their importance for the national<br />
economy is all too easily neglected.<br />
Regional variations in overall trends are apparent from the studies<br />
presented in this volumes. One striking case is the tenacity with which<br />
the British Westcountrymen developed their fishery <strong>of</strong>f the coast <strong>of</strong><br />
Newfoundland, when Continental and British fisheries in the <strong>North</strong> Sea<br />
were contracting steadily in the latter half <strong>of</strong> the seventeenth century.<br />
<strong>The</strong> factors underlying Britain’s successful exploitation <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Newfoundland fishery are not fully understood and require further<br />
research into the supply <strong>of</strong> capital and the significance <strong>of</strong> political<br />
interest.<br />
10
<strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> politics is evident from the studies presented in this<br />
volume, but much more work needs to be done. <strong>The</strong> obvious example <strong>of</strong><br />
political intervention is the erection <strong>of</strong> economic zones in the past<br />
half-century, but in the history <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> fisheries politics<br />
have always been on the agenda <strong>of</strong> states competing for the resources <strong>of</strong><br />
the sea. One particularly interesting case is the Faroese claim to fishing<br />
rights in Greenland in the early twentieth century, which is highlighted in<br />
two papers in this volume. <strong>The</strong> case concerns two tiny nations in the<br />
<strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> bound together within the Danish realm, and the conflict<br />
illustrates the possibilities <strong>of</strong> enforcing claims to a particular resource by<br />
calling upon ‘historical rights’.<br />
Fish consumption has no doubt shrunk dramatically since the Middle<br />
Ages. <strong>The</strong> decline in Norwegian coastal settlements from the<br />
seventeenth century reflects the contraction <strong>of</strong> European fish demand.<br />
<strong>The</strong> study presented in this volume shows the advanced level that<br />
research in this field has reached in Norway. <strong>The</strong> fact that<br />
seventeenth-century people abandoned ‘catholic practises’ such as the<br />
eating <strong>of</strong> fish during Lent is still very much with us although recent<br />
advocates <strong>of</strong> healthy fish eating have tried to reverse the trend. In the<br />
High <strong>North</strong>, fish is still a staple diet, and it is striking to learn that pure<br />
necessity only in the last few years has again forced the Faroese to rely<br />
heavily on marine sources <strong>of</strong> meat.<br />
<strong>The</strong> development <strong>of</strong> the fish-processing industry is not fully covered<br />
in these essays, but they do point to striking growth in this sector.<br />
Beginning with the mass production <strong>of</strong> dried saltfish for the<br />
Mediterranean market, the Icelanders, Faroese and Norwegians were<br />
already investing in fish processing in the late nineteenth century. In the<br />
1880s the British fish ‘n’ chip shop developed as a staple food and<br />
cultural institution. But in the larger European market, fish consumption<br />
would probably have almost vanished had it not been for the introduction<br />
<strong>of</strong> deep-freezing technology. Fish processing was and is very much a<br />
female labour industry. <strong>The</strong> editors regret that it did not prove possible to<br />
recruit a comparative paper on the development <strong>of</strong> this industry.<br />
Looking back on eight or nine centuries <strong>of</strong> fishing history, it is<br />
striking that problems <strong>of</strong> capital supply are <strong>of</strong>ten the key to<br />
understanding the industry. While fishermen have been notoriously poor<br />
(although not always as poor as they have successfully presented<br />
themselves to tax-collectors), problems <strong>of</strong> overcapitalisation today<br />
afflict the industry. <strong>The</strong> Faroese, who were trapped in a paternalistic<br />
11
truck-system only two generations ago, developed in the 1970s and<br />
1980s a fishing fleet which managed to exhaust natural resources and in<br />
so doing helped bankrupt the national economy. While the Faroese case<br />
is tragic and extreme, it is a sobering reminder to all those interested in<br />
the past as well as the future <strong>of</strong> the fishing industry.<br />
12
Icelandic Fishing<br />
History Research. A Survey<br />
Jón Th.Thór<br />
with Kjartan Árnason, Magnús H. Helgason and Óðinn Haraldsson<br />
So far Icelandic scholars have paid little attention to the country’s fishing<br />
history. No general history <strong>of</strong> Iceland’s fisheries exists. <strong>The</strong> only fields<br />
which have received what may be termed proper attention are the history<br />
<strong>of</strong> Iceland’s fishing limits and the ethnological side <strong>of</strong> the rowing-boat<br />
fishery prior to 1900.<br />
Icelandic fishing historians have identified three main periods in their<br />
field: the rowing-boat era, lasting from the Middle Ages until c1900; the<br />
smack-fishing period, c1815-1920; and the modern period which started<br />
with the introduction <strong>of</strong> motor-boats and steam-trawlers early in the<br />
twentieth century and has lasted until the present time.<br />
<strong>The</strong> present paper is a survey <strong>of</strong> Icelandic fishing history research<br />
since 1940. Much has been published on fisheries in Iceland during the<br />
period under discussion in this paper. Many <strong>of</strong> these publications are,<br />
however, <strong>of</strong> the general reference kind and there are also many memoirs<br />
and biographies <strong>of</strong> skippers and fishing vessel operators. Few <strong>of</strong> these<br />
works can be deemed scholarly as they are not based on thorough<br />
research and relatively few contain bibliographies or references. In order<br />
to avoid complications and too many “grey zones” this survey is<br />
confined to books written by scholars and other historical works in which<br />
the fisheries and fishing vessel operation are an important part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
study. Included is a section on fishing limits as this is an important part <strong>of</strong><br />
Iceland’s fishing history. <strong>The</strong> publications listed are briefly discussed, so<br />
as to give the reader some information about their subject.<br />
<strong>The</strong> paper consists <strong>of</strong> six sections. <strong>The</strong> first is a short survey on the<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> fisheries in Iceland, while the second covers works <strong>of</strong> a<br />
more general nature, dealing with many topics and covering longer<br />
periods <strong>of</strong> time. Section three deals with the history <strong>of</strong> Icelandic trawler<br />
operation, while section four covers works on foreign fisheries <strong>of</strong>f<br />
Iceland and the fishery limit. <strong>The</strong> fifth section contains a brief survey <strong>of</strong><br />
the most important biographies and works on local history where the<br />
13
history <strong>of</strong> fishing plays an important role. Finally, in section six there is a<br />
short discussion <strong>of</strong> some topics for future research.<br />
I. <strong>The</strong> Importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong> in Iceland<br />
<strong>Fisheries</strong> have always been most important in Iceland’s economy as well<br />
as in the daily life <strong>of</strong> most Icelanders. Since the fourteenth century fish<br />
and other marine products have been the country’s most important export<br />
articles although the significance <strong>of</strong> the fisheries in the Icelanders’ life<br />
has varied from time to time. Until the early twentieth century Icelandic<br />
society was predominantly agricultural. In most areas sheep-farming was<br />
the most important occupation with every farm aiming at being as<br />
self-sufficient as possible. However, in the west and south-west, the<br />
fisheries were the most important industry but were mostly conducted on<br />
a seasonal basis, the principal fishing seasons being the ‘winter-season’,<br />
from January or early February until 11 May, the ‘spring-season’, from<br />
12 May until 24 June, and the ‘autumn season’, from 29 September until<br />
23 December. 2<br />
<strong>The</strong> handline was the most common fishing gear and most <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fishing was done by farmers, peasants and farm-labourers, the seasonal<br />
character <strong>of</strong> the industry resulting in a considerable migration <strong>of</strong> the<br />
workforce. Farmers living in the main fishing areas, from the Western<br />
fjords in the north to the Westman Islands in the south, did indeed go to<br />
sea with their men, but those living in other areas <strong>of</strong> the country sent their<br />
labourers and peasants to the fishing stations in January or September.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re they stayed until early May when they returned to work on the<br />
farms during summer. On the return trip they were <strong>of</strong>ten accompanied by<br />
labourers, men and women, from the south and west, who went up north<br />
and east where they worked as seasonal labour during the haymaking<br />
season in July and August.<br />
2 L. Kristjánsson: Íslenzkir sjávarhættir II, 369.<br />
14
Until around 1800 almost all fishing in Iceland was typically inshore<br />
fishing, conducted from rowing boats operating close to the shore. By the<br />
early nineteenth century decked, sailing vessels came into operation.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se were <strong>of</strong>ten owned by merchants and operated out <strong>of</strong> the main<br />
trading ports. <strong>The</strong> sailing vessels went further out than the rowing boats<br />
and although they undoubtedly contributed to the growth <strong>of</strong> towns along<br />
the coast they can hardly be said to have changed the structure <strong>of</strong> society<br />
as a whole. 3 <strong>The</strong>ir annual period <strong>of</strong> operation was short, only some 5-6<br />
months (late March-late August or early September) and they were<br />
mostly manned by farm labourers. Some <strong>of</strong> these gradually became<br />
full-time fishermen but the majority went on living in the countryside.<br />
Motor-power was introduced in Icelandic fisheries soon after the turn<br />
<strong>of</strong> the twentieth century. <strong>The</strong> first motor-boat came in 1902 and the first<br />
steam-trawler in 1905. <strong>The</strong> number <strong>of</strong> both types grew rapidly during the<br />
next decades and the new technique quickly transformed society.<br />
Trawlers and motor-boats were operated out <strong>of</strong> the main fishing stations<br />
and ports and went fishing almost all the year round. Consequently, a<br />
new ‘class’ <strong>of</strong> full-time fishermen came into being and the fishing<br />
stations and ports grew into fishing villages and towns. Before the<br />
Second World War most <strong>of</strong> the catch was salted and exported to the<br />
Mediterranean, especially Spain and Italy. Saltfish production was<br />
labour intensive which resulted in an increasing flow <strong>of</strong> people from the<br />
countryside to the town where a ‘modern’ working-class emerged.<br />
Besides being the most important export commodity since the<br />
fourteenth century, fish has until recently been the Icelanders’ most<br />
important food article. In coastal areas fish was in former times eaten<br />
five or six days a week and much fish was also transported inland. Thus it<br />
is stated that during the period 1550-1800 the annual consumption <strong>of</strong><br />
dried fish (stockfish) at the Bishop’s see in Skálholt varied from 8 to 13<br />
tons. 4<br />
An accurate estimation <strong>of</strong> the role fishing played in Iceland’s<br />
economy before 1900 is difficult to make as reliable statistics are not<br />
3 During the period 1830-1890 ‘smack’ operation was most intensive in the Western<br />
fjords, especially in Ísafjörður. <strong>The</strong>re can be no doubt that ‘smack’ operation contributed<br />
to the growth <strong>of</strong> that town but the effects were much less significant in other parts <strong>of</strong> the<br />
country. (On the importance <strong>of</strong> ‘smack’ operation for Ísafjörður, see Thór, ‘From<br />
Shark-Fishing to Salt-Fish Production’, 103-12).<br />
4 Thór, Saga Grindavíkur, 230.<br />
15
available except for the very last decades <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century.<br />
However, the point should be stressed that in 1920, 20.5 per cent <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Icelandic population was employed in fisheries and fish processing. This<br />
percentage rose during the next decades and was 23.6 per cent in 1960.<br />
After that it fell somewhat because <strong>of</strong> increased mechanization. 5 At the<br />
same time the importance <strong>of</strong> fish as an export article also rose. In<br />
1921-1925 fish products constituted 84.9 per cent <strong>of</strong> the value <strong>of</strong><br />
Iceland’s exports, but 92.8 per cent in 1951-1955 and 91.2 per cent in<br />
1961-1965. 6<br />
II. General Works<br />
First among the general publications is L. Kristjánsson’s five-volume<br />
work, Íslenzkir sjávarhættir. 7<br />
In libraries this work is usually<br />
categorized as ethnology and it contains a wealth <strong>of</strong> information on the<br />
history <strong>of</strong> fisheries during the rowing-boat period. Although not a history<br />
<strong>of</strong> fishing, the author covers all the main aspects <strong>of</strong> Icelandic fisheries<br />
from the earliest times until around 1900. Among his subjects are the<br />
rowing boat, fishing stations, fishing grounds, the fishermen and their<br />
life, fish processing, domestic fish trade, consumption and transportation<br />
<strong>of</strong> fish inside Iceland, the different types <strong>of</strong> fish, fishing gear, whaling,<br />
fowling and seal hunting, shark fishing, utilization <strong>of</strong> the marine flora,<br />
driftwood, various aspects <strong>of</strong> and customs connected with the fisheries,<br />
etc. <strong>The</strong> work is thoroughly documented and each volume contains an<br />
extensive bibliography and reference list. Richly illustrated with<br />
photographs, drawings and maps, each volume is provided with a<br />
detailed summary in English. By the same author are two articles on the<br />
rowing-boat fishery during the ‘Little Ice Age’. 8<br />
Another, but much shorter, general work dealing mostly with the<br />
rowing-boat period is J. Jónsson’s survey <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> fisheries<br />
<strong>of</strong>f Iceland from about 1300 until 1900. 9 <strong>The</strong> book is divided into three<br />
main sections <strong>of</strong> which the first covers the fisheries undertaken by<br />
Icelanders while the second is concerned with foreign fishing activities<br />
5 See Thór, British Trawlers and Iceland, 1919-<strong>1976</strong>, 255 (Appendix H,1).<br />
6 Ibid., 256 (Appendix H,2).<br />
7 Kristjánsson, Íslenzkir sjávarhættir I-V (1980-1986).<br />
8 Kristjánsson, ‘Þá eru komnir þrír í hlut’, ‘Sjóslysaárin miklu’.<br />
9 Jónsson, Útgerð og aflabrögð við Ísland 1300-1900.<br />
16
in the area. <strong>The</strong> third includes conclusions, bibliography and<br />
registers.<strong>The</strong> author has consulted various sources and his study <strong>of</strong> the<br />
effects <strong>of</strong> natural forces such as weather and sea temperature on the<br />
fisheries is both useful and interesting. Last but not least the book<br />
contains a good bibliography. <strong>The</strong>se items are also discussed by Jónsson<br />
in an article published in 1994. 10<br />
Also <strong>of</strong> a general nature is G. Guðmundsson’s history <strong>of</strong> smack<br />
operation in Iceland during the nineteenth and early twentieth<br />
centuries. 11 It was first published in 1944-46 and soon became popular.<br />
It contains a wealth <strong>of</strong> information on the “Smack Age” and is based, to a<br />
considerable degree on interviews with old “smack hands”. Its main<br />
weakness is that it is badly documented, lacking quotations and giving<br />
only a very brief and imperfect list <strong>of</strong> sources.<br />
One more general survey is S. Jónsson’s book on Icelandic fisheries<br />
in the twentieth century. 12 It describes the main facets <strong>of</strong> the fisheries;<br />
the structure <strong>of</strong> the industry, its effects on habitation and Iceland’s<br />
economy in general, fish export and, finally, the marine-biological<br />
system in the seas around Iceland. Although not an historical work in the<br />
strictest sense, the book contains much <strong>of</strong> interest to the fishing historian.<br />
It is based on thorough research, excellently documented and contains a<br />
most useful bibliography.<br />
In this group <strong>of</strong> studies must also be ranked Trausti Einarsson’s<br />
account <strong>of</strong> whaling <strong>of</strong>f Iceland. 13 Based on an extensive research in<br />
Icelandic and foreign archives, the book covers the history <strong>of</strong> whaling in<br />
the Iceland region from about 1600 until 1939. It has a good bibliography<br />
and reference list. Also Þ. Magnúsdóttir’s study <strong>of</strong> Icelandic women at<br />
sea should be mentioned. 14 This brief analysis demonstrates that women<br />
have long taken an active part in fishing and in some areas <strong>of</strong> Iceland it<br />
was quite common for women to go to sea along with the men. This is an<br />
interesting book on a topic not widely researched as yet.<br />
10 Jónsson, ‘<strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>of</strong>f Iceland 1600-1900’.<br />
11 Guðmundsson, Skútuöldin I-II.<br />
12 Jónsson, Sjávarútvegur Íslendinga á tuttugustu öld.<br />
13 Einarsson, Hvalveiðar við Ísland 1600-1939.<br />
14 Þ. Magnúsdóttir, Sjókonur á Íslandi 1891-1981.<br />
17
Little has s<strong>of</strong>ar been written on the history <strong>of</strong> marine biological<br />
research in Iceland but an excellent survey is to be found in J. Jónsson’s,<br />
Hafrannsóknir við Ísland. 15<br />
III. Trawling<br />
Strange as it may seem, only two scholarly books have so far been<br />
published on the history <strong>of</strong> Icelandic trawling business. <strong>The</strong> first is H.<br />
Þorleifsson’s study <strong>of</strong> Icelandic trawler operation from its beginning in<br />
1905 until 1917. 16 <strong>The</strong> book starts with a short survey <strong>of</strong> the first British<br />
and German attempts at trawl fishing <strong>of</strong>f Iceland and Danish efforts to<br />
operate trawlers out <strong>of</strong> Icelandic ports around the turn <strong>of</strong> the twentieth<br />
century. <strong>The</strong>n the author proceeds to his main subject and covers the<br />
beginnings <strong>of</strong> Icelandic trawler operation and analyses its development<br />
down to 1917 when a considerable part <strong>of</strong> the Icelandic trawler fleet was<br />
sold abroad. <strong>The</strong>re are interesting sections on Icelandic attitudes towards<br />
trawling at the beginning <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century as well as on catches,<br />
fishing grounds, trawler companies, legislation, territorial waters and the<br />
life and work <strong>of</strong> the first trawlermen. <strong>The</strong> book contains a good<br />
bibliography and an English summary.<br />
<strong>The</strong> second book was published in 1991 and covers the period<br />
1945-1970. 17 Immediately after the Second World War a programme<br />
designed to rebuild the country’s economy was launched by the Icelandic<br />
government. <strong>The</strong> renovation <strong>of</strong> the fishing fleet was a part <strong>of</strong> this<br />
programme and, consequently, 45 new trawlers were built during the<br />
next eight years. <strong>The</strong> operation <strong>of</strong> the new vessels was, however, not as<br />
successful as expected, and soon after 1950 trawler operation began to<br />
decline. By 1970 only some 20 trawlers were working out <strong>of</strong> Iceland, all<br />
<strong>of</strong> them old and decaying. This book is a good survey <strong>of</strong> the subject,<br />
containing many tables and diagrams, an extensive bibliography and a<br />
detailed English summary.<br />
<strong>The</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Icelandic trawling during the inter-war years has not<br />
been as well covered as that <strong>of</strong> the period before the First World War and<br />
the post war years. <strong>The</strong> subject is, indeed, discussed in several<br />
biographies relating to the period but only one scholarly article discusses<br />
15 J. Jónsson, Hafrannsóknir við Ísland I-II.<br />
16 H. Þorleifsson, Saga íslenzkrar togaraútgerðar fram til 1917.<br />
17 Þ. Óskarsson, Íslensk togaraútgerð 1945-1970.<br />
18
the subject in depth. 18 However, this work only covers the period<br />
1920-1931 and is confined to trawler operation out <strong>of</strong> Reykjavík.<br />
IV. Foreign <strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>of</strong>f Iceland and Fishing Limits<br />
More has been written on this subject than any other aspect <strong>of</strong> Icelandic<br />
fishing history. <strong>The</strong> only work covering the period from the Middle Ages<br />
until modern times is B. Þorsteinsson’s Tíu þorskastríð. 19 This is a<br />
survey <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> Iceland’s fishing limit from the times when<br />
foreign fisheries began <strong>of</strong>f Iceland until 1 December <strong>1976</strong> when the last<br />
British trawlers left the Iceland grounds. <strong>The</strong> author discusses disputes<br />
arising over fishing rights and simultaneously records some <strong>of</strong> the main<br />
facts regarding the character <strong>of</strong> foreign fishing activities in Icelandic<br />
waters.<br />
Icelandic lawyers have written extensively on the issue <strong>of</strong> fishing<br />
limits but these works can hardly be deemed fishing history. For<br />
instance, G. Þórðarson discusses the Icelandic fishing limit prior to its<br />
extension to four nautical miles in 1952, 20 while H. Jónsson is unique in<br />
covering all the Anglo-Icelandic ‘Cod Wars’ and discussing them from<br />
the juristic point <strong>of</strong> view. 21 A further publication on this theme is J. Th.<br />
Thór’s short survey <strong>of</strong> the fishing limit during the three-mile period,<br />
1901-1952, and the Icelanders’ attempts to get the limit changed. 22 Also<br />
by the same author is an article on the extension to four miles in 1951-52<br />
and the British reaction. 23<br />
Foreign fisheries <strong>of</strong>f Iceland in the period prior to 1800 are covered in<br />
some detail by J. Jónsson and B. Þorsteinsson. 24 An examination <strong>of</strong><br />
French fisheries <strong>of</strong>f Iceland during the age <strong>of</strong> sail is the concern <strong>of</strong> E.<br />
Pálmadóttir’s history <strong>of</strong> the Breton fishermen in Icelandic waters from<br />
the eighteenth century until 1938. Based on extensive research in French<br />
archives, the book tells the story <strong>of</strong> the so-called “Iceland fisheries” and<br />
18 B. Guðmarsson, ‘Togaraútgerð í Reykjavík 1920-1931’. Landshagir 173-97.<br />
19 B. Þorsteinsson, Tíu þorskastríð 1415-<strong>1976</strong>.<br />
20 G. Þórðarson, Landhelgi Íslands með tilliti til fiskveiða.<br />
21 H. Jónsson, Friends in Conflict.<br />
22 J. Th. Thór, Landhelgi Íslands 1901-1952.<br />
23 J. Th. Thór, ‘<strong>The</strong> Extension <strong>of</strong> Iceland’s Fishing Limits in 1952 and the British<br />
Reaction’, 25-43.<br />
24 J. Jónsson, op. cit.; B. Þorsteinsson, op. cit.<br />
19
has an emphasis on the life and work <strong>of</strong> the fishermen and their<br />
families. 25<br />
On British trawl fisheries <strong>of</strong>f Iceland there are two books by J. Th.<br />
Thór, the first covering the period from the beginning <strong>of</strong> steam trawling<br />
in Icelandic waters until 1916, 26 and the second discussing the subject<br />
from 1919 to <strong>1976</strong>. 27 Both works cover the history <strong>of</strong> British trawling <strong>of</strong>f<br />
Iceland and the disputes arising over fishing rights.<br />
In addition two articles have been written on the<br />
Anglo-Iceland/Danish fisheries dispute <strong>of</strong> 1896-97, by G.Á.<br />
Gunnlaugsson 28 and J. Th. Thór. 29<br />
V. Local Histories and Biographies<br />
In recent years local history has been flourishing in Iceland. Most local<br />
historical subjects have been started and financed by communities or<br />
local historical societies. <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> published works must be<br />
categorized as local history as they deal with the development <strong>of</strong> towns<br />
and villages. Most Icelandic towns are, however, relatively young and,<br />
consequently, most local history publications cover only the nineteenth<br />
and twentieth centuries. As most Icelandic towns must be regarded as<br />
coastal or fishing communities, fishing and fish processing is inevitably<br />
a considerable part <strong>of</strong> their history and in most cases the cornerstone <strong>of</strong><br />
the local economy. Consequently, much has been written on fishing<br />
history on a local basis, although the authors’ emphasis on the economic<br />
history <strong>of</strong> their ‘subjects’ differs considerably.<br />
Four local histories published during the last fifty years cover the<br />
fishing history <strong>of</strong> the period prior to 1800 and all pay a good deal <strong>of</strong><br />
attention to the ethnology <strong>of</strong> the fisheries as well as to their effect on<br />
habitation. <strong>The</strong> oldest <strong>of</strong> these works is S. Johnsen’s two volume work<br />
on the history <strong>of</strong> the Westman Islands, 30 which has a long chapter on the<br />
25 E. Pálmadóttir, Fransí, biskví.<br />
26 J. Th. Thór, British Trawlers in Icelandic Waters. An Icelandic edition <strong>of</strong> this book<br />
was published in 1982, entitled Breskir togarar og Íslandsmið 1889-1916.<br />
27 J. Th. Thór, British Trawlers and Iceland, 1919-<strong>1976</strong>.<br />
28 G. Á. Gunnlaugsson, ‘Fiskveiðideila Íslendinga og Breta 1896 og 1897’. Saga XVIII<br />
(English summary).<br />
29 J. Th. Thór, ‘Íslandsför æfingadeildar breska flotans sumarið 1896.’<br />
30 S. Johnsen, Saga Vestmannaeyja I-II.<br />
20
fishing history <strong>of</strong> the islands, based on thorough archival research. In<br />
1960 came the history <strong>of</strong> Stokkseyri, a small fishing village on the south<br />
coast, written by G. Jónsson. 31 Stokkseyri is one <strong>of</strong> the oldest fishing<br />
stations on the south coast <strong>of</strong> Iceland and Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Jónsson’s work has a<br />
good, though rather short section on its fishing history. More recent are<br />
the histories <strong>of</strong> the fishing community <strong>of</strong> Fróðárhreppur in western<br />
Iceland, 32 and <strong>of</strong> Grindavík on the south coast. 33 In both those works<br />
fishing history plays a significant part.<br />
Among the many publications on Icelandic nineteenth- and<br />
twentieth-century local history only four will be mentioned here. <strong>The</strong><br />
first is F.G. Olgeirsson’s study <strong>of</strong> Ólafsjörður, 34 which concerns itself<br />
mostly with the history <strong>of</strong> fisheries and fish production and the part these<br />
two factors played in the making <strong>of</strong> the town. Also from the 1980s, J. Th.<br />
Thór’s history <strong>of</strong> Ísafjörður, 35 especially vols. I, III and IV, which cover<br />
the nineteenth- and twentieth-century fisheries and fish production in the<br />
town sometimes called the ‘salt-fish capital.’ More recent is B.<br />
Guðmarsson’s study <strong>of</strong> Keflavík, which has good sections on the<br />
fisheries undertaken from the southern half <strong>of</strong> the Faxa Bay in the late<br />
eighteenth and the nineteenth century. 36<br />
A new trend in local history can be discerned in J. Guðnason’s short<br />
work on the Patreksfjörður area, published in 1993. 37 <strong>The</strong> author’s main<br />
emphasis is on the structural changes emerging as an old-type society <strong>of</strong><br />
fishermen and farmers became a modern capitalistic fishing town. All <strong>of</strong><br />
these local histories are based on archival research and all have extensive<br />
bibliographies.<br />
Many biographies and autobiographies <strong>of</strong> skippers and fishing vessel<br />
operators have been published in recent years. <strong>The</strong>se publications<br />
generally convey much information about the fisheries and fishing, but<br />
most must be considered popular history as they are not based on<br />
31 G. Jónsson, Stokkseyringa saga.<br />
32 E. Guðmundsson et al., Sjávarbyggð undir Jökli.<br />
33 J. Th. Thór, Saga Grindavíkur.<br />
34 F. G. Olgeirsson, Hundrað ár í Horninu.<br />
35 J. Th. Thór, Saga Ísafjarðar I-IV.<br />
36 B. Guðmarsson, Saga Keflavíkur 1766-1890.<br />
37 J. Guðnason, Umbylting við Patreksfjörð 1870-1970.<br />
21
scholarly research and only few contain notes and bibliography. Here<br />
only three biographies will be recorded. <strong>The</strong> first is the autobiography <strong>of</strong><br />
Á. Gíslason, 38 who was for many years a fisherman at Bolungarvík and<br />
Ísafjörður and was the first one to operate a motor-boat in Iceland. His<br />
memoirs give a vivid and authentic description <strong>of</strong> the activities <strong>of</strong><br />
rowing- and motor-boats in the Western fjords around the turn <strong>of</strong> the<br />
twentieth century.<br />
From the same area is Á. Jakobsson’s biography <strong>of</strong> E. Guðfinnsson, a<br />
well-known fishing vessel operator and merchant at Bolungarvík. 39 And,<br />
finally, by the same author, is the biography <strong>of</strong> skipper T. Ófeigsson. 40<br />
Mr Ófeigsson began his carrier as a deckhand on one <strong>of</strong> the first<br />
Icelandic trawlers, then went to Britain where he became skipper <strong>of</strong><br />
trawlers operated out <strong>of</strong> <strong>Hull</strong> by Hellyer Brothers. From there he returned<br />
to Iceland where he started a trawler company which he ran for several<br />
years. Based to a considerable degree on interviews with Mr Ófeigsson<br />
the book contains a wealth <strong>of</strong> information on the history <strong>of</strong> Icelandic and<br />
British twentieth-century trawler operation.<br />
VI. Further Research<br />
From the foregoing it should be obvious that little consistent research has<br />
so far been undertaken in Icelandic fisheries history. <strong>The</strong> only work<br />
based on thorough archival research and covering a wide field is L.<br />
Kristjánsson’s five-volume Íslenzkir sjávarhættir. As mentioned above,<br />
this is, however, no less a work <strong>of</strong> ethnology than history. Much work is<br />
therefore still to be done and this will inevitably include extensive<br />
archival research. Statistical sources for the period prior to 1800 are both<br />
few and sporadic but as J. Jónsson has shown in his Útgerð og aflabrögð<br />
við Ísland 1300-1900, careful analysis <strong>of</strong> Icelandic annals and<br />
comparison with foreign catches <strong>of</strong>f Iceland in the seventeenth and<br />
eighteenth centuries can help to give some idea <strong>of</strong> the magnitude <strong>of</strong><br />
Icelandic fisheries in this period. Accurate statistics will, however, not be<br />
established on the basis provided by such material. Another possibility is<br />
a careful study <strong>of</strong> fish export from Iceland during the same period.<br />
Material on this issue has indeed been thoroughly studied by Gísli<br />
38 Á. Gíslason, Gullkistan.<br />
39 Á. Jakobsson, Einars saga Guðfinnssonar.<br />
40 Á. Jakobsson, Tryggva saga Ófeigssonar.<br />
22
Gunnarsson but his aim was not to establish catch statistics. 41 A different<br />
approach to the sources might bring other results.<br />
From the nineteenth century there exists printed material covering the<br />
1850s and the period from 1870 onwards. <strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> these data is,<br />
however, not easy and considerable ‘spade work’ is required to make it<br />
coherent. Statistics covering twentieth-century fisheries are, on the other<br />
hand, available, both in Icelandic sources and in ICES publications. 42<br />
Much research is also needed in other fields concerning Iceland’s<br />
fishing history. Cooperation with climatologists and oceanographers is<br />
likely to bring forward interesting results concerning the effects <strong>of</strong><br />
climatic changes on the fish stocks and the fisheries in times past. A<br />
careful study <strong>of</strong> habitation is also likely to demonstrate the effects <strong>of</strong><br />
fisheries on coastal habitation.<br />
Much research is also needed in the technical, political and cultural<br />
aspects <strong>of</strong> Icelandic fisheries during the nineteenth and twentieth<br />
centuries. Some work is already under way but we have a long way to go<br />
before a ‘History <strong>of</strong> Icelandic <strong>Fisheries</strong>’ is realized.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Aðalsteinsson, H., ‘Þilskipaútgerð í Vogum á fyrri hluta 19. aldar.’<br />
Árbók Suðurnesja 1994, 46-68 (Keflavík, 1994)<br />
Aðils, J. J., Einokunarverslun Dana á Íslandi 1602-1787. (Reykjavík<br />
1919)<br />
Bárðarson, J., Áraskip. Fiskveiðar í Bolungavík fyrir 40 árum<br />
(Reykjavík, 1940) (2nd ed. Reykjavík 1964)<br />
Bogadóttir, S., Aðbúnaður togarasjómanna: breytingar með<br />
nýsköpunartogurunum og vökulögum um tólf stunda hvíldartíma.<br />
(Reykjavík, 1988)<br />
Einarsson, T., Hvalveiðar við Ísland 1600-1939. (Reykjavík, 1987)<br />
Friðriksson, T., Hákarlalegur og hákarlamenn. (Reykjavík, 1933)<br />
Friðriksson, T., Í verum. Saga <strong>The</strong>ódórs Friðrikssonar. (Reykjavík,<br />
1977)<br />
Geirsson, S., Norðfjörður. Saga útgerðar og fiskvinnslu<br />
41 G. Gunnarsson, Monopoly Trade and Economic Stagnation.<br />
42 In Iceland statistics on fisheries were published in Landshagsskýrslur fyrir Ísland<br />
(1899-1912), Fiskiskýrslur og hlunninda (1912-1941) and then in Ægir since 1942 and in<br />
Útvegur since 1984. Both are published by Fiskifélag íslands. <strong>The</strong> comprehensive ICES<br />
statistics are published in Bulletin Statistique (1903-).<br />
23
(Neskaupsstaður, 1983)<br />
Gíslason, Á., Gullkistan. (Ísafjörður, 1944) [2nd ed. Reykjavík 1980]<br />
Guðmarsson, B., ‘Togaraútgerð í Reykjavík 1920-1931.’ Landshagir,<br />
1986, 173-197 (Reykjavík, 1986)<br />
Guðmarsson, B., Saga Keflavíkur 1766-1890. (Keflavík, 1992)<br />
Guðmarsson, B., Byggðin undir Borginni. Saga Skagastrandar og<br />
Höfðahrepps (Höfðahreppur, 1989)<br />
Guðmundsson, Á., Saga Hafnarfjarðar 1908-1989. (Hafnarfjörður,<br />
1983)<br />
Guðmundsson, E. et al., Sjávarbyggð undir Jökli. Saga Fróðárhrepps.<br />
I (Reykjavík, 1988)<br />
Guðmundsson, G., Skútuöldin. (Reykjavík, 1944-46) [2nd ed., 5 vols.<br />
1977]<br />
Guðnason, J., Umbylting við Patreksfjörð 1870-1970. Frá<br />
bændasamfélagi til kapítalisma (Reykjavík, 1993)<br />
Gunnarsson, G., Monopoly Trade and Economic Stagnation. Studies<br />
in the Foreign Trade <strong>of</strong> Iceland 1602-1787. (Lund, 1983)<br />
Gunnlaugsson, G. Á., ‘Fiskveiðideila Íslendinga og Breta 1896<br />
og 1897.’ Saga 1980, 77-114 (Reykjavík, 1980)<br />
Jakobsson, Á., Einars saga Guðfinnssonar. (Hafnarfjörður, 1978)<br />
Jakobsson, Á., Kastað í flóanum. Togarasaga. (Reykjavík, 1966)<br />
Jakobsson, Á., Lífið er lotteri. Saga af Aðalsteini Jónssyni og Alla ríka<br />
(Reykjavík, 1984)<br />
Jakobsson, Á., Óskars saga Halldórssonar. Íslandsbersi (Reykjavík,<br />
1994)<br />
Jakobsson, Á., Sigling fyrir Núpa: útilegubátatíminn á Ísafirði 1915-<br />
1925 (Reykjavík, 1965)<br />
Jakobsson, Á., Tryggva saga Ófeigssonar. (Hafnarfjörður, 1979)<br />
Johnsen, S., Saga Vestmannaeyja. I-III (Reykjavík, 1946) [2nd ed.<br />
Reykjavík 1989]<br />
Jónsson, B., Tryggvi Gunnarsson. I-IV, (Reykjavík, 1955-1990)<br />
Jónsson, G., Stokkseyringa saga. vol. I (Reykjavík, 1960)<br />
Jónsson, G., Saga Hraunshverfis á Eyrarbakka. (Reykjavík, 1958)<br />
Jónsson, G., Stokkseyringa saga. vol. I-II, (Reykjavík, 1960-61)<br />
Jónsson, H., <strong>The</strong> Evolving Limit <strong>of</strong> Coastal Jurisdiction (Reykjavík,<br />
1974)<br />
Jónsson, H., Friends in Conflict. <strong>The</strong> Anglo-Icelandic Cod Wars and the<br />
Law <strong>of</strong> the Sea (London 1982)<br />
24
Jónsson, J., ‘<strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>of</strong>f Iceland 1600-1900.’ <strong>North</strong>ern Seas Yearbook<br />
1994, 67-102 (Esbjerg, 1994)<br />
Jónsson, J., Hafrannsóknir við Ísland. I-II (Reykjavík, 1988-1990)<br />
Jónsson, J., Útgerð og aflabrögð við Ísland 1300-1900 (Reykjavík,<br />
1994)<br />
Jónsson, S., ‘<strong>The</strong> Icelandic fisheries in the pre-mechanization era.’<br />
Scandinavian Economic History Review, 1983, 31, 132-150<br />
Jónsson, S., Sjávarútvegur Íslendinga á tuttugustu öld. (Reykjavík,<br />
1984)<br />
Jónsson, Þ., Aldahvörf í Eyjum. Ágrip af útgerðarsögu<br />
Vestmannaeyja 1890-1930 (Reykjavík, 1958)<br />
Kristjánsson, L., ‘Fiskveiðar Íslendinga 1874-1940.’ Almanak hins<br />
íslenska Þjóðvinafélags 1944, 65-111 (Reykjavík, 1944)<br />
Kristjánsson, L., ‘Sjóslysaárin miklu.’ Saga, 1971, 158-170 (Reykjavík,<br />
1971)<br />
Kristjánsson, L., ‘Þá eru komnir þrír í hlut.’ Saga, 1971, 123-139<br />
(Reykjavík, 1971)<br />
Kristjánsson, L., Íslenzkir sjávarhættir I-V (Reykjavík, 1971)<br />
Magnúsdóttir, Þ., Sjókonur á Íslandi 1891-1981 (Reykjavík, 1988)<br />
Magnúsdóttir, Þ., Sjósókn sunnlenskra kvenna, frá verstöðvum í<br />
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(Ólafsfjörður, 1984)<br />
Óskarsson, Þ., ‘Togaraútgerð á tímamótum. Þáttaka einkaaðila og<br />
sveitarfélaga í nýsköpun togaraflotans eftir seinna stríð.’ Ný saga, 2,<br />
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25
Snæfellsnesi, Suðurnesjum og í Vestmannaeyjum fyrir 1700.’<br />
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25-43<br />
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(Reykjavík, 1974)<br />
Þorsteinsson, B., Tíu Þorskastríð 1415-<strong>1976</strong> (Reykjavík, <strong>1976</strong>)<br />
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1952)<br />
Ægir. Rit Fiskifélags Íslands um fiskveiðar og farmennsku (Reykjavík,<br />
1905-)<br />
26
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Faroe Islands. An Overview<br />
Jóan Pauli Joensen<br />
Introduction<br />
This overview traces the development <strong>of</strong> the fishery in the Faroe Islands<br />
in the context <strong>of</strong> the general development <strong>of</strong> the Faroes. My own<br />
research has so far concentrated on the fishery up until the Second World<br />
War, and that will colour what I am going to present here, 43 but the<br />
post-1945 period and the problems <strong>of</strong> a modern fishery have been dealt<br />
with in recent years in several academic theses in various disciplines.<br />
Whaling is also an important part <strong>of</strong> the Faroese maritime way <strong>of</strong> life,<br />
and is treated separately in this volume. 44 <strong>The</strong> objective here is to present<br />
a more complete and critical survey <strong>of</strong> literature and research concerning<br />
both the older and modern fisheries in the Faroe Islands.<br />
<strong>Fisheries</strong> in Early Times<br />
Archeological evidence <strong>of</strong> the fisheries is very sparse, extending to a<br />
collection <strong>of</strong> sinkers together with a few iron hooks, probably fishing<br />
hooks. However, in a recent excavation a relatively large number <strong>of</strong><br />
objects relating to fisheries and seafaring in the thirteenth century was<br />
found. 45 It is not until the later topographical literature about the Faroe<br />
Islands appears that one finds descriptions <strong>of</strong> the fishery. 46<br />
From the landnam period around 800 AD, the Faroes were generally<br />
speaking no further from the centre <strong>of</strong> European commerce than other<br />
countries, because at that time the ocean connected rather than separated<br />
the Faroes from the world around it. But from the Middle Ages, the<br />
43 This research is compiled in the thesis Fra bonde til fisker. Studier i overgangen fra<br />
bondesamfund til fiskersamfund på Færøerne (Joensen 1987).<br />
44 See Dorete Bloch’s paper.<br />
45 Information from Símun V. Arge, Head <strong>of</strong> the Archeological Department, <strong>The</strong><br />
Museum <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands.<br />
46 See J. C Svabos report from 1781-82 (Svabo 1959) and Sørensen’s memoirs from<br />
1859. Reprinted in 1971 (Sørensen 1971).<br />
27
pattern <strong>of</strong> European economic development gradually marginalized the<br />
Faroes, along with the other Nordic areas in the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Ocean. 47<br />
It is significant that from around 1300 to 1600 the fishery was<br />
commercially important in the Faroes. <strong>The</strong> trade with Bergen was from<br />
the Middle Ages to the seventeenth century dominated by the Hanseatic<br />
merchants, whose merchant vessels also came to the Faroes to trade and<br />
to buy dried fish, but it was not until 1361 that they actually received a<br />
license to do so. 48 Still, the Hanseatic merchants supplied the whole <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>North</strong>ern Europe with dried fish. 49<br />
A historical legend about a heavy storm in the second half <strong>of</strong> the<br />
seventeenth century, in which 50 boats disappeared, relates: “In those<br />
days the Faroe Islanders used small Norwegian boats called ‘tristar’.<br />
But after this disaster, in which those 50 boats went down, a law was<br />
passed which ordered the fishermen not to go too far out in such small<br />
boats.” 50<br />
<strong>The</strong> fact that very small boats were used in the second half <strong>of</strong> the<br />
seventeenth century is perhaps indicative <strong>of</strong> a creative way <strong>of</strong> thinking. If<br />
we may deduce from what we know about boat keeping later on, the<br />
ownership <strong>of</strong> boats smaller than a ‘4-mannafar’, which is a boat for four<br />
rowers, was not part <strong>of</strong> the boat keeping duty which will be described in<br />
more detail later. <strong>The</strong> smallest boats were privately owned, and with<br />
them one could fish as one liked.<br />
Woollen hoses (socks) appear for the first time in the tithes for 1634.<br />
After that they appear more regularly, 51 and when the headquarters <strong>of</strong><br />
the trade with the Faroes was moved to Copenhagen in 1619, socks<br />
became the most important export commodity. Dried fish had therefore<br />
had its day as an export product. <strong>The</strong> Faroese society had by and by<br />
47 This problem is fully treated in Bjarne Stoklund, ‘From Centre to Periphery. Main<br />
Lines <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Cultural Development from Medieval to Modern Times’. See<br />
also Stoklund 199l.<br />
48 Mortensen 1955:8.<br />
49 Lafto 1959:368, Fossen 1979:139 and Helle 1982:305.<br />
50 <strong>The</strong> legend is printed in Jakob Jakobsen: Færøske Folkesagn og Æventyr, 44.<br />
Guttormur í Múla (Jakobsen 1972:128). In Faroese the text is as following: “Tá níttu<br />
Føringar smáar norskar bátar, ið kadlaðust trister (tríbekkir), til útróðrar. Men ettir<br />
hesa ólukku, tá ið teir hálvthundrað bátarnir gingu burtur, var lóg gjørd, sum setti forboð<br />
firi at fara til havs í so smáum bátun.”<br />
51 Zachariassen 1961:79 ff.<br />
28
ecome more peripheral in relation to Europe. Svabo emphasizes in 1781<br />
that in the period when the Hanseatics were dominant “the trade which<br />
the inhabitants (<strong>of</strong> the Faroes) themselves conducted with their own<br />
vessels declined and was reduced to almost nothing”. 52 In the period<br />
from 1529 to 1709 licenses to trade were handed over as a privilege to<br />
non-Faroese citizens and companies, to end as a royal trade monopoly<br />
from 1709 to 1856. In this period fish was <strong>of</strong> little importance as an<br />
export product, but from the middle <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century the<br />
transition from a peasant society to a fishing society started.<br />
<strong>Fisheries</strong> in the Traditional Society<br />
<strong>Fisheries</strong> formed a part <strong>of</strong> the collective work <strong>of</strong> the village, which all<br />
farms were involved in. <strong>The</strong> peasant farmers owned the boats and were<br />
duty bound to maintain the big boats that were used for fishing in<br />
winter. 53 According to an ancient system, whose origin is difficult to<br />
discern, every farm in the village possessed its own particular boat. 54 In<br />
summer everyone could fish freely. In the collective farming society,<br />
where fisheries were limited, and almost only for domestic needs, this<br />
system worked well. But even before the turn <strong>of</strong> the century conflict<br />
arose between private interests and the collective principle. <strong>The</strong> situation<br />
can be compared with that in agriculture before and after land enclosure<br />
in Nordic countries. <strong>The</strong> conflict resulted in the ending in 1868 <strong>of</strong> the old<br />
tied system <strong>of</strong> manning the boats. 55 <strong>The</strong> villagers were now free to<br />
decide how the boats should be manned. In contrast to earlier times,<br />
crews now came to be based mainly on family relationships. 56<br />
Dried fish had been produced and exported from the Faroes in the late<br />
Middle Ages. But later, dried fish had no commercial value compared<br />
with woollen goods. It was first with the production <strong>of</strong> dried salt cod that<br />
the Faroes got a really important export product. In the Middle Ages the<br />
52 Svabo 1959:285.<br />
53 <strong>The</strong> literature about the traditional Faroese boat is limited. See Johansen 1958 and<br />
Gøthche 1985.<br />
54 Bátsbandið - the right <strong>of</strong> occupiers <strong>of</strong> land to enlist crews for their boats, is treated by<br />
Thorsteinsson 1981, Degn 1929:6ff, Joensen 1982:257 and on a more local level by J. C.<br />
Poulsen 1947:166ff. In a recent article Andras Mortensen (1994:5) examines the<br />
legitimacy <strong>of</strong> the system.<br />
55 Mortensen 1994.<br />
56 Joensen 1982:316.<br />
29
Basques fished in the <strong>Atlantic</strong> and salted their catches on board. With the<br />
discovery <strong>of</strong> the rich fishing banks <strong>of</strong> Labrador and Newfoundland, 57<br />
and the fact that salt had become cheaper, other nations became seriously<br />
interested in cod fishing. When it was unloaded, the split salted cod was<br />
cleaned and then dried in the sun. From about 1750 the production <strong>of</strong> this<br />
dried salt cod grew in importance along the coasts <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong>,<br />
e.g. in Newfoundland, Norway and Shetland. It was a standard product,<br />
which was made in more or less the same way everywhere. <strong>The</strong> Danish<br />
merchant, Niels Ryberg, endeavoured to introduce deep-sea fishing and<br />
the production <strong>of</strong> dried salt cod to the Faroes in 1772, but the attempt<br />
failed. 58 <strong>The</strong>re was no place in the basic structure <strong>of</strong> Faroese society for<br />
this kind <strong>of</strong> capitalistic commercial experiment, which was flatly<br />
rejected. It should be noted that this was just at the time when the<br />
so-called “servant fishery”, introduced by English merchants, was at its<br />
height in Newfoundland. 59 It would be 60 years before the production <strong>of</strong><br />
dried salt cod became common in the Faroes, largely because the<br />
agrarian structure <strong>of</strong> society was still strong enough to hold it together on<br />
its own premise.<br />
Interest in a commercial fishing industry first arose in the first half <strong>of</strong><br />
the nineteenth century. <strong>The</strong>re were several reasons for this. One is that<br />
the continually increasing population required greater employment<br />
opportunities. But changes in mentality can also be detected, which were<br />
due in part to the close contact with the Shetlanders who fished around<br />
the Faroes and in part to <strong>of</strong>ficial interest in developing a Faroese fishing<br />
industry. 60<br />
57 See Coull 1972.<br />
58 See Rasch 1964.<br />
59 Sider 1986, Ommer 1989.<br />
60 Joensen 1985:14pp. See also Manson 1978.<br />
30
<strong>The</strong> royal trade monopoly stood in the way <strong>of</strong> development for a very<br />
long time, but as soon as it was abolished in 1856 things started to move.<br />
A number <strong>of</strong> big merchants and traders were soon established in<br />
Tórshavn and in the larger villages in the Faroes, but what was equally<br />
important was that in almost every little village there appeared grocery<br />
shops, which were either independent or branches <strong>of</strong> the big trading<br />
concerns. 61 Besides selling all normal merchandise they purchased<br />
Faroese products, <strong>of</strong> which fresh fish was the most important.<br />
In almost every village it was now possible to sell one’s catch for<br />
money. This brought about an immediate change, not only in the Faroese<br />
economy, but also in the social life <strong>of</strong> the Islands. <strong>The</strong> farmers needed<br />
help from time to time, which in the main was rewarded in kind. <strong>The</strong><br />
relationship with the crown monopoly had been the same; goods were<br />
exchanged for other goods, and the account, whether positive or<br />
negative, was kept in the books <strong>of</strong> the monopoly trading station in<br />
Tórshavn. 62 Now not only fishermen were needed, but also<br />
wage-earners ashore. This change took place in two main stages: the<br />
rowing boat fishery and the smack fishery.<br />
Rowing Boat Fishery 63<br />
<strong>The</strong> most important change in the Faroese fishery occurred in the market<br />
sphere: namely that cod, <strong>of</strong> which there was a great deal, could be<br />
processed to yield dried salt cod and sold on the world market. <strong>The</strong>re was<br />
no real technological change in the Faroese fishery. <strong>The</strong> same boats were<br />
used just as they had always been used, and the same equipment, namely<br />
the hand line. Due to the influence <strong>of</strong> foreign fishermen, this was<br />
improved, and the old clumsy hand line went out <strong>of</strong> use. A real innovation<br />
was the long line, which it is said was brought to the Faroes as a<br />
result <strong>of</strong> a journey made by the governor <strong>of</strong> the Faroes, Chr. Pløyen, to<br />
the Shetland Islands in 1839. 64 He travelled with three Faroese, whose<br />
aim was to learn about the Shetland fisheries and the production <strong>of</strong> dried<br />
61 Petersen 1955:151, Joensen 1982:256 pp and Joensen 1985:28 pp.<br />
62 Degn 1929:11. Joensen 1995:84.<br />
63 <strong>The</strong>re is some local historical maritime litterature published in the Faroe Islands:<br />
Joensen 1946, Rasmussen 1949, Hansen 1966 and Johansen 1970. Other local historical<br />
works are also informative on local fishing and maritime subjects. See the bibliography<br />
in Joensen 1980 and Joensen 1987.<br />
64 Pløyen 1840.<br />
31
salt cod. Other sources, however, say that as far back as 1780 some forms<br />
<strong>of</strong> long line had been used in Tórshavn. 65 Presumably the Faroese also<br />
learned about this type <strong>of</strong> fishing tackle through their frequent contacts<br />
with the Shetlanders who fished in the waters around the Faroes in the<br />
middle <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century. <strong>The</strong> Faroese also signed on with the<br />
Shetland smacks. 66 <strong>The</strong>re have been connections between the Faroes and<br />
the Shetlands back to the earliest settlement in the Islands. 67<br />
In the traditional Faroese fishery the bait was not regarded as too<br />
important, with a strip <strong>of</strong> the belly skin cut <strong>of</strong>f the first fish to be caught.<br />
However, as the fishery became more intensive more and better bait was<br />
required. This was particularly the case in the long line fishery, where<br />
there was a constant demand for bait for several hundred hooks. Herring<br />
and whelks were widely used. Herring, which had been insignificant<br />
before, was caught in nets for bait. 68 It is said that the Faroese learned to<br />
fish for whelks from the Shetlanders. 69 Whelk and herring fishery<br />
became an important subsidiary employment for many, including young<br />
boys.<br />
Fishing was important in all the villages in the Faroes, but so long as<br />
there were only rowing boats most <strong>of</strong> the fish were landed in the villages<br />
which were closest to the fishing grounds. In the first years <strong>of</strong><br />
commercial fishing with rowing boats, the most important fishing<br />
villages were the most northerly in the Faroes. Oddly enough several <strong>of</strong><br />
these villages had rocky foreshores with breakers, but as the light and<br />
manoeuvrable rowing boats were quickly and easily pulled ashore this<br />
was not a great hindrance. Villages such as Eiði, Oyndarfjørður, Gjógv<br />
and Viðareiði were for a long time the most important fishing villages in<br />
the Faroes. <strong>The</strong> village <strong>of</strong> Eiði grew considerably during these years and<br />
was one <strong>of</strong> the most populous in the Faroes. <strong>The</strong> basis for this population<br />
growth was the rowing boat fishery. 70<br />
65 Svabo 1959: 99.<br />
66 Joensen 1985:42.<br />
67 Hans Jacob Debes (1993) has treated the relations between the Faroe Islands and<br />
Britain; he also discusses the English and Scottish fishery in the Faroes.<br />
68 Joensen 1982, 291.<br />
69 Joensen 1975:20.<br />
70 Joensen 1982:283, Joensen 1985:44.<br />
32
Those villages which were situated at the head <strong>of</strong> a fjord, with good<br />
landing conditions, were further from the fishing grounds, and this<br />
impaired their fishing. On the other hand these villages could take<br />
advantage <strong>of</strong> the big decked boats with engines, the first <strong>of</strong> which came<br />
to the Faroes about 1905. <strong>The</strong>se motor boats, as they were called,<br />
required stable and calm harbours, where they could lie securely at<br />
anchor. Having an engine meant that long distances were less <strong>of</strong> a<br />
problem than they were for the rowing boats, arm power being replaced<br />
by the horse power <strong>of</strong> the engine, although these first engines were not<br />
very powerful. <strong>The</strong> motor boats soon proved themselves to be safer and<br />
more effective vessels. Many <strong>of</strong> the northern villages, which did not have<br />
natural harbours, were, however, not able to make use <strong>of</strong> them. This<br />
meant that other villages took the lead in the inshore fishing in the<br />
Faroes. 71<br />
<strong>The</strong> rowing and motor boat fishery increased steadily and reached its<br />
height during the First World War, but then declined. This was due,<br />
amongst other things, to vigorous competition from English and Scottish<br />
trawlers which now frequented the waters around the Faroes in large<br />
numbers. By this time the Faroese had for decades been carrying on deep<br />
sea fishing from smacks.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Smack Fishery<br />
Smack fishing in the Faroes commenced in 1872, but until 1890 the<br />
growth <strong>of</strong> the fishing fleet was very slow. 72 <strong>The</strong> number <strong>of</strong> vessels<br />
varied between ten and twenty. But from the 1890s investment increased.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re were several reasons for this. One was that the English and<br />
Scottish fisheries converted to steam trawlers, and their smacks could be<br />
bought cheaply. Another reason was that the mode <strong>of</strong> investment<br />
changed. In the first period <strong>of</strong> smack fishing, fishermen joined together<br />
in cooperatives. As time went on, the merchants played a more and more<br />
important role. From 1895 it was mainly merchants who invested in the<br />
purchase <strong>of</strong> smacks. Thus the merchants assumed a much more central<br />
position than they had done previously, and gained control <strong>of</strong> a much<br />
larger part <strong>of</strong> the production capital than they had in the first period <strong>of</strong><br />
commercial capitalism in the Faroes. Boats were particularly numerous<br />
71 Joensen 1982:283, Joensen 1985:44.<br />
72 A good statistical description <strong>of</strong> the development in this period is found in Patursson<br />
1962. In Nolsøe 1955 there is much information on ships and skippers.<br />
33
in Tvøroyri, which in the 1920s became the most important fishing<br />
harbour in the Faroes. Every year, not only did many fishermen come,<br />
but also girls to process the dried salted cod. 73<br />
<strong>The</strong> inshore fishing did not greatly affect daily life in the Faroes, in as<br />
much as the fishermen came home every evening and could take part in<br />
all the other work <strong>of</strong> the village. With the smack fishery everything was<br />
quite different. <strong>The</strong> smacks left at the beginning <strong>of</strong> March, and apart<br />
from a couple <strong>of</strong> weeks at home, did not return until the end <strong>of</strong><br />
September. 74 This meant that a couple <strong>of</strong> thousand men were away for<br />
the whole summer. Most were between 14 and 40 years <strong>of</strong> age. In many<br />
ways this affected not only the lives <strong>of</strong> these people, but also daily life at<br />
home in the Faroes. <strong>The</strong>se people assumed more and more, both<br />
mentally and socially, the role <strong>of</strong> seamen. Since they were away half <strong>of</strong><br />
the year, they did not have the same opportunity to learn and take part in<br />
the traditional work <strong>of</strong> the Faroes. Naturally they lost interest in farming<br />
and the other work <strong>of</strong> the farmer. This lack <strong>of</strong> interest in farming can particularly<br />
be seen in the Faroes after the First World War, when all<br />
development in Faroese agriculture stagnated. 75 <strong>The</strong> people who did the<br />
work at home were old men, women and children. It is interesting to<br />
note, too, how the new occupational culture clearly influenced the birth<br />
rate curve, so that soon almost 45% <strong>of</strong> all children in the Faroes were<br />
born in July, that is they were conceived immediately after the return <strong>of</strong><br />
the men in the autumn. 76 <strong>The</strong> smack fishery meant that the women and<br />
children at home not only suffered from the absence <strong>of</strong> husbands and<br />
fathers, but the women had a heavier workload and increased responsibility.<br />
What had previously been shared between man and wife, the<br />
woman now had to deal with alone. 77<br />
<strong>The</strong> smacks developed particular social systems with a culture <strong>of</strong> their<br />
own. This Faroese maritime culture was a mixture <strong>of</strong> fisher and seaman<br />
tradition. <strong>The</strong> work <strong>of</strong> sailing the vessel was organized along the lines <strong>of</strong><br />
the traditions <strong>of</strong> Danish or Nordic seamen, with the same watch system<br />
73 <strong>The</strong> best general literature with statistical material is Patursson 1962.<br />
74 Joensen 1975.<br />
75 See Joensen 1985:20 and 134 and the literature referred to in this connection.<br />
76 Joensen 1945.<br />
77 Joensen 1987.<br />
34
and ranks as in the Danish merchant fleet. 78 It had been usual for conditions<br />
on board Nordic fishing vessels to be fairly egalitarian. This<br />
could not be said <strong>of</strong> conditions on board the Faroese smacks. <strong>The</strong> crew<br />
were paid according to the number <strong>of</strong> fish each member pulled out <strong>of</strong> the<br />
water with his hand line. Once a week the whole catch was counted and<br />
noted down for the account. This account could show very considerable<br />
inequalities, for example that some had caught twice as many fish as<br />
others, and thus earned twice as much. 79 This put a strain on conditions<br />
on board and gave rise to a lot <strong>of</strong> superstition about the luck or otherwise<br />
<strong>of</strong> the fishermen. 80<br />
<strong>The</strong> smack fishery also brought an end to traditional regional<br />
relationships in the Faroes, in that crews were usually composed <strong>of</strong> men<br />
from many different villages, although most usually came from the<br />
skipper’s own village. Personal relationships came to extend over longer<br />
distances, which was also the case with regard to marriage, where girls<br />
from different villages went to work in the big villages, particularly<br />
Tvøroyri on Suðuroy. 81<br />
<strong>The</strong>re was also another kind <strong>of</strong> fishery, something between the<br />
rowing boat fishery and the smack fishery, which the Faroese called, “til<br />
lands”, literally this means “ashore”. 82 <strong>The</strong> fishermen sailed to Iceland<br />
and took rowing boats with them to use in the inshore fishery. <strong>The</strong> crews<br />
were stationed on land, where they either rented accommodation or lived<br />
in huts which they put up themselves. Between the wars this sort <strong>of</strong><br />
fishery was also carried on in Greenland. 83 Here too, the catches were<br />
split and salted. It was actually the same type <strong>of</strong> fishery which the<br />
English at one time practised in Newfoundland.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Production <strong>of</strong> Dried Salt Cod 84<br />
78 Joensen 1975:149.<br />
79 Joensen 1975:74.<br />
80 Joensen 1975:116, Joensen 1981.<br />
81 See Joensen 1982, Joensen 1985:80.<br />
82 Joensen 1985:58, Johannesen 1980.<br />
83 <strong>The</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Greenland and the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands, in cooperation<br />
with the National Archive <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands, have started a joint project on this subject.<br />
84 For a full treatment and description see Joensen 1985.<br />
35
Nowadays the Danish term “klipfisk” is erroneously used for cod that is<br />
only split and salted. To be termed “klipfisk” the split, salted cod must be<br />
further conserved by sun and wind drying, so that the water content is<br />
reduced to a minimum. This dried salted cod was produced both from the<br />
catches which the rowing and motor boats landed fresh in the Faroes and<br />
from the already split and salted cod which the smacks returned from the<br />
fishing grounds around Iceland. <strong>The</strong> fish that was caught in the inshore<br />
fishery was split, cleaned and salted in the merchant`s warehouse and<br />
was cleaned and dried together with the other fish. <strong>The</strong> merchant<br />
probably employed a couple <strong>of</strong> men to split and salt the cod, but he might<br />
well take part in this himself. This fish was kept salted in the warehouse<br />
until the spring, and then all the fish was dried at the same time.<br />
<strong>The</strong> production <strong>of</strong> dried salt cod really started after the abolition <strong>of</strong><br />
the trade monopoly in 1856. By 1859 it was being produced almost all<br />
over the Faroes, but the production units were <strong>of</strong> very different types and<br />
sizes. <strong>The</strong>y ranged from a woman on her own who took a quantity <strong>of</strong> cod<br />
in order to earn a little money by drying it at home, to big workplaces<br />
with factory whistles and works foremen. Actually we see everything<br />
from the small domestic producer to more industrialized work places in<br />
Tórshavn and Tvøroyri. Tvøroyri was originally established as the first<br />
<strong>of</strong> the royal trade monopoly`s three branches. <strong>The</strong> village experienced<br />
explosive growth as a consequence <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> smack<br />
fisheries from the turn <strong>of</strong> the century. Here too, we find two <strong>of</strong> the<br />
biggest merchants in the Faroes, owning many smacks. In order to keep<br />
production going it was not only necessary to get crews for the boats<br />
from the other islands, but also girls, many <strong>of</strong> whom were drawn to this<br />
employment opportunity. <strong>The</strong>y lived in special houses that were rented,<br />
or even specially built, to house the migrant female workforce. 85 It is<br />
important to note that the production <strong>of</strong> dried salt cod created, for the<br />
first time in the Faroes, a demand for female labour outside the domestic<br />
sphere. Women had now the chance to earn money themselves. Most <strong>of</strong><br />
the girls were migrants working with the dried salt cod for a few years <strong>of</strong><br />
their lives. <strong>The</strong> majority stopped when they got married, but the resident<br />
women might work with the fish all their lives. This was perhaps necessary<br />
for economic reasons, because they had been left alone with<br />
children, or because the husband`s income from the fishing was insuffi-<br />
85<br />
Joensen 1982:425, Joensen 1985:118. Lena Nolsøe has treated this subject in an MA<br />
thesis in history (Nolsøe 1986).<br />
36
cient. <strong>The</strong>se large plants naturally developed their own cultural<br />
environments, too, which were beyond the controlling eye <strong>of</strong> village<br />
society.<br />
<strong>The</strong> production <strong>of</strong> dried salt cod started early in spring. It began with<br />
washing and brushing the salt and other impurities out <strong>of</strong> the salted fish<br />
before the drying process started. In the beginning this was done<br />
outdoors on the shore, in natural pools or a stream. Later there were tubs<br />
to wash the fish in, but it was only in the 1920s that washing sheds with<br />
running water were erected. It was regarded as a tremendous<br />
improvement to be able to work indoors, even though the work was still<br />
cold and wet. <strong>The</strong> job <strong>of</strong> getting the fish dried was more pleasant. This<br />
was done on broad stone-paved areas, which in Faroese are called “fiskastykkir”,<br />
fish areas. Here the fish were carefully laid out to dry and<br />
gathered in again into heaps in the evening. As a matter <strong>of</strong> fact the drying<br />
was a nerve-racking business; too much sun and the fish would be<br />
overheated and spoiled, while permitting the rain to fall on them would<br />
also cause spoliation. In the Faroese climate this could put a strain on<br />
people working with the fish, but most <strong>of</strong> all on the merchant, because he<br />
was the one with the economic responsibility for production. Dried salt<br />
cod was produced all summer through. From time to time sailing boats<br />
and later steamboats came and transported it to Spain, which for a long<br />
time was the main importer <strong>of</strong> Faroese dried salt cod.<br />
Dried Salt Cod and Faroese Society<br />
<strong>The</strong> population <strong>of</strong> the Faroes has risen continuously since the end <strong>of</strong> the<br />
eighteenth century, an important factor in the development <strong>of</strong> the<br />
commercial fishery. This fishery provided a means <strong>of</strong> existence for far<br />
more people than the traditional economy could support. From early<br />
times the Faroes had been divided into 90 villages, which were based on<br />
the amount <strong>of</strong> land available and had a structure based on land ownership.<br />
In the free trade period other forms <strong>of</strong> organization came into being.<br />
<strong>The</strong> big merchants in Tórshavn and in a couple <strong>of</strong> the main villages had<br />
branches in other villages. <strong>The</strong> Faroes were thus bound together in a<br />
commercial network, which in time developed into regular ferry<br />
connections between the villages. I have already discussed the migrant<br />
female workers in Tvøroyri and Vágur, and the broad composition <strong>of</strong> the<br />
crews on the smacks. To cut a long story short, communications with the<br />
outside world were greatly improved, and in the Faroes there was local<br />
37
transport by sea, if not daily then with connections a couple <strong>of</strong> times a<br />
month to most places.<br />
<strong>The</strong> economic pattern which characterized the villages in the Faroes<br />
in the first half <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century was the self-sufficient household<br />
combined with money earned by fishing or working with the dried salt<br />
cod. <strong>The</strong> village was still a living framework around daily life, and<br />
compared with today, people seldom went beyond the village boundary.<br />
Those who moved were the smack fishermen and the women who went<br />
to work with the dried salt cod. <strong>The</strong>y met in the big villages, and that was<br />
why a girl from the east could marry a man from the west. Most girls<br />
settled down with their husband in his home village, unless they decided<br />
to settle in one <strong>of</strong> the big villages and there live <strong>of</strong>f their earnings. This<br />
was the reason for a village like Tvøroyri growing so quickly in the days<br />
<strong>of</strong> the smack. On the other hand these people did not have the subsistence<br />
economy to fall back on in bad times, and at times their living standard<br />
was considerably lower than that in the villages, where money could be<br />
combined with a subsistence economy. A village such as Tvøroyri is in<br />
this respect comparable with the villages which Gerald Sider describes in<br />
Newfoundland, where the families were completely and utterly<br />
dependent on the good will <strong>of</strong> the shopkeeper to give them credit in bad<br />
times. 86 For in the Faroes too, a “truck-system” developed, although it<br />
did not have such pr<strong>of</strong>ound consequences as in Newfoundland. 87 <strong>The</strong><br />
first free trade period in the Faroes developed as normal commercial<br />
capitalism. <strong>The</strong> productive effort <strong>of</strong> the merchants themselves was<br />
limited. <strong>The</strong> fishermen owned the boats, while the merchants purchased<br />
the fish, but, as stated earlier, in time the merchants began to invest in<br />
boats themselves. <strong>The</strong> development came about partly through financing<br />
provided by the merchants themselves and partly by a variant <strong>of</strong> the<br />
“truck system”, which <strong>of</strong>ten arose in weakly developed capitalist<br />
societies. <strong>The</strong> system worked simply, the fishermen and workers getting<br />
their pay in kind, while the employer was very cautious about paying out<br />
wages. In this way he increased his own liquidity.<br />
In the Faroes the system started with the merchants giving interest to<br />
those fishermen who allowed their assets to remain on the merchant’s<br />
books. This interest was at one time so high that it would pay to take<br />
86 Sider 1986.<br />
87 <strong>The</strong> truck system in the Faroe Islands is treated in Joensen 1982, 85 og 87. Joensen<br />
1995 treats the truck system in English from a comparative perspective.<br />
38
money out <strong>of</strong> the savings bank and deposit it with a merchant. This<br />
system helped to make it possible for the merchants to acquire the<br />
necessary financial backing for the continued development <strong>of</strong> their<br />
business. Under this system fishermen and workers were placed in a<br />
position <strong>of</strong> great dependence on the merchant, a dependence that had a<br />
far-reaching effect on the private life <strong>of</strong> the fisherman or worker.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fact that relations between employers/shipowners and workers/fishermen<br />
became more and more important in society led to the<br />
rise <strong>of</strong> new forms <strong>of</strong> organization. <strong>The</strong> first to become organized were<br />
the employers in 1909 and the fishermen in 1911; later other groups<br />
became organized. <strong>The</strong>re was a tendency for a middle class culture to<br />
develop in certain circles and there were the rudiments <strong>of</strong> worker and<br />
fisher districts in the village <strong>of</strong> Tvøroyri, but on the whole the traditional<br />
village mentality remained as a unifying structure behind all the<br />
innovations. This, however, did not prevent labour conflicts. Amongst<br />
the last to be organized were the fish exporters, who first joined together<br />
in 1936 as the repercussions from the 1929 Wall Street crash were felt. 88<br />
Fishing during the Second World War<br />
<strong>The</strong> sun-dried salted cod was the most important export product <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Faroe Islands from the mid-nineteenth century to the Second World War.<br />
<strong>The</strong> war changed this situation in many ways. Connections with the dried<br />
salt cod markets in the Mediterranean were cut <strong>of</strong>f, but Britain needed<br />
great amounts <strong>of</strong> fresh fish for the fish auctions in towns like Aberdeen<br />
and Grimsby, which the Faroese fishers now began to supply. During the<br />
war, the production <strong>of</strong> salt fish and dried salt fish ceased completely, and<br />
the Faroese now began to ice up their catch, which meant that the trips<br />
became relatively short. 89 And instead <strong>of</strong> fishing themselves, many<br />
Faroese ships went to Iceland, where they bought fresh fish, which they<br />
iced over and transported to Britain, where it was sold on the free market.<br />
<strong>The</strong> total number <strong>of</strong> Faroese ships did not increase during the war—it<br />
actually grew smaller, because many ships were bombed or torpedoed by<br />
the Germans. But the lack <strong>of</strong> fish in Britain brought about high prices and<br />
the opportunity to make good money. This situation continued in the<br />
88 Arge 1988.<br />
89 <strong>The</strong> Vicebishop <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands published in 1947 a book on the history <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Faroese seaman during the war. It is not a systematic treatment, but he remembers all<br />
those seamen who lost their lives (Joensen 1947). See also Arge 1985.<br />
39
immediate post-war years, when the price <strong>of</strong> fresh fish was particularly<br />
favourable. 90<br />
<strong>The</strong> Faroese Fishery after the Second World War 91<br />
<strong>The</strong> economic boom during the Second World War brought about a new<br />
feeling <strong>of</strong> economic and material independence. Many people had made<br />
a lot <strong>of</strong> money during the war—Faroese fish exporters owned around 60<br />
million pounds sterling in various accounts in the British Isles.<br />
<strong>The</strong> shortage <strong>of</strong> ships during the war and the continuously favourable<br />
prices <strong>of</strong> fresh fish on the British market in the immediate post-war years<br />
contributed to an extraordinary desire for investment. Much <strong>of</strong> the<br />
money which had been earned during the war, along with further<br />
financing by Sjóvinnubankin among others, was invested in old English<br />
steam trawlers. 92 <strong>The</strong> advantage <strong>of</strong> this was that it gave access to<br />
practically the whole <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Atlantic</strong> Ocean for fishing. But unfortunately<br />
the trawlers were unpr<strong>of</strong>itable due to high coal prices, and, furthermore,<br />
too many steam trawlers had been bought in short-sighted initiatives with<br />
the result that Sjóvinnubankin failed in 1951. In contrast, the new<br />
diesel-powered trawlers appeared to be able to make ends meet. 93<br />
In many ways the 1950s were, if not directly a period <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
recession, then at least a period <strong>of</strong> severe economic stagnation, following<br />
the bankruptcy <strong>of</strong> Sjóvinnubankin. In those years, many Faroe Islanders<br />
shipped on board Icelandic and Norwegian fishing vessels. Many were<br />
also employed splitting fish for fixed wages on board German trawlers.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Germans, who owned many trawlers in the 1950s, had no tradition<br />
<strong>of</strong> salt fish production and therefore hired Faroese for this job.<br />
<strong>The</strong> 1950s were also characterized by an exodus <strong>of</strong> people who<br />
sought work elsewhere. However, the production <strong>of</strong> salt fish and dried<br />
salt fish was resumed in the Faroes after the Second World War. It was<br />
now mechanized, and so-called ‘turkihús’—drying-houses—were built<br />
to dry salted cod indoors in special drying channels, which did not<br />
demand as much accurate effort as sun-drying. This also meant that the<br />
90 <strong>The</strong> development <strong>of</strong> the Faroese fishery during the war is treated by Eirikur Tausen<br />
(1990). See also Mikkelsen 1994:60.<br />
91 A general statistical and economic description <strong>of</strong> the period after 1939 is found in<br />
Patursson <strong>1976</strong>-81.<br />
92 This development is treated by Mikkelsen 1994.<br />
93 Mikkelsen 1994.<br />
40
seasonal need for female employees, the so-called fish girls, diminished.<br />
<strong>The</strong> drying <strong>of</strong> fish indoors became chiefly men’s work 94 . After the war<br />
sun-drying was only used sporadically.<br />
Development from the 1960s 95<br />
Since the beginning <strong>of</strong> the 1960s the infrastructure <strong>of</strong> the Faroes has been<br />
developed and modernized continuously, so that today all the villages are<br />
connected somehow to the main areas. <strong>The</strong> sense <strong>of</strong> national identity,<br />
and the presence <strong>of</strong> economic interests which went further than the stone<br />
fences <strong>of</strong> the village with its traditional form <strong>of</strong> land tenure, should<br />
perhaps have given rise to a perception <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands as a single<br />
economic unit in which the whole should function under some kind <strong>of</strong><br />
unifying management. But the local feelings <strong>of</strong> identity and the specific<br />
interests <strong>of</strong> the villages were still given top priority.<br />
After the economy had been given a boost around 1960 the<br />
development and modernization <strong>of</strong> the means <strong>of</strong> production both on the<br />
sea and on the land started to speed up. A large number <strong>of</strong> new jobs were<br />
created in the continuously expanding fishing industry. Deep-frozen fish<br />
fillets became the leading product, gradually outstripping the traditional<br />
salt fish and dried salt fish production and creating new and steadier jobs.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first attempts at producing deep-frozen fish fillets started in the<br />
mid-1950s, and frozen fish fillets were first exported in 1955. In the<br />
beginning mechanization was negligible. For the most part the fish was<br />
cleaned, cut and packed by hand, but a few machines were tried out.<br />
More and more fish filleting factories were built, and the industry<br />
became increasingly mechanized with machines in almost all stages <strong>of</strong><br />
the manufacturing process. <strong>The</strong>se machines required large investments.<br />
From a few factories, which were usually established in existing<br />
buildings, the total number <strong>of</strong> filleting factories grew to 22 in the course<br />
<strong>of</strong> a couple <strong>of</strong> decades. Most <strong>of</strong> these factories consisted <strong>of</strong> newly<br />
constructed buildings with modern and effective machines, which had a<br />
very large production capacity. It has been estimated that the total<br />
94 Joensen 1982:394.<br />
95 In recent years there has appeared a lot <strong>of</strong> MA theses, seminar reports and other<br />
publications on Faroese fishery and problems connected to Faroese fishery from very<br />
different perspectives: Guttesen 1980A and 1980 B, Haldrup and Hoydal 1994, Hansen<br />
1990, Hoydal 1984, Joensen 1986, Kristiansen 1980, Levinsen 1992, Mørkøre 1985 and<br />
1991, Olsen 1988 and 1989, Petersen 1986, T<strong>of</strong>tum 1990 and 1992 and West 1982.<br />
41
production capacity <strong>of</strong> all the fish factories in the Faroe Islands was fully<br />
sufficient for an annual supply <strong>of</strong> raw material <strong>of</strong> above 400,000 tons.<br />
Total catches around the Faroes have never reached more than 120,000<br />
tons.<br />
<strong>The</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> the resources for the fish factories in the 1970s and 1980s<br />
was mostly home fishing. <strong>The</strong> general shift <strong>of</strong> the fishing zones to 200<br />
miles—this happened in the Faroes on 1 January 1977—brought with it a<br />
reduction <strong>of</strong> the unlimited fishing <strong>of</strong> the Faroese in the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong>,<br />
and more and more fishing vessels, including large trawlers, had to fish<br />
in the local Faroese waters, which in the beginning meant that the supply<br />
<strong>of</strong> raw fish for the fish factories was good. In other words, at the same<br />
time as the means <strong>of</strong> production expanded, the basis <strong>of</strong> the fishing<br />
resources grew smaller due to the expansion <strong>of</strong> other countries’ fishing<br />
zones and the growing quota regulations. <strong>The</strong> result was that the Faroese<br />
started to deplete their own resources.<br />
In itself, the concept <strong>of</strong> village development was sound and could<br />
have been realized, if it had not been so tightly connected with a<br />
disastrous technological fixation and extreme capitalization <strong>of</strong> the whole<br />
production process. <strong>The</strong> many different subsidies have also given a false<br />
sense <strong>of</strong> security, and they were also a direct incitement for further<br />
investment.<br />
In addition to a number <strong>of</strong> companies with fewer owners, new forms<br />
<strong>of</strong> ownership came into existence. <strong>The</strong>se involved trade unions, local and<br />
central authorities, and private interests. <strong>The</strong>re was nothing wrong in this<br />
<strong>of</strong> course; on the contrary, it strengthened the internal relationships <strong>of</strong> the<br />
village. Somehow the production apparatus became an integrated part <strong>of</strong><br />
local emotions, something with which everybody in the village could<br />
identify. It became the flesh and the pulse <strong>of</strong> the village. People refused<br />
therefore to give up, and they were determined to start all over again if<br />
the fish factory ran into economic difficulties.<br />
<strong>The</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> Faroese society were intertwined in a complicated<br />
network, in which it was difficult for critical voices to get attention, and<br />
there was also the fact that the Faroe Islands were not the well-defined<br />
economic zone which some people may have imagined. <strong>The</strong> Faroes were<br />
an attractive market for Danish, Norwegian and other countries' financial<br />
interests. Danish building societies and other financial institutions did<br />
not see any danger in pumping a lot <strong>of</strong> money into businesses in the<br />
Faroes, including the fish factories. Neither did the shipyards in Norway<br />
and elsewhere have any problems in getting loans for the building <strong>of</strong><br />
42
ships for the Faroese fishing fleet. It was easy to obtain financing—also<br />
for enterprising persons with empty pockets—in a network which the<br />
Faroese authorities did not control. Even so, the elected Faroese<br />
authorities were careless enough to put the tax payers’ money at risk as a<br />
guarantee for further unnecessary capitalization <strong>of</strong> the society.<br />
Of course, the tragedy <strong>of</strong> the affair is not that jobs were created in the<br />
villages, but that those jobs were overcapitalised and therefore<br />
uneconomic in the long run—lacking the necessary consolidation. One<br />
could imagine a much slower development, in which the investment in<br />
expensive machines was more modest and well-considered, and which<br />
aimed at a more flexible manual production, but that would probably not<br />
have the same glamour <strong>of</strong> ‘real’ development.<br />
It is the local identity with its roots in the medieval village system<br />
which has characterized the geographical development <strong>of</strong> Faroese<br />
industry. It seems as if 150 years <strong>of</strong> free trade and economic<br />
development has not been sufficient to create a modern economic<br />
mentality with a long-term view. As far as I can see, it was never<br />
understood that the choice was between decentralized industry based on<br />
flexible manual production, which did not demand heavy investment, or<br />
centralization <strong>of</strong> industry into fewer units with a thoroughly mechanized<br />
production. <strong>The</strong> decision-makers seem to have fallen between two<br />
stools.<br />
In 1994 there was a conference in the Nordic House in Tórshavn on<br />
<strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> fishing societies. In the two-volume proceedings from<br />
this conference problems that are highly pertinent to the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong><br />
as a whole, as well as to the Faroe Islands, are discussed. 96<br />
Select Bibliography<br />
Andersen, N., Færøerne 1600-1709 (Copenhagen, 1895)<br />
Arge, Jógvan, Frá snørisfiski til alilaks. L/F Føroya Fiskasøla<br />
1948-1988. Føroya Fiskasøla (Tórshavn, 1988)<br />
Arge, Niels Juel, Stríðsárini 1940-45 (Tórshavn, 1985-1990)<br />
Coull, James R., <strong>The</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>of</strong> Europe. An Economic<br />
Geography (London, 1972)<br />
Debes, Hans Jacob, ‘Føroyar á bretskum valdaøki fram til seinna<br />
96 Johansen 1995.<br />
43
heimskríggj. Eitt søguligt yvirlit’. Frændafundur. Fyrilestrar frá<br />
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44
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45
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46
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47
Whaling in the Faroe Islands,<br />
1584-1994: An Overview<br />
Dorete Bloch<br />
Introduction<br />
<strong>The</strong> Faroe Islands are centrally placed in the <strong>North</strong>east <strong>Atlantic</strong> Ocean at<br />
62N 7W and are separated by some 300-600 km <strong>of</strong> water from their<br />
neighbours, Shetland, Iceland and Norway. <strong>The</strong> currents around the<br />
archipelago are anticyclonic with variable fronts between the warm<br />
<strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Current and the cold East-Icelandic Current. This isolated<br />
position in rich up-welling, mixing water masses has produced a human<br />
mode <strong>of</strong> life that depends on marine resources, and today some 80% <strong>of</strong><br />
the national economy is in one way or another dependent on the sea.<br />
Geography and climate result in poor agricultural production and have<br />
further encouraged the development <strong>of</strong> cheap fishing methods to provide<br />
food. Such traditional catching methods have survived with little change<br />
through centuries. 97<br />
One <strong>of</strong> these traditions is the whaling which has been conducted since<br />
the Norse settlement more than one thousand years ago. 98 Faroese<br />
whaling in its old traditional form is an opportunistic drive fishery in<br />
which two whale species have been taken exclusively for food, namely<br />
the Long-Finned Pilot Whale (Globicephala melas) and the <strong>North</strong>ern<br />
Bottlenose Whale (Hyperoodon ampullatus). For each species, the<br />
annual hunting pressure on the populations has been calculated to be on<br />
average 0.1% (range: 0.0-0.6%) and this may have no influence on<br />
population size, estimated at 778,000 (cv=0.285) for pilot whales and<br />
around 40,000 for bottlenose whales. 99<br />
97 J. P. Joensen, 1987.<br />
98 S. Dahl, 1971.<br />
99 D. Bloch, 1994. D. Bloch, G. Desportes, M. Zachariassen & I. Christensen, 1996. D.<br />
Bloch & L. Lastein, 1995. S.T. Buckland, D. Bloch, K.L. Cattanach, T. Gunnlaugsson,<br />
K. Hoydal, S. Lens & J. Sigurjónsson, 1993. NAMMCO, 1993.<br />
49
During the late nineteenth century, the Faroe Islands entered the<br />
baleen and sperm whaling industry in its last phase. 100 This business was<br />
started up to export barrels <strong>of</strong> whale oil, while the meat was mostly eaten<br />
locally.<br />
<strong>The</strong> isolated geographical situation <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands has probably<br />
limited international knowledge <strong>of</strong> Faroese whaling. 101 This paper<br />
provides an overview <strong>of</strong> the drive fishery on smaller toothed delphinid<br />
whales, and <strong>of</strong>fshore whaling, primarily on baleen whales, conducted by<br />
the Faroese.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Faroese Drive Fishery on Pilot and Bottlenose Whales, 1584-1994<br />
In the traditional drive fishery for pilot and bottlenose whales, entire<br />
schools are sighted in the vicinity <strong>of</strong> the islands from land or from boat<br />
and then driven ashore by small fishing boats under the guidance <strong>of</strong><br />
foremen and dispatched on the beach by a group <strong>of</strong> men waiting there.<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore, pilot and bottlenose whaling has always been a<br />
well-organized social event. <strong>The</strong> hunt is still today communal and<br />
non-commercial in character, meat and blubber are shared free amongst<br />
the local inhabitants, and there is no factory processing nor any special<br />
whaling boats or whalers. A detailed description <strong>of</strong> the sequence <strong>of</strong><br />
events comprising the pilot whaling, named grind in Faroese, which also<br />
means a school <strong>of</strong> pilot whales, can be found in Bloch et al. (1990). 102<br />
‘Grind’ is used here for a beached school <strong>of</strong> pilot whales according to the<br />
practice used by the ICES Study Group on Long-Finned Pilot Whales. 103<br />
In many ways, the bottlenose drive fishery resembles the pilot whale<br />
drive fishery, although bottlenose pods are sighted much closer to shore<br />
than pilot whale pods, and on many occasions strand without human<br />
interference. <strong>The</strong> bottlenose whales are also taken non-commercially for<br />
local human consumption without factory processing. Unlike pilot<br />
whales, the blubber from bottlenose whales has never been consumed<br />
because <strong>of</strong> its laxative effect, but it was previously used for oil<br />
production and is still in medical use. 104<br />
100 D. Bloch, 1993. Degerbøl, 1935-42.<br />
101 P. Holm, 1995.<br />
102 D. Bloch, G. Desportes, K. Hoydal & P. Jean, 1990.<br />
103 D. Butterworth (ed.), 1993.<br />
104 H.E. Høst, 1875. J. Rosing, 1965.<br />
50
Pilot and bottlenose whaling has always been a strictly controlled<br />
activity and the laws and regulations still in force today have their roots<br />
in old Norse regulations, such as the Gulating Law and the Norwegian<br />
Law <strong>of</strong> Christian V <strong>of</strong> Denmark and Norway. <strong>The</strong>se rules governed<br />
Faroese whaling until the first Faroese written regulations came into<br />
force in 1832. 105 <strong>The</strong> Pilot Whaling Regulation is renewed according to<br />
ongoing changes in the community and it describes in detail the<br />
regulations and fees governing the sequence <strong>of</strong> events in pilot whaling.<br />
<strong>The</strong> latest updating <strong>of</strong> the Pilot Whaling Regulation was made by<br />
Executive Order no. 55 <strong>of</strong> 16 May 1995.<br />
According to the old Norse system, the products <strong>of</strong> whaling and<br />
fowling activities belonged to the owners <strong>of</strong> land, though compensation<br />
was given to participants in the hunt as was the case when pilot whaling<br />
was conducted in Shetland. 106 At the christening <strong>of</strong> the islands about the<br />
year 1000, the Faroese people had to pay taxes to the owners <strong>of</strong> the land<br />
where whales were beached, to the church and to the king. 107 Because<br />
the produce <strong>of</strong> whaling was divided between powerful interests such as<br />
the church, the king and the landowners, the Faroese sýslumenn, i.e. local<br />
sheriffs, had to write detailed reports from every whale hunt and send<br />
them to the government, generating pilot whaling, and also bottlenose<br />
whaling, statistics. At the Reformation in 1584, the Faroese local<br />
administration took over Jarðabøkurnar, the journals <strong>of</strong> the land and<br />
landowners, and these also include whaling statistics. <strong>The</strong> church took<br />
tithes, i.e. a tenth <strong>of</strong> the income, <strong>of</strong> whaling until this was abolished by a<br />
commutation in 1908. Before 1832, landowners received half <strong>of</strong> the yield<br />
<strong>of</strong> pilot and bottlenose whaling (meat, blubber and oil), but when Faroese<br />
pilot whaling was regulated in 1832, the landowners’ part was<br />
diminished to a quarter and it was totally cancelled in 1935 for pilot<br />
whales, and in 1950 for bottlenose whales. 108<br />
105 E.A. Bjørk, 1956-1963. H. J. Debes, 1990. K. Sanderson, 1992. Seyðabrævið.<br />
106 Seyðabrævið. D. Bloch, 1994.<br />
107 H. J. Debes, 1990:100.<br />
108 E.A. Bjørk 1956-1963, III: 252, 277.<br />
51
<strong>The</strong> pilot and bottlenose whaling statistics show a rhythmic,<br />
oscillating occurrence <strong>of</strong> grinds in Faroese waters, with the length <strong>of</strong> one<br />
period lasting about 100-110 years. Different studies have demonstrated<br />
that the abundance <strong>of</strong> marine species taken by the Faroe Islanders<br />
(seabird species, pilot and bottlenose whales, cod and herring) has<br />
changed over the centuries according to the same oscillatory rhythm as<br />
the climate and seems to depend on the variability <strong>of</strong> the current<br />
system. 109<br />
<strong>The</strong> Quantity <strong>of</strong> Whales Landed<br />
For the period 1584-1641 the whaling statistics are incomplete, and a gap<br />
exists for the period 1641-1708. <strong>The</strong>refore, for the period 1584-1708<br />
there exists information for only 43 grinds composed <strong>of</strong> 5,318 whales. In<br />
all, for the period 1709-1995 the hunting statistics give information<br />
about 1,720 long-finned pilot whale schools, grinds, composed <strong>of</strong><br />
242,217 pilot whales (Fig. I; Table I). This works out at an average <strong>of</strong><br />
844 whales annually for the nearly three hundred year period 1709-1995.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y have appeared as 0-23 grinds annually, 6.9 on average and ranging<br />
in annual number from zero to 4,475 whales (in 1941). In three different<br />
years (1844, 1939, and 1941), the number <strong>of</strong> pilot whales landed<br />
exceeded 3,000 whales; in 25 years, more than 2,000 whales were<br />
harvested, while one third <strong>of</strong> the years have resulted in more than 1,000<br />
whales landed. On the other hand, there have been 44 years in which it<br />
has not been possible to land any grind. <strong>The</strong> last “grind-free” year was<br />
1927.<br />
In all, a total <strong>of</strong> 816 bottlenose whales were recorded during the<br />
period 1584-1995. Of these, 653 were landed, 71 were reported as found<br />
dead, and 92 shot <strong>of</strong>fshore. Only 21 were reported from the period<br />
1584-1641, resulting in a total <strong>of</strong> 795 from 1709-1995, <strong>of</strong> which 632<br />
were landed (Fig. II; Table II). It is worth noting that the dead whales<br />
were found in the peak period <strong>of</strong> Norwegian <strong>of</strong>fshore hunting in the<br />
middle and later part <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century. This period was also the<br />
time <strong>of</strong>fshore whaling increased <strong>of</strong>f the Faroes. 110 Some <strong>of</strong> the dead<br />
bottlenose whales found may have been fatally wounded in the <strong>of</strong>fshore<br />
commercial whaling. 111<br />
109 D. Bloch et al., 1996; K. Hoydal & L. Lastein, 1993. A. Reinert, <strong>1976</strong>.<br />
110 Bloch et al., 1996.<br />
111 A. Ohlin, 1895.<br />
52
Table 1<br />
Number er <strong>of</strong> pilot whales caught in the Faroe Islands, 1584 1584-1995<br />
Period<br />
1584-1995<br />
1584-1708<br />
1709-1995<br />
Source: D. Bloch 1994a.<br />
Grinds Pilot Whales<br />
1,763 247,535<br />
43 5,318<br />
1,720 242,217<br />
Fig. II<br />
<strong>The</strong> annual catch <strong>of</strong> bottlenose whales in the Faroe Islands, 1584 1584-1995<br />
53
Table II<br />
Number <strong>of</strong> bottlenose whales caught in the Faroe Islands, 1584 1584-1995<br />
Period Bottlenose<br />
Whales,<br />
total<br />
Bottlenose<br />
Whales,<br />
shot<br />
(1894-1935)<br />
Bottlenose<br />
Whales,<br />
found dead<br />
1584-1995 816 92 71<br />
1584-1708 21 0 0<br />
1709-1995<br />
Source: Bloch et al. 1996<br />
795 92 71<br />
Fig. I<br />
<strong>The</strong> annual numbers <strong>of</strong> pilot whales taken by Faroe Islanders,<br />
1584-1995<br />
54
Sometimes, the pods <strong>of</strong> long-finned pilot whales are mixed with other<br />
species <strong>of</strong> smaller delphinid whales and sometimes these species also<br />
occur as single-species schools. <strong>The</strong> species concerned are Bottlenose<br />
Dolphins (Tursiops truncatus), White-Sided Dolphins (Lagenorhynchus<br />
acutus), irregularly also White-Beaked Dolphins (Lagenorhynchus<br />
albirostris), and occasionally Killer Whales (Orcinus orca) too. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
schools are also taken in a drive fishery for local consumption, though<br />
they are not as important for the household economy as the pilot and<br />
bottlenose whales. <strong>The</strong>se species were not included in the pilot whaling<br />
regulations before the Executive Order no. 19 <strong>of</strong> March 1 1996, and<br />
therefore no tax has been paid. <strong>The</strong>refore, only 6,464 whales <strong>of</strong> these<br />
species have been recorded during the period 1709-1995. It is estimated<br />
that more have been taken but not been reported in the sources even<br />
though whaling law ordered the sýslumenn to report also these species<br />
(Table III).<br />
Table III. Total number <strong>of</strong> small Delphinid and Baleen whales caught in<br />
the Faroe Islands, 1584-1995.<br />
Period Baleen whales Oil (tons) Small<br />
Delphinids<br />
1709-1995 - - 6,464<br />
1894-1984 12,750 55,752 -<br />
Source: Whaling statistics compiled by the Museum <strong>of</strong> Natural History,<br />
Tórshavn.<br />
Faroese Offshore Baleen and Sperm Whaling, 1894-1984<br />
Offshore whaling was developed by the Basques on the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong><br />
Right Whale (Balaena mysticetus) in the Bay <strong>of</strong> Biscay during the<br />
middle <strong>of</strong> the eleventh century. After depletion <strong>of</strong> the right whales in the<br />
Bay <strong>of</strong> Biscay, the Basques moved to the <strong>North</strong>west <strong>Atlantic</strong> and built<br />
land bases in the summer time in Baffin Island, Nova Scotia, and<br />
Newfoundland. 112<br />
112 P. U. Jepsen, 1994.<br />
55
<strong>The</strong> commercial <strong>North</strong>east <strong>Atlantic</strong> exploitation <strong>of</strong> the baleen whale<br />
species started in the sixteenth century with the catching <strong>of</strong> Bowhead<br />
(Eubalaena glacialis). Later, in the seventeenth century, Shetland,<br />
Scottish, Orkney, English, Dutch, and later also Danish-Norwegian<br />
whalers learnt from the Basques and began to catch the whales and<br />
Walrus (Odobenus rosmarus) first at Svalbard, later further to the west in<br />
the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong>. 113<br />
In 1863 the Norwegian Svend Foyn built the first steam whaler (Spes<br />
et Fides), and in 1870 he invented the bomb harpoon, which made it<br />
possible to hunt also the faster swimming rorquals, species such as Blue<br />
Whale (Balaenoptera musculus), Fin Whale (B. physalus), Sei Whale (B.<br />
borealis), Humpback (Megaptera novaeangliae), and at last also the<br />
small Minke Whale (B. acutorostrata). Svend Foyn also invented the<br />
inflation lance at that time to fill the killed whales with compressed air<br />
preventing them from sinking.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se three inventions revolutionised the whaling industry in such a<br />
way that the populations were soon depleted <strong>of</strong>f northern Norway, and<br />
the Norwegian Parliament banned whaling <strong>of</strong>f the three northernmost<br />
fylker <strong>of</strong> Norway by an Act coming into force in 1904. Accordingly,<br />
Norwegian whalers from Tønsberg led by Svend Foyn moved first to<br />
Iceland in 1883, to Newfoundland in 1889, and in 1892 to Gryteviken in<br />
South Georgia. <strong>The</strong> Tønsberg whalers worked only on a small scale in<br />
the Faroes. This area was occupied by whalers from Sandefjord who<br />
went first to Iceland in 1883, to the Antarctic in 1892, then to the Faroes<br />
in 1893, and finally to Shetland in 1894. 114 Faroese whaling was based<br />
mostly on fin whales, since the blue whale was becoming scarce at that<br />
time.<br />
Hans Albert Grøn from Sandefjord, Norway, started up in the Faroes<br />
in 1893 and built the first whaling station at Gjánoyri, north <strong>of</strong> Streymnes<br />
at Streymoy. Grøn had his first catching season in 1894 with the whaling<br />
boat Urd and got 46 whales and 940 barrels <strong>of</strong> oil. 115 <strong>The</strong> first year was<br />
taxfree, but from 1895, a tax <strong>of</strong> 25 DKK per whale had to be paid to the<br />
Faroes, and from 1897 this was doubled to 50 DKK per whale. <strong>The</strong> first<br />
catching years in the Faroes were so successful that other companies<br />
113 P.U. Jepsen, 1994. R. Smith, 1993.<br />
114 S. Risting, 1922. J.N. Tønnesen, 1967. J.N. Tønnesen & A.O. Johnsen, 1982.<br />
115 S. Risting, 1922.<br />
56
were soon established. In 1897 a second company, Norddeble from<br />
Kristiania, was founded by Andorsen and Normann and the master was<br />
Peder Michelsen from Sandefjord.<br />
<strong>The</strong> most important company was Suderø, based at the island <strong>of</strong><br />
Suðuroy and started in 1905 by a lawyer from Sandefjord, Peder Olsen<br />
Bogen, in company with the merchant family Mortensen <strong>of</strong> Tvøroyri at<br />
Suðuroy. This company was working until 1953 and from the inter-war<br />
period was completely Faroese owned. In all, six Norwegian founded<br />
companies operated in the Faroes, while in 1905 the company Salvesen<br />
from Leith, Scotland, was established at við Áir, close to Hósvík,<br />
Streymoy. 116 <strong>The</strong> remaining buildings <strong>of</strong> the company’s factory, at við<br />
Áir, are the only ones still standing, the plant being worked until 1984<br />
and purchased by the Faroese Government. 117<br />
In 1905 the oldest factory Urd was rebuilt for guano and fertiliser<br />
production, while the other companies shipped meat and bone to<br />
Stavanger. Attempts were also made to produce a whalemeat export in<br />
tins, named Sassa Filet. This survived only for a short time, because the<br />
tins contained rotten whalemeat in the second year.<br />
In the period 1894-1984 large baleen whaling has been conducted from<br />
seven land bases and from 17 whalers at its peak, only disrupted by<br />
World Wars I and II and for shorter periods in between. Tables III and IV<br />
give the number <strong>of</strong> the different species caught. Generally, Faroese<br />
<strong>of</strong>fshore whaling was characterised by an irregular catch caused by the<br />
unstable weather conditions. As an aside, it can be mentioned that the<br />
Norwegian whalers were very welcome in the Faroes, unlike the<br />
situation in Shetland. 118<br />
<strong>The</strong> Faroes are placed on the migration route <strong>of</strong> the baleen whales.<br />
<strong>The</strong> logbooks from the old whalers show that when in spring time they<br />
met a blue or fin whale out on the banks southwest <strong>of</strong> the Faroes (Faroe<br />
Bank, Bill Baily Bank, Lousy Bank), it was easier to follow the whale<br />
than use the compass for reaching the Faroes for the whales would reach<br />
116 Risting, 1922; Tønnesen, 1967; Tønnesen and Johnsen, 1982.<br />
117 J.S. Joensen. 1980.<br />
118 Risting, 1922; Smith, 1995.<br />
57
“the sound between Koltur and Vágoy”. 119 Still today, blue as well as fin<br />
whales are regularly seen in the Hestfjørður and Vestmannasund. 120<br />
Moreover, the old whalers say that in spring time, late April to the<br />
beginning <strong>of</strong> June, the whales were hungry and moved quickly north.<br />
This was visible in the number <strong>of</strong> barrels <strong>of</strong> oil coming out <strong>of</strong> Spring as<br />
against Autumn shot whales. A Spring blue whale produced less oil than<br />
an Autumn shot fin whale. 121<br />
Table IV. Number <strong>of</strong> different whale species caught in the Faroe Islands,<br />
1709-1995<br />
Pilot whale 242,112<br />
Bottlenose whale 757<br />
Blue whale 273<br />
Fin whale 7,481<br />
Sei whale 2,139<br />
Minke whale 99<br />
Humpback 208<br />
Sperm whale 701<br />
Bowhead 7<br />
Bottlenose dolphin 927<br />
Porpoise 18<br />
White-sided and white-beaked dolphins 5,148<br />
Killer whale 189<br />
As an aside, it may be mentioned, that the importance <strong>of</strong> whaling<br />
globally is shown by the fact that as late as World War II, the shipyard <strong>of</strong><br />
Harland & Wolf at Belfast, Ireland, delivered a Whalecorvet, a boat<br />
which was easy to change in function between a whaling boat and a<br />
warship. 122<br />
Conclusions<br />
119 Risting, 1922; Tønnesen, 1967.<br />
120 Bloch, 1993.<br />
121 Risting, 1922; Tønnesen, 1967.<br />
122 Tønnesen and Johnsen, 1982.<br />
58
<strong>The</strong> Faroe Islands are placed far away from grain export centres and the<br />
Islanders have for centuries had to rely on being supplied mainly from<br />
Denmark, but by irregularly arriving ships and <strong>of</strong>ten insufficiently. Other<br />
countries have taken pilot whales, but the isolated location and scarce<br />
supply <strong>of</strong> the Faroes are most probably the reason for the continuation <strong>of</strong><br />
pilot whaling. 123 It has been demonstrated in this study that the Faroese<br />
always have been able to survive by catching and eating the available<br />
marine resources in a sustainable way. Moreover, the high nutritious<br />
content in the pilot whale meat is known to satisfy the consumer for a<br />
long time in contrast to the less nutritious baleen whale meat. 124<br />
Nowadays, the pilot whale and pilot whaling has also become a sort<br />
<strong>of</strong> national symbol at a time when non-governmental-groups (NGOs)<br />
have campaigned against it. 125 <strong>The</strong> fact is that in the low income years <strong>of</strong><br />
the mid 1990s an eighth <strong>of</strong> the Islands’ meat consumption originated<br />
from the long-finned pilot whale caught in the old traditional way and<br />
shared free. So whaling the Faroese way is back as a central part <strong>of</strong><br />
everyday life <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands.<br />
Acknowledgement<br />
I am grateful to Justines Olsen, senior veterinarian, the Faroe Islands, and<br />
Axel Kjær Sørensen and Vagn Wåhlin, Center <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Studies,<br />
Aarhus <strong>University</strong>, for commenting on this paper.<br />
Select Bibliography<br />
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1956-1963, 2. ed. 1984)<br />
Bloch, D., ‘Valar och valfångst’. Schröder, H. (ed.) Färöerna, mer än<br />
fåglar (Foreningen Norden Sverige, 1993) 184-201.<br />
Bloch, D., ‘Pilot whales in the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong>. Age, growth and social<br />
structure in Faroese grinds <strong>of</strong> the long-finned pilot whale,<br />
Globicephala melas’. (PhD thesis, the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Lund, Sweden,<br />
1994a)<br />
Bloch, D., ‘Grindadráp í øðrum londum’. Frøði 3 (1994b) 30-31<br />
Bloch D., Desportes, G., Hoydal, K. & Jean, P., ‘Pilot Whaling in the<br />
123 Bloch, 1994.<br />
124 D. Bloch & M. Hanusardóttir. 1993.<br />
125 J. P. Joensen. 1988. J. P. Joensen. 1990.<br />
59
Faroe Islands. July 1986 - July 1988’. <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Studies 2 (1-2)<br />
(1990) 36-44.<br />
Bloch, D., Desportes, G., Zachariassen, M. & Christensen, I., ‘<strong>The</strong><br />
<strong>North</strong>ern Bottlenose Whale in the Faroe Islands, 1584-1993.’ J. Zool.<br />
London 1996<br />
Bloch, D. & Hanusardóttir, M., ‘Marine Mammals. Whales as Source<br />
<strong>of</strong> Food’. Macrae, R., Mon, R.K., Robins, J. & Sadler, M.J. (eds.),<br />
Encyclopaedia <strong>of</strong> Food Science, Food Technology & Nutrition.<br />
AcPress (London 1993) 2902-2907<br />
Bloch, D. and Lastein, L., ‘Modelling the school structure <strong>of</strong> pilot<br />
whales in the Faroe Islands, 1832-1994’. Blix, A.S., Walløe, L. &<br />
Ulltang, U. (eds.). Whales, Seals, Fish and Man (1995) 499-508<br />
Buckland, S. T., Bloch, D., Cattanach, K.L., Gunnlaugsson, T., Hoydal,<br />
K., Lens, S. & Sigurjónsson, J., ‘Distribution and abundance <strong>of</strong><br />
long-finned pilot whales in the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong>, estimated from<br />
NASS-1987 and NASS-89 data’. Report <strong>of</strong> the International Whaling<br />
Commission (special issue 14, 1993) 33-49<br />
Butterworth, D. (ed.), ‘Study Group on Long-Finned Pilot Whales.<br />
Report <strong>of</strong> Meeting, Copenhagen, 30 August-3 September 1993’. International<br />
Council for the Exploration <strong>of</strong> the Sea. C.M.1993/N:5.<br />
Ref.:A. 1-31.<br />
Dahl, S. <strong>The</strong> Norse settlement <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands. Medieval<br />
Archaeology 14 (1971) 60-73<br />
Debes, H.J., Føroya søga 1. Norðurlond og Føroyar (Tórshavn, 1990)<br />
Degerbøl, M., ‘Mammalia’. Jensen, Ad.S., Lundbeck, W.,<br />
Mortensen, Th. & Spärck, R. (eds.), <strong>The</strong> Zoology <strong>of</strong> the Faroes III(II)<br />
(1935-1942) LXV: 1-133<br />
Holm, P., ‘European and Native Ways: Fishing, Whaling and<br />
Sealing in the Danish <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Empire, c. 1750-1807’.<br />
Association for the History <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong>ern Seas Yearbook 1995,<br />
109-148<br />
Hoydal, K. and Lastein, L., ‘Analysis <strong>of</strong> Faroese catches <strong>of</strong> pilot whales<br />
(1709-1992), in relation to environmental variations’. Report <strong>of</strong> the<br />
International Whaling Commission (special issue 14, 1993) 89-106<br />
Høst, H.E., ‘Om Hvalfangsten på Færøerne. Nordisk Tidsskrift for<br />
Fiskeri II (1875) 313-358<br />
Jepsen, P. U., Harpuner i Arktis (Esbjerg, 1994) 1-41<br />
Joensen. J. P., Fólk og mentan (Føroya Skúlabókagrunnur. Tórshavn,<br />
1987) 1-269<br />
60
Joensen, J. P. ‘<strong>The</strong> Pilot Whale in the Old and Modern Society’.<br />
Man and the Animal World, Bergen Dal, Nijmegen, Holland 22-23<br />
September 1988<br />
Joensen, J. P., ‘Faroese Pilot Whaling in the Light <strong>of</strong> Social and Cultural<br />
History’. <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Studies, vol. 2(1-2) (1990) 179-184<br />
Joensen, J. S. ‘Storhvalfangst ved Færøerne’ (unpubl.,<br />
Fiskirannsóknarstovan, 1980<br />
NAMMCO, 1993. <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Marine Mammal Commission Scientic<br />
Committee. Report from the working group <strong>of</strong> Bottlenose and Killer<br />
whales, 1-6.<br />
Ohlin, A., ‘Nutida hvalfångsten i Norra Ishafvet’. Ymer. Svenska<br />
selskapet for Antropologi och Geografi (1894) 145-164<br />
Reinert, A., ‘Lomvigin’. I-VII. Dimmalætting 9., 12., 16., 21.<br />
Oktober; 2., 18. November; 2. December. Fiskirannsóknarstovan.<br />
(unpubl., <strong>1976</strong>, 9pp.)<br />
Risting, S. Av hvalfangstens historie. Publikation nr. 2 fra<br />
kommandør Chr. Christensens Hvalfangstmuseum i Sandefjord<br />
(Kristiania, 1922)<br />
Rosing, J., ‘Døglingen’. Tidsskriftet Grønland (1965) 14-16<br />
Sanderson, K., Grindadráp. A textual history <strong>of</strong> whaling traditions<br />
in the Faroes to 1900 (M.Ph thesis. <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Sydney, Australia,<br />
1992) 1-122<br />
‘Seyðabrævið’ (1298, publ. Føroya Fróðskaparfelag, Tórshavn, 1971)<br />
Smith, R., <strong>The</strong> Whale Hunters (John Donald Publishers Ltd. Edinburgh,<br />
1993) 1-116<br />
Tønnesen, J. N., Færøyene. Den moderne hvalfangsts historie, II<br />
(Norges Hvalfangstforbund. Sandefjord. 1967) 45-58<br />
Tønnesen, J. N. and Johnsen, A.O., ‘<strong>The</strong> Faroes’. <strong>The</strong> History <strong>of</strong><br />
Modern Whaling (C. Hurst & Company. London, 1982) 83-87<br />
61
<strong>The</strong> Faroese Greenland Fishery<br />
Faroese Fishery Policy towards Denmark<br />
and Greenland in the Inter-War Period<br />
Vagn Wåhlin<br />
with Henning Mosegaard Kristensen<br />
In 1924 the Faroese fishing industry was in deep crisis. Its fishing vessels<br />
were outdated, prices were falling, and British steam trawlers were a real<br />
threat to the Faroese hand and long line fishery conducted from small<br />
boats near the coast and on the nearby banks. Even the rich fishery <strong>of</strong>f<br />
Iceland became insecure in a long term perspective once Iceland gained<br />
sovereignty in 1918. Nearly half <strong>of</strong> the adult male workforce was in<br />
some way or another dependent on the fishery, while a large part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
female working population was also employed in the fishing industry.<br />
From the 1920s the cod was found in increasing abundance in the<br />
waters <strong>of</strong>f Southwest Greenland following a small rise in the ocean<br />
temperature. <strong>The</strong> Faroese, being subjects <strong>of</strong> the Danish Crown like the<br />
Greenlanders, wanted equal rights with the Greenlanders to fish in<br />
Greenland waters. <strong>The</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Greenland Affairs in the Danish<br />
Ministry opposed the Faroese claims and supported the age-old policy <strong>of</strong><br />
protecting the Greenlanders and their resources against modern<br />
exploitation. In the Danish political system, and to the public at large,<br />
there was a clear understanding <strong>of</strong> the Faroese claims as well as <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Greenlandic protectionist argument. Step by step the Danish authorities<br />
—against rising Greenlandic opposition—gave in to the Faroese claims.<br />
In 1939 Faroese fishing <strong>of</strong>f Greenland was permitted by law. Inside the<br />
territorial waters handline and long line fishing by the Faroese was<br />
allowed (but not trawling). Smaller vessels could operate from several<br />
well placed and sufficiently equipped harbours, and the fish could be<br />
rinsed and salted there. However, the outbreak <strong>of</strong> the Second World War<br />
stalled any Faroese fishing activity <strong>of</strong>f Greenland for five years.<br />
63
<strong>The</strong> Greenland Fishery before 1914<br />
Since the Viking Age the inhabitants <strong>of</strong> the 17 populated Faroese Islands<br />
have lived in a mixed self-sufficient economy <strong>of</strong> cattle and sheep<br />
farming on the one hand and coastal fishery with some whaling and<br />
fowling on the other. From the 1880s, with a turning point around 1900,<br />
the fishery became the dominant economic sector, and at the same time<br />
finally brought the Islands within the orbit <strong>of</strong> the fluctuating, modern<br />
world market.<br />
Up to the 1960s Faroese fishery technology was constantly behind the<br />
more advanced British trawlers and gear. In the late nineteenth century,<br />
when the UK fishermen invested in modern steam trawlers, the Faroese<br />
bought the old sloop and smack sailing vessels from the Shetlanders and<br />
the Scots, and after the Second World War the Faroese bought outdated<br />
steam trawlers there instead <strong>of</strong> investing in modern diesel-engine<br />
trawlers. 126<br />
While British steam trawlers overfished the nearby rich grounds <strong>of</strong><br />
Færø Bank, Bill Bailey Bank and Lousy Bank from 1880 to 1939 and<br />
physically drew the small Faroese vessels away, the smacks <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Islands tried their luck <strong>of</strong>f Iceland with hand line and long line. A few<br />
fishing vessels sailed further, to Newfoundland and elsewhere, but much<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Faroese deep-sea fishery up to the First World War was<br />
concentrated in the coastal waters <strong>of</strong> Iceland. <strong>The</strong> increasing<br />
international fishery, with steam and motor trawlers <strong>of</strong>f Iceland after<br />
1920, was a real menace to the traditional Faroese—as well as to the<br />
Icelandic—fishery in these waters.<br />
In the 1918 independence treaty between Denmark and Iceland,<br />
Denmark had secured Faroese fishing rights in Icelandic waters for a<br />
time, and a counter clause opened up Greenlandic waters a little for<br />
Icelandic fishing. 127<br />
126 For the Faroese transition from an agricultural to a fishing society see J. P. Joensen’s<br />
article here and his book, Folk og fisk, 1985. <strong>The</strong> Danish abolition <strong>of</strong> foreign and Danish<br />
(including Faroese, Icelandic and Norwegian) intrusion and catching in Greenlandic<br />
waters and coastal areas dates back to a royal charter <strong>of</strong> 1776 which was the basis for the<br />
protectionistic policy <strong>of</strong> the departments and ministeries in Copenhagen until a new<br />
statute was passed in 1925.<br />
<strong>The</strong> authors express their sincere thanks to Sidsel Wåhlin for help with the<br />
manuscript.<br />
127 Document from the Ministry <strong>of</strong> the Interior, 11 February 1926, printed in<br />
‘Grønlandsmál’, 3, Lagtingstidende, 1938.<br />
64
From 1920 to 1922, as Table I shows, the percentage <strong>of</strong> the catch<br />
taken by smaller boats in Faroese waters fell from 39% to 7% <strong>of</strong> the total<br />
Faroese catch. In 1922 the Faroese catch <strong>of</strong>f Iceland reached its peak,<br />
accounting for 93% <strong>of</strong> the total Faroese fishery measured in tons.<br />
Table I<br />
Year Fishery Faroe Iceland Greenland Bear I/N.Nrw.<br />
in tons waters % waters % waters % waters %<br />
1920 27322 39 61 - -<br />
1921 34648 16 84 - -<br />
1922 43526 7 93 - -<br />
1923 39298 11 89 - -<br />
1924 35255 12 88 - -<br />
1925 35537 19 81 - -<br />
1926 46346 12 83 5 -<br />
1927 47277 14 80 6 -<br />
1928 55027 8 90 2 -<br />
1929 66300 3 82 15 -<br />
1930 80052 3 66 31 -<br />
1931 76159 2 71 27 -<br />
1932 68087 7 71 22 -<br />
1933 66517 3 70 27 -<br />
1934 56069 3 50 45 2<br />
1935 48838 3 59 36 2<br />
1936 43468 3 32 37 28<br />
1937 51493 6 39 47 8<br />
1938 58340 5 39 43 13<br />
Sources: Fiskivinnuskrivstovan, Tórshavn. Cf. K. Nolsøe, “Færøsk fiskeri “, 1973, pp.<br />
199-208.<br />
<strong>The</strong> essential export product was salted, or dried and salted, fish. <strong>The</strong><br />
value in Danish kroner per kilo was in 1920: 0.80, in 1925: 0.53, in 1930:<br />
0.25 and in 1938: 0.30, with its lowest point in 1932 <strong>of</strong> 0.19, or a quarter<br />
<strong>of</strong> the 1920 price. A similar dramatic fall in the national value <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fishery is demonstrated if we look at the yearly income in Danish kroner<br />
(DKK) per fisherman: in 1920 2,924, in 1925 2,189, in 1930 2,167<br />
and in 1938 1,746. Income was at its lowest in 1932 with only 1,455<br />
DKK earned by each employed fisherman. Taking high unemployment<br />
into consideration and the fact that the crisis also meant lower income for<br />
the female workforce in the fishing industry, the depth <strong>of</strong> the crisis was<br />
65
even more marked for the ordinary Faroese family than depicted in the<br />
figures. 128<br />
After the turn <strong>of</strong> the century the sea temperature in West Greenlandic<br />
waters had risen, causing a decrease in the seal population. Consequently<br />
the traditional seal-hunting economy <strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders declined, and<br />
at the same time the quantity and quality <strong>of</strong> the cod rose dramatically.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Greenlandic stock <strong>of</strong> cod seems to have migrated from Icelandic<br />
waters. In 1917 the cod appeared in quantity at Frederikshåb (Paamiut),<br />
in 1922 at Sukkertoppen (Maniitsoq) and in 1928 at Disko Island<br />
(Qeqertarsuaq). <strong>The</strong> cod did not come farther north, as the map (p. 62)<br />
shows. A transition from the traditional Greenlandic hunting-economy to<br />
a modern export-based fishery soon became a necessity. <strong>The</strong> rise in<br />
Greenlandic fishing in home waters is shown in Figure I.<br />
In 1908 Tjalfe, a Danish research ship, reported the possibilities <strong>of</strong><br />
fishing (in particular for halibut) in the Julianehåb district (Qaqorttoq). In<br />
1910 a salting site was started (salting was done outdoors) with a Faroese<br />
to train the Greenlandic workers. 129<br />
In response to this the respected fishing captain, Jens Pauli<br />
Andreasen, in the Knørrur applied for a permanent land station on Ravns<br />
Storø (Takisup Qeqertarsua) to sustain a systematic utilization <strong>of</strong> open<br />
sea and coastal fishing grounds. On 15 March 1910, his application was<br />
turned down. 130<br />
In 1914 the Faroese county council (Lagtinget) applied to the Danish<br />
government for access to the Greenlandic waters for Faroese fishing<br />
vessels, but the application was turned down on 5 January 1915. Only the<br />
intake <strong>of</strong> fresh water for the Faroese vessels was allowed—but this was<br />
no real concession since every ship in need <strong>of</strong> fresh water supply already<br />
had that right under the 1776 charter. 131 On the Faroe Islands it was thus<br />
common knowledge in the early 1920s that West Greenlandic waters<br />
held increasing fishing possibilities for the Faroese fishing fleet.<br />
As Figure I demonstrates, the Greenlandic cod fishery became <strong>of</strong><br />
growing importance to the local economy as sealing diminished. From<br />
the 1920s to around 1950 about 100 salting sites for fish were established<br />
128 Patursson, Fiskiveiði, II 343-349; see also statistics in Fiskeriberetninger 1911-1939.<br />
129 Trap XIV, ‘Grønland’, 168 and 184. Patursson, Fiskiveiði, 258-260. Hansen and<br />
Hermann, Fisken ved Grønland, 1953.<br />
130 Andreasen, ‘Í Grønlandi víð “Knørri”’ 1927, 531. Rigsarkivet, Grønlands Styrelses<br />
arkiv, grp. 51, journal 512/1926, copies <strong>of</strong> the 1910 papers as 17-i-1910 and 17-a-1910.<br />
Cf. Spanner, Færøfiskeriet, chapter 3, endnote 1.<br />
131 See footnote 5 and ‘Betænkning om Grønlandsfiskeriet’, Lagtingstidende 1924, 134.<br />
66
at most <strong>of</strong> the more populated villages and towns along the West<br />
Greenlandic coast south <strong>of</strong> Disko Island.<br />
After the First World War, an ultra-nationalistic Norwegian<br />
movement fronted by the journal Tidens Tegn questioned the legitimacy<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Danish possession <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Iceland.<br />
<strong>The</strong> argument was historical and based on the fact <strong>of</strong> a Norwegian<br />
<strong>Atlantic</strong> empire <strong>of</strong> the High Middle Ages. In 1380 Norway and its <strong>North</strong><br />
<strong>Atlantic</strong> Dependencies came into a 400-year long union with Denmark.<br />
At the peace treaty <strong>of</strong> Kiel in 1814, the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Dependencies<br />
stayed in the Danish Realm while Norway, without its former <strong>Atlantic</strong><br />
possessions, was seceded to Sweden in a union lasting until 1905.<br />
Norway’s traditional hunting interests in East Greenland together with<br />
this nationalistic wave, became a substantial political embarrassment to<br />
the Norwegian government and forced it to exert increasing pressure on<br />
the Danish government to obtain Danish recognition <strong>of</strong> Norwegian<br />
claims in East Greenland.<br />
In 1919 the ambassadors <strong>of</strong> the two countries had agreed that Norway<br />
would recognize Danish sovereignty over all <strong>of</strong> Greenland. By a state<br />
charter <strong>of</strong> 10 May 1921 the Danish Government declared its total<br />
sovereignty over all <strong>of</strong> Greenland and its territorial waters. As a<br />
consequence the government recapitulated the old ban on any nation’s<br />
vessels sailing in Greenlandic territorial seas. 132<br />
In 1923/24 this conflict formed a delicate part <strong>of</strong> the public debate<br />
raging in Norway, Denmark and the Faroe Islands. With perfect timing,<br />
as always, the Faroese leader <strong>of</strong> the Autonomist Party<br />
(Sjálvstýris-flokkurin), Jóannes Patursson, expressed the opinion in the<br />
Norwegian press that the Islands might seek another state affiliation than<br />
with Denmark. To him it was a practical question <strong>of</strong> necessary<br />
cooperation dictated by the facts <strong>of</strong> where the Islands could obtain the<br />
utmost degree <strong>of</strong> self government in as loose a union as possible. In<br />
Denmark, as in the Faroes, public reaction to this statement was furious<br />
and embittered. For once even Patursson’s most ardent followers had<br />
difficulties in staying together and defending him in public, for instance<br />
in the Lagting. 133<br />
132 In 1916 at the Danish sale <strong>of</strong> the Virgin Islands to the United States a secret protocol<br />
was signed obliging the Americans to recognize Danish sovereignty over all <strong>of</strong><br />
Greenland and to force the major powers and international community to accept this.<br />
Wåhlin et al., Færøsk og dansk politik, 1994, 58-59.<br />
133 Wåhlin et al., Færøsk og dansk politik, 84 and 225-26, endnote 34. About the<br />
67
<strong>The</strong> result <strong>of</strong> Norwegian pressure was a treaty which respected some<br />
Norwegian hunting interests in East Greenland. As citizens <strong>of</strong> the Danish<br />
Realm it appeared strange to many Faroese that they could not get access<br />
to West Greenlandic resources. <strong>The</strong> whole situation required new statute<br />
laws concerning hunting and fishing <strong>of</strong>f Greenland. Petitions from<br />
Suðeroy and elsewhere against the Danish-Norwegian Greenland Treaty<br />
forced the Faroese Members <strong>of</strong> Parliament in Copenhagen to threaten to<br />
leave their Venstre-party (the ruling liberal party) if the Faroese claims<br />
were not recognized. <strong>The</strong> home secretary, O. Kragh, then introduced to<br />
Parliament a bill which allowed Faroese fishing out <strong>of</strong> Godthåb (Nuuk)<br />
and Tre Brødre Havn (Sermilik). 134<br />
On 5 July, 1924, the Greenland Treaty was <strong>of</strong>ficially ratified. In<br />
article six <strong>of</strong> the Danish-Icelandic Treaty <strong>of</strong> 1918 mutual and free fishing<br />
rights were guaranteed for Danish (including Faroese) and Icelandic<br />
fishermen in their territorial waters respectively. But Greenlandic waters<br />
were in general still closed to all Danish, Faroese and Icelandic<br />
fishermen.<br />
Since the late 1890s the Faroese had protested about British and<br />
Scottish trawlers fishing too near the Faroese shores. In 1898 the Lagting<br />
even stipulated 12,500 DKK to lease a patrol ship until the Royal Danish<br />
Navy could take over a more strict control. 135 In 1901/03 British-Danish<br />
negotiations resulted in a treaty over the territorial waters better than the<br />
former but still founded on a three nautical miles sea limit.<br />
<strong>The</strong> declining Faroese fishery in local waters in the early 1920s was<br />
followed by renewed political demands to Denmark. <strong>The</strong>se were<br />
primarily an expansion <strong>of</strong> Faroese territorial waters, secondly a more<br />
extensive and vigorously exercised patrolling <strong>of</strong> the territorial waters and<br />
rich fishing banks—especially directed against UK trawlers. 136 <strong>The</strong><br />
Danish government did try, in vain, to get the British government to<br />
accept an extension <strong>of</strong> Faroese territorial waters. An effective extension<br />
<strong>of</strong> patrolling by the Royal Danish Navy was taken into consideration but<br />
Faroese political party system see Mørkøre, ‘Class Interests and Nationalism’, 1991.<br />
134 Steining, ‘Færøerne’ 160-162.<br />
135 For the protests over UK trawlers, Føringatíðindi, 4/8, 1/9,15/12 1898 with reports<br />
from the meetings <strong>of</strong> the Lagting. In its meeting 3 December, 1898, the approbation <strong>of</strong><br />
12,500 DKK was passed and the extension <strong>of</strong> the territorial sea presented to the<br />
government as an urgent claim.<br />
136 Deliberations on the proposition about ‘Færøske Territorialfarvande’ (Faroese<br />
territorial waters), committee report and decision, Lagtingstidende 1924/25, 9-10<br />
September 1924, pp. 138-139.<br />
68
was turned down on financial arguments, and because the maritime<br />
experts found it impracticable. 137<br />
Not one but several factors thus lie behind the Faroese cry in the<br />
autumn <strong>of</strong> 1924 for fishing rights <strong>of</strong>f Greenland.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Greenland Fishery in Faroese Politics in 1924<br />
In the twentieth century Faroese politics has invariably been influenced<br />
by the national line <strong>of</strong> division: close connections with Denmark or<br />
extended autonomy—cultural, economic and political. This national<br />
perspective also influenced the question <strong>of</strong> the fishery <strong>of</strong>f Greenland. Yet<br />
in this particular case the Faroese for once were united: We want to sail<br />
to Greenland. But they disagreed on ways and means.<br />
To establish a solid foundation for discussing Faroese politics in this<br />
respect it has been necessary in this study to ignore the eternal rumbling<br />
<strong>of</strong> the national thunder and to leave out the political power game between<br />
individuals and factions. Those tendencies influence and obscure not<br />
only the debate but also the source material.<br />
From ships in international waters <strong>of</strong>f the Greenlandic west coast in<br />
1923 and 1924 the Færøernes Skipper- og Navigatørforening (<strong>The</strong><br />
Faroese Skipper and Navigator Association) learned about a<br />
prosperous fishery at Greenland. 138 <strong>The</strong> question <strong>of</strong> Faroese fishery <strong>of</strong>f<br />
Greenland was not on the agenda <strong>of</strong> the Lagting at St. Olav’s Day, the<br />
traditional opening day, 29 July 1924. On 10 August the Skipper- og<br />
Navigatørforeningen presented the Fishery Committee <strong>of</strong> the Lagting<br />
with a proposition on the matter especially claiming a permanent land<br />
station on the west coast. 139 <strong>The</strong> Committee extended the proposal in its<br />
report. Most noteworthy was the demand for five permanent land<br />
stations along the coast. <strong>The</strong> local press intervened in the case and it was<br />
soon completely politicized. On 3 September the Fishery Committee<br />
presented its proposals on both the territorial waters and the fishery <strong>of</strong>f<br />
137 Spanner, Færøfiskeriet, 10-11.<br />
138 A Norwegian research vessel passed on reliable information on the rising stocks <strong>of</strong><br />
fish. <strong>The</strong> Norwegian fishing vessel Faustina in a short time fished a full hold on Fylla’s<br />
Bank at Godthåb; cf. Dimmalætting 27 August 27 1924 and Blað Føroya<br />
Fiskimannafelag 15 and 22 August 1924. Grønlands Styrelses arkiv, documents on the<br />
matter, quoted in Spanner, ‘Færøfiskeriet’, 103, endnote 63.<br />
139 <strong>The</strong> proposition is not printed as a supplement to the case in Lagtingstidende. Spanner<br />
found it as an annex to Grønlands Styrelses arkiv 51-1926, Journal 609-1/1924, and<br />
quotes it in ‘Færøfiskeriet’, chapter 3, endnote 7.<br />
69
Greenland. <strong>The</strong> Lagting decided on 10-11 September 1924 on an <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
address to the Danish government on both topics.<br />
<strong>The</strong> main points about the Greenland fishery in the address 140 were as<br />
follows:<br />
a) A recapitulation <strong>of</strong> the first address <strong>of</strong> 1914 meaning that this was<br />
not a new claim but an old one. 141<br />
b) <strong>The</strong> multitude <strong>of</strong> fish <strong>of</strong>f Greenland was not exploited by the<br />
Greenlanders themselves and ought to be utilized, a contention which the<br />
Faroese had advanced for a generation, but in vain. 142<br />
c) <strong>The</strong> fleet <strong>of</strong> fishing vessels numbered about 200, while there were<br />
about 3,000 fishermen. 143<br />
d) <strong>The</strong> relatively small size <strong>of</strong> the sailing vessels and the long<br />
distances—up to 1,700 nautical miles—made it imperative that<br />
permanent land stations should be set up for provisions etc.<br />
e) On board the small ships one could not rinse, salt and store the fish<br />
effectively. It had to be done at land stations with the help <strong>of</strong> a<br />
Greenlandic work force.<br />
f) <strong>The</strong> Greenlanders would then to their own benefit be educated in the<br />
fishing industry.<br />
g) <strong>The</strong> five permanent land stations would be situated at Julianehåb<br />
(Qaqortoq), Frederikshåb (Paamiut), Fiskenæs (Qeqertarsuatsiaat),<br />
Godthåb (Nuuk) and Sukkertoppen (Maniitsoq).<br />
h) As Danish citizens the Faroese ought to have the right to utilize<br />
substantial resources inside areas <strong>of</strong> the realm under the authority <strong>of</strong> the<br />
state.<br />
i) <strong>The</strong> maritime charts <strong>of</strong> the vast and complicated West Greenlandic<br />
territorial seas were inaccurate and outdated, if at all available. <strong>The</strong><br />
Lagting called for the government to print new charts immediately from<br />
the originals in the Søkortarkivet (Hydrographic Department) in<br />
Copenhagen.<br />
140 Text in Lagtingstidende, 1924, 132-34.<br />
141 <strong>The</strong> protests over the British trawlers and the claim <strong>of</strong> a guaranteed territorial sea date<br />
back to the 1890s but so did the considerations about fishing <strong>of</strong>f Greenland, see footnote<br />
10.<br />
142 <strong>The</strong> first application from the Lagting to the Danish government concerning research<br />
about the Greenland fishery dates back to 1897, Føringatíðindi, 16/9 1897, Patursson,<br />
Fiskiveiði, p 258. But more serious steps were first taken in 1910 and 1914.<br />
143 A check in the <strong>of</strong>ficial Skibsregisteret results in only 154 (or 151 or 156) deep-sea<br />
vessels and it is more likely that the number <strong>of</strong> men aboard was 2,500 rather than 3,000,<br />
cf. Patursson, Fiskiveiði, 348, 552 and Spanner, ‘Færøfiskeriet’, 24.<br />
70
A comparison between the proposal <strong>of</strong> the Autonomous Party to the<br />
Fishery Committee <strong>of</strong> the Lagting about extended territorial waters (and<br />
better coast guard inspection) and the parallel committee report about the<br />
fishery <strong>of</strong>f Greenland demonstrates that the Autonomists and their<br />
opponents, the Unionists (Sambandsflokkurin, close union with<br />
Denmark), must have given each other substantial concessions during<br />
the deliberations since a solid majority <strong>of</strong> both the major parties could<br />
vote for this far reaching address to the government in Copenhagen.<br />
Only the leader <strong>of</strong> the Autonomists, Jóannes Patursson, expressed a<br />
substantially different opinion during the debate in the Lagting and in<br />
public. He “did not recognize Denmark’s rights to Greenland” since such<br />
rights alone followed the old Norse landnam “which our forefathers took<br />
in possession”. Two Faroese members <strong>of</strong> the Danish parliament, A.<br />
Samuelsen and O. Effersøe, both Unionists, were accused <strong>of</strong> deserting<br />
both the Historical-Norse and the Faroese interests in the East Greenland<br />
case, i.e. the Greenland Treaty <strong>of</strong> 5 July 1924 with its proposal for a new<br />
general law <strong>of</strong> resource-management, already agreed in principle,<br />
especially about hunting and fishing. In his opinion the Faroese should<br />
have the same right to hunting and fishing in the Greenlandic waters as in<br />
their own territorial sea. No Faroese should apply to the Danish<br />
government for anything that was already his inherited and undisputable<br />
right. Patursson expanded and clarified his points <strong>of</strong> view in articles in<br />
the nationalistic Norwegian Tidens Tegn. <strong>The</strong>re he declared that by the<br />
decisions <strong>of</strong> the Lagting the Faroese had claimed free access to<br />
Greenland and thus the Norwegians and the Faroese had mutual interests<br />
in the Greenland problem. 144 <strong>The</strong>se opinions were not produced for the<br />
occasion. Already in the debates <strong>of</strong> 1918 concerning the new Icelandic<br />
constitution Patursson as Member <strong>of</strong> Parliament in the Landstinget in<br />
Copenhagen expressed the historical arguments and rejected, in vain,<br />
any specific protection <strong>of</strong> Faroese fishing rights in Icelandic waters. So<br />
sure was he <strong>of</strong> the Icelandic goodwill towards their small brother nation<br />
in the future that no guarantee was needed. Interestingly enough, after<br />
the Second World War, the Icelanders actually behaved that way. 145 In<br />
144 With references to Tidens Tegn and the Debate in the Lagting and with direct<br />
quotations from Patursson’s statements, Dimmalætting has covered and summarized the<br />
case, 20 and 28 December 1924. Quotations in Danish, “Jeg anerkender ikke Danmarks<br />
Ret til Grønland”, (landnammet...) “som vore Forfædre tog i Besiddelse”.<br />
145 Steining, Danmark og Island, VI, 403, 409. Already in 1944 with the upheaval <strong>of</strong> the<br />
71
1930/31 Patursson repeated the main historical and national arguments<br />
in a book about Faroese autonomy, where he in a short passage dealing<br />
with the fishery <strong>of</strong>f Greenland wrote, “the Faroese now craved to sail to<br />
Greenland.” 146 <strong>The</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> Greenlanders to the resources were not<br />
taken into consideration by Patursson.<br />
Two main points in the interwar debate were put by Patursson in the<br />
open: firstly the historical position whereby the Faroese by inheritance<br />
from their Old-Norse ancestors had a right to utilize the Greenlandic<br />
resources; secondly the coordination <strong>of</strong> Norwegian and Faroese claims in<br />
the matter directed against the Danish authority, the Danish points <strong>of</strong><br />
view and the protectionist policy on Greenland.<br />
In the event, neither <strong>of</strong> the majorities <strong>of</strong> the two Faroese parties, the<br />
Autonomists and the Unionists, took the link to Norway seriously; on the<br />
contrary, it was generally looked upon as a sort <strong>of</strong> high treason 147 or<br />
fanaticism. Also, the historical argument was at the time rejected as<br />
invalid by the Danish public and government. <strong>The</strong> political majority<br />
played the card <strong>of</strong> being ‘Danish citizens’, with equal rights everywhere<br />
to everybody born in the Danish realm. As demonstrated later it was the<br />
question <strong>of</strong> social need, the difficulties faced by the ordinary Faroese<br />
family dependent on the fishery, that mattered in Denmark. Neither the<br />
historical nor the citizenship arguments were taken seriously in<br />
Copenhagen—and the Norwegians were dealt with at the International<br />
Court in the Hague in 1933. But in a wider perspective Patursson was<br />
Danish-Icelandic Treaty <strong>of</strong> 1918, the Icelanders followed the intension <strong>of</strong> article 6 and<br />
guaranteed the Faroese fishing rights <strong>of</strong>f Iceland.<br />
146 Patursson, Færøsk Selvstyre, the cod was reported in Greenlandic waters and “Nu<br />
vilde færingerne til Grønland”, p. 59. <strong>The</strong> whole intense writing demonstrates, that the<br />
meaning is “urged for”, or “craved”, or “claimed”, while the more direct translation<br />
“wanted to go to Greenland” is to weak. See also Wåhlin et al., Færøsk og dansk politik,<br />
185, 249, endnotes 19-21, 23.<br />
147 During the First World War J. Patursson had been the leader <strong>of</strong> a group <strong>of</strong> nationalists<br />
which, in vain, had tried to get into direct negotiations—behind the back <strong>of</strong> the<br />
authorities—with the British government concerning provisions to the islands. In<br />
1918-20 J. Patursson’s behaviour in the matter was examined by a special committee <strong>of</strong><br />
the parliament especially concerning high treason. As a member <strong>of</strong> parliament himself it<br />
was a serious matter if he was convicted. In the end the majority <strong>of</strong> the commitee let him<br />
<strong>of</strong>f the hook since the case became more and more a political matter than one <strong>of</strong> the law,<br />
cf. Wåhlin et al., Mellem færøsk og dansk politik, passim. A look at French national<br />
reactions during and after the Great War towards anybody daring to make direct contact<br />
with the enemy, or the Italian reaction after the political take-over by the Fascists etc.,<br />
shows that Patursson from the First World War and onwards played a tough game with<br />
Danish patience.<br />
72
ight. <strong>The</strong> historical argument became more valid over time with the<br />
growth <strong>of</strong> Faroese self-esteem.<br />
<strong>The</strong> larger Faroese merchant and shipping companies doubted the<br />
long-term possibilities and asked for more precise maritime research<br />
statements before they would risk any large-scale investments in a<br />
Greenlandic adventure. 148 <strong>The</strong> fishermen’s organization warned their<br />
members <strong>of</strong> the danger <strong>of</strong> being used against their own interests and to<br />
the benefit <strong>of</strong> the Norwegians if they looked for a berth on Norwegian<br />
fishing vessels. 149<br />
It was not the place <strong>of</strong> Faroese fishermen to earn<br />
money for Norwegian capitalists. In Copenhagen leading Conservative<br />
newspapers, Berlingske Tidende and Nationaltidende, commented<br />
positively on the Faroese address, but at the same time expressed the<br />
belief that the Greenlandic resources in general ought to be protected and<br />
reserved for the benefit <strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders. 150<br />
<strong>The</strong> two newly erected Greenlandic country councils were asked in<br />
1925 about the Faroese propositions in connection with the legal<br />
preparations for the law <strong>of</strong> resource-management in Greenland. <strong>The</strong><br />
opinion up north was not in favour <strong>of</strong> the Faroese but this is not central to<br />
the present study.<br />
With the Fishery Committee’s report and many other statements as<br />
annexes, the Lagting finally made a short formal address to the<br />
government in Copenhagen as follows:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Lagting applies to the government concerning Faroese cutters that a permit may<br />
be issued allowing them:<br />
- to carry out fishing in Greenland,<br />
- to establish land-stations on the said places mentioned in the annexed<br />
committee report,<br />
- to get access to the existing chart material over Greenlandic waters, and<br />
- to get access—after negotiations with the (Royal Greenlandic) Trade—for the<br />
Faroese to manufacture the catch on land and eventually to employ a Greenlandic<br />
workforce (to this end). 151<br />
148<br />
<strong>The</strong> Suðeroy newsletter Føroya Tíðindi with close connections to the leading<br />
shipping companies in an article ‘Grønlandsfiskeriet’, 30 December 1924, expressed<br />
such opinions.<br />
149<br />
‘Hvat kemur úr Grønlandsspurginum’, Blað Føroya Fiskimannafelag, 9 January<br />
1925.<br />
150<br />
Quotations from the public debate in Copenhagen, Spanner ‘Færøfiskeriet’, 28.<br />
151<br />
Lagtingstidende 1924, 134: “Lagtinget andrager hos Regeringen om, at der maa blive<br />
udvirket Tilladelse for færøske Kuttere til - at drive Fiskeri i Grønland, - at etablere<br />
Stationer i Land paa de i foranstaaende Betænkning nævnte Steder, - at man faar Adgang<br />
til det Kortmateriale, som findes over grønlandske Farvande og, - at der efter<br />
73
All the major elements in the Faroese political conflict about<br />
Greenlandic fishery before 1938/39 were already on the table in the late<br />
1924 presented by the press, in the committee report <strong>of</strong> the Lagting and<br />
by J. Patursson.<br />
Greenlandic Resource-Management<br />
<strong>The</strong> Law Concerning Fishery, Catching and Hunting <strong>of</strong> 1925<br />
<strong>The</strong> old Royal Charter <strong>of</strong> 1776 and its later clarifications and<br />
amendments upheld a general prohibition on sailing in Greenland’s<br />
territorial sea and in principle closed the waters to anybody but the<br />
Greenlanders. Taking into consideration the huge areas to supervise and<br />
the difficult sailing conditions these regulations were more <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
statements <strong>of</strong> intent than daily practice even if they were internationally<br />
recognized.<br />
<strong>The</strong> 1924 compromise on East Greenland with the Norwegians made<br />
it imperative that new regulations for resource management in Greenland<br />
be issued. From 1924 different departments and ministries <strong>of</strong> state<br />
worked hard on this matter and on 29 October 1924 the home secretary in<br />
parliament announced the content <strong>of</strong> a bill on the matter soon to be<br />
proposed. 152 <strong>The</strong> Faroese address <strong>of</strong> 1924 was directed to the<br />
committees <strong>of</strong> the central administration dealing with this matter, but<br />
little attention was paid to its suggestions. 153<br />
In Article 1 <strong>of</strong> the first draft from the Admiralty (Marineministeriet)<br />
some considerations about a Faroese fishery <strong>of</strong>f Greenland were actually<br />
taken but that was soon turned down by the Greenlandic Department.<br />
Following the old protectionistic line the department would only<br />
consider an opening for scientific and cultural research on dispensation<br />
but rejected any real commercial exploitation. 154<br />
Forhandling med Handelsstyrelsen skabes Adgang for Færinger til at tilvirke Fangsten i<br />
Land og eventuelt udnytte grønlandsk Arbejdskraft.”<br />
152 Folketingstidende 1924/25, 29 October 1924, column 923 f, Home Secretary, Hauge,<br />
under the debate on the budget for 1925 announced the Greenland Resource Management<br />
law along with a completion <strong>of</strong> the law about two representative and democratically<br />
elected Greenland country councils, see also Rigsdagsårbogen 1924/25, 152f.<br />
153 In the Faroese view <strong>of</strong> the matter it has been said, that their proposals were not dealt<br />
with at all in Denmark. That is not true—the arguments simply did not convince the civil<br />
service in the central administration., cf. Rigsdagsårbogen 1924/25, 152f.<br />
154 <strong>The</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial answer <strong>of</strong> 22 January 1925 from the Home Office (Indenrigsministeriet)<br />
to Lagtinget is not printed in the Lagtingstidende (but was soon known and referred to by<br />
the Faroese press). Spanner, ‘Færøfiskeriet’, 33 and endnote 35, has found and quoted a<br />
copy in Rigsarkivet, Grønlands Styrelses arkiv, 51/1926, journal 609/1924. <strong>The</strong> letter<br />
74
<strong>The</strong> proposals were deliberated in Parliament in 1925. <strong>The</strong><br />
spokesman <strong>of</strong> the Conservatives, Halfdan Hendriksen, reminded the<br />
politicians about the Faroese wishes in the matter. <strong>The</strong> minister, Hauge,<br />
argued that this had been taken into consideration under the preliminary<br />
committee work.<br />
In the spring <strong>of</strong> 1925 the Faroese case and the resource management<br />
issue were brought before the Greenlandic Councils in a very restricted<br />
form by the Greenlandic Department. <strong>The</strong> Danish council leaders<br />
(landfogederne, the ‘sheriffs’) eased the way but Greenlandic opinions<br />
were hostile to the Faroese requests. <strong>The</strong> Southern Council accepted<br />
Ravns Storø as a more permanent land base and agreed that Greenlanders<br />
working on fishing vessels were to be trained as fishermen. <strong>The</strong> <strong>North</strong>ern<br />
Council was more restrictive and stated in its response that not just the<br />
fiords and the waters inside the outer skerries and the three nautical miles<br />
<strong>of</strong> territorial sea should stay restricted for outsiders but that the banks in<br />
international waters were also <strong>of</strong> primary interest to the Greenlanders. 155<br />
<strong>The</strong> law followed many <strong>of</strong> these intentions. Article 2 stated that:<br />
<strong>The</strong> right to catching, fishery and hunting in Greenlandic waters is exclusively<br />
preserved for native Greenlanders and others in Greenland inhabited Danish subjects<br />
and for those, to whom the Home Secretary will issue special permits according to<br />
the hitherto existing regulations (Article 11 specifies the East Greenlandic exceptions<br />
for 20 years to the Norwegians, Icelanders and Danes). 156<br />
Former prime minister Zahle, in the deliberations in the Folketing,<br />
expressed the hope that some Danish and Faroese fishermen could be<br />
stationed at Greenland to train the Greenlanders in more efficient fishing<br />
techniques. In the Landsting the Faroese propositions were mentioned<br />
gave no real concession except extended rights to take in fresh water, and mentioned that<br />
the coming Greenlandic country councils ought to be consulted in the matter.<br />
155 <strong>The</strong> Greenlandic responses were characterized by such formulations as: the resources<br />
must be preserved for “the country’s own children” (Landets egne Børn),—or: fishery<br />
inside the outer skerries and in the sea-territory “belongs to the Greenlandic population<br />
alone” (tilkommer den grønlandske Befolkning), cf. Beretninger og Kundgørelser om<br />
Grønland, 1926, 436f (Sydgrønlands Landsraads behandling, 1925, pkt. 8) and 457f,<br />
(Nordgrønlands Landsraads møde, 1925, pkt. 3).<br />
156 “§ 2. Ret til at drive Fangst, Fiskeri og Jagt i Grønlandske Farvande er udelukkende<br />
forbeholdt indfødte Grønlændere og andre i Grønland bosatte danske Undersaatter samt<br />
dem, som Indenrigsministeren meddeler særlig Tilladelse dertil efter de hidtil gældende<br />
Regler”. <strong>The</strong> law is printed in full and with comments from the committee reports in<br />
Rigsdagsaarbog, 1925, 153-160.<br />
75
and the Home Secretary promised Parliament that according to the<br />
Greenlandic concessions in the matter he would use his power to<br />
adjudicate on Article 2,1 <strong>of</strong> the law to promote some Faroese fishing <strong>of</strong>f<br />
Greenland. 157<br />
<strong>The</strong> law was passed and confirmed in the same year. <strong>The</strong> Norwegians<br />
got the regulations for their limited hunting concessions in East<br />
Greenland. In general the old protectionistic line was upheld but<br />
clarified. Dispensations could only be obtained for each ship individually<br />
for one year at a time and by direct permission from the ministry. <strong>The</strong><br />
penalties for breaking the law were in principle confiscation <strong>of</strong> the catch<br />
and gear and in severe cases even confiscation <strong>of</strong> the ship followed by<br />
heavy fines <strong>of</strong> up to 10,000-20,000 DKK.<br />
Yet there was a small gap following the Greenlandic concessions.<br />
Danish (and Faroese as Danish citizens) and a few Icelandic fishing<br />
vessels were permitted a land station for provisions etc. at Ravns Storø<br />
(Takisup Qeqertarsua) and a few Greenlanders could work in the fishing<br />
industry, but only at the same wages as Faroese fishermen there. This<br />
first concession only dealt with Danish, Faroese and Icelandic vessels<br />
fishing in the Davis Strait in international waters but in need <strong>of</strong> a land<br />
station. Ravns Storø is situated some 70 nautical miles from the<br />
promising Fylla’s Bank out <strong>of</strong> Godthåb, so the practical use <strong>of</strong> the land<br />
base was not that effective.<br />
On the Faroe Islands Tingakrossur followed the Autonomous line by<br />
declaring that the Greenlandic councils were nothing but a mouthpiece<br />
for the Danish civil service. <strong>The</strong> unionist newspaper, Dimmalætting,<br />
countered the Tingakrossur and its suggestion regarding a closer<br />
Faroese-Norwegian cooperation on the Greenland fishery.<br />
In the fishing season <strong>of</strong> 1925 several Faroese took the long journey to<br />
West Greenland. In spite <strong>of</strong> poor weather conditions they got good<br />
catches. <strong>The</strong> schooner Agnes with a crew <strong>of</strong> 28 loaded a full hold <strong>of</strong><br />
35,000 cod.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Greenland fishery was discussed again in the Lagting in August<br />
1925. According to the Fishery Commitee:<br />
157 Rigsdagaarbog, 1925, 159, summary <strong>of</strong> the deliberations in Parliament about the<br />
Faroese wishes in the matter.<br />
76
– it was a considerable obstacle to a prosperous fishery at Greenland that the fishing<br />
vessels had to fish solely in international waters since the banks and so the fish were<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten situated inside the territorial limit; likewise the hard weather was a serious<br />
hindrance to any fishing as it was frustrating that the small sailing vessels were<br />
allowed neither to seek shelter in the easier water inside the skerries nor to fish there;<br />
– the protectionist line was acceptable concerning modern steam-trawlers; they<br />
should be excluded from any fishery in the skerries and in the sea-territory;<br />
– bait was also a problem, especially angmagssak (lodde, capelin) which appeared in<br />
some abundance in the skerries and ought to be available to the fishermen; finally<br />
– it was essential that the Faroese should be allowed to fish with handlines near the<br />
coast from smaller boats situated at the landbases. This was similar to the way many<br />
Faroese fishermen in the season had their smaller boats transported to and from the<br />
shores <strong>of</strong> Iceland aboard larger vessels. 158<br />
Extension <strong>of</strong> the Greenland Fishery by Law, 1927<br />
Naturally the Faroese were not satisfied with the very limited<br />
concessions in the letter from the Home Office <strong>of</strong> February 1926. <strong>The</strong><br />
public debate on the islands and the political considerations were<br />
summed up by the Lagting in their report on the matter during the<br />
autumn <strong>of</strong> 1926. <strong>The</strong> Faroese had not obtained the right to fish in the<br />
Greenlandic territorial sea. <strong>The</strong>y had only been given access to one<br />
permanent land station, and not a very well situated one (Ravns Storø),<br />
instead <strong>of</strong> the five they had requested. <strong>The</strong> skerries had not been opened<br />
for inshore handline fishing and no one had seen anything <strong>of</strong> the new and<br />
better charts <strong>of</strong> the Greenlandic waters.<br />
In accordance with its former argument the Lagting considered ‘Tre<br />
Brødre Havn’ (Sermilik) and ‘Hollænderhavn’ were far better situated,<br />
only 12-20 nautical miles from the promising banks and in easier waters.<br />
<strong>The</strong> skippers fishing up there in1926 had been questioned and only four<br />
out <strong>of</strong> 13 vessels had used the facilities at Ravns Storø while 12 out <strong>of</strong> the<br />
13 ships had returned with a full hold. Beyond any doubt the fishery <strong>of</strong>f<br />
West Greenland had proved its potential. <strong>The</strong> general public and all the<br />
parties in the Lagting were united in their clamour for a broadening <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Faroese fishery <strong>of</strong>f Greenland. With many annexes the Lagting issued an<br />
urgent address to the government as follows:<br />
158 <strong>The</strong> deliberations and the committee reports <strong>of</strong> the Lagting <strong>of</strong> 19 September 1925<br />
along with the shorter proposals to the Government <strong>of</strong> 28 October 1925, in<br />
Lagtingstidende, Annex (bilag) 19, 1-3. <strong>The</strong> response <strong>of</strong> 11 February 1926 from the<br />
Ministery <strong>of</strong> the Interior (Home Office) is printed in the Lagtingstidende, 1925, 139-42,<br />
which includes a summary <strong>of</strong> the permissions and regulations for the utilization <strong>of</strong> the<br />
land station on Ravns Storø.<br />
77
1) In recognition <strong>of</strong> the concessions given to the Faroese fishermen at Greenland the<br />
Lagting has to withhold its decisions <strong>of</strong> 1924 and 1925 and must express the wish and<br />
hope that the government after renewed considerations in full will comply with the<br />
wishes <strong>of</strong> the Lagting and by this with those <strong>of</strong> the Faroese population.<br />
2) <strong>The</strong> Lagting applies to the ministry on being informed about the statements that<br />
last year were pronounced by the Greenlandic councils in response to the wishes<br />
expressed by the Faroe Islands in this case. 159<br />
In Copenhagen the Social Democratic government and the central<br />
administration took the Faroese claims much more seriously this time.<br />
With broad acceptance both in the public and the political world,<br />
Parliament issued a new law, to run for one year but with a clear<br />
possibility <strong>of</strong> extension if successful.<br />
<strong>The</strong> well situated and secure natural harbour <strong>of</strong> ‘Færingehavn’<br />
(Kangerluarsoruseq) near the mouth <strong>of</strong> Buksefjorden and the rich Fylla’s<br />
Bank was equipped and opened and immediately became a success. <strong>The</strong><br />
territorial sea <strong>of</strong>f the skerries was opened for inshore fishing with<br />
handline and longline but not for trawlers. <strong>The</strong> season was stipulated as<br />
three months.<br />
<strong>The</strong> debate in the Rigsdagen demonstrated that what mattered was not<br />
the many Faroese arguments but public awareness <strong>of</strong> the real social and<br />
economic problems <strong>of</strong> the ordinary families <strong>of</strong> the Islands. <strong>The</strong> real<br />
obstacle for the Faroese case lay in Grønlands Styrelse (<strong>The</strong> Greenlandic<br />
Department) which always had had much more power than the few and<br />
divided pro-Faroese civil servants in the central administration. <strong>The</strong><br />
other serious problem lay in the rising self-consciousness <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Greenlanders expressed by their country councils who more and more<br />
vigorously opposed any interference in what they viewed as their special<br />
rights to the natural resources. In 1928 both the Greenlandic councils<br />
voted against prolonging the 1927 concessions to the Faroese. 160<br />
159 Committee report and caucus considerations on the address to the government, finally<br />
accepted unanimously 29 September 1926, Lagtingstidende, 1926, annex 73, 143-45.<br />
160 In Lagtingstidende 1927, annex 62, 131-32 and committee report, annex 15,<br />
185/1927 ‘Fisketørring i Grønland’, 1-2, are expressed recognitions <strong>of</strong> the achieved<br />
results but at the same time is demonstrated the immediate pressure for further<br />
concessions about installations for drying the fish and the use <strong>of</strong> a Greenlandic workforce<br />
to that end. <strong>The</strong> Home Secretary presented to Parliament in the spring <strong>of</strong> 1927 a law<br />
about the matter and urged for swift deliberation and prompt acceptance. Parliament<br />
responded accordingly and access to the territorial sea, better harbours, new charts etc.<br />
was confirmed by law. Only Danish (Faroese) and Icelandic fishing was allowed and no<br />
78
<strong>The</strong> Provisional Laws concerning the Greenlandic Fishery, 1928-1937<br />
<strong>The</strong> law <strong>of</strong> May 1927 was formulated in such a way that it had to be<br />
renewed every year while the Home Secretary annually had to secure his<br />
rights by dispensation to allow a restricted fishery etc. in the Greenlandic<br />
territorial sea. Even though it was a problem for shipowners to apply<br />
every year at the ministry for fishing rights <strong>of</strong>f Greenland for the coming<br />
season, the same procedure led to the exertion <strong>of</strong> constant Faroese<br />
pressure by the two Faroese M.P.s in Parliament each year. <strong>The</strong> Lagting<br />
formulated the issues and the M.P.s presented them to the two houses in<br />
Copenhagen.<br />
In 1928 the Lagting promoted a proposition from the Færøernes<br />
Skipper- og Navigatørforening (the skipper association) who wanted an<br />
extension <strong>of</strong> the inshore fishery into the prolific long fiords, but it was<br />
turned down by the ministry. In 1929 the Lagting, in vain, applied for<br />
another real harbour for larger vessels further up north, but in 1935 the<br />
proposition was accepted and the harbour at Tovkussak between<br />
Maniitsoq (Sukkertoppen) and Nuuk (Godthåb) was opened. Only a few<br />
vessels used it, so the harbour was closed again in 1938. In 1931, after<br />
constant Faroese pressure, the limits for fishing in the territorial sea were<br />
extended from 62 , 40´ to 65 , 15´ north (from out <strong>of</strong> Ravns Storø up to<br />
out <strong>of</strong> Sukkertoppen, Maniitsoq). In 1933 Faroese fishermen were<br />
allowed to fish inshore waters directly from Færinghavn with small<br />
boats.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Faroese policy was effective and clear: constant demands and<br />
persistent pressure brought results in Greenlandic waters. 161<br />
<strong>The</strong> Faroese Get their Way; the Greenland-Agreement <strong>of</strong> 1938-39<br />
trawlers. <strong>The</strong> area reached from Ravns Storø to Håbets Ø (out <strong>of</strong> Godthåb, Nuuk). <strong>The</strong><br />
Faroese M.P., A. Samuelsen, was a good advocate for his national case and ensured that<br />
the major points <strong>of</strong> the Lagting’s propositions were pushed through. Folketingstidende, 4<br />
May 1927, column 5283 ff. <strong>The</strong> law was extended nearly unchanged in 1928,<br />
Rigsdagsårbogen 1926/27 p 249f and 1927/28 p 155; laws <strong>of</strong> 30 May 1927 and 4 April<br />
1928, Lovtidende C, nr. 127 (all further references in the Rigsdagsårbogen, to debates<br />
etc.).<br />
161 Cf. the yearly Committee reports and addresses from the Lagting printed in<br />
Lagtingtidende 1928-37. <strong>The</strong> essential reports, deliberations and decisions are quoted<br />
and reprinted in the major report <strong>of</strong> the Lagting, 1938, ‘Grønlandsmál’. <strong>The</strong> deliberations<br />
and laws <strong>of</strong> parliament 1928-38 are summarized annually and the new articles are printed<br />
in the Rigsdagårbogen, subjects: ‘Grønland’, ‘Færøerne’, ‘Fiskeri’ in the index.<br />
79
In 1938 the Fishery Committee <strong>of</strong> the Lagting issued a major political<br />
report on the whole case <strong>of</strong> Faroese fishery <strong>of</strong>f Greenland from 1924 to<br />
1938. In spite <strong>of</strong> the many advantages for the Faroese (which <strong>of</strong>ten meant<br />
disadvantages in the long run for the Greenlanders) the committee with<br />
regret concluded: “<strong>The</strong> concessions that the Faroese have obtained in<br />
Greenland in the last 15 years have not been substantial, [on the contrary<br />
...] recently a considerable reduction in the Faroese rights in Greenland<br />
has taken place and the Faroese have thus more difficult conditions to<br />
work under than before.” 162 <strong>The</strong> last complaint concerns the opening in<br />
1937 <strong>of</strong> Færingehavn by the Danish government to the ships <strong>of</strong> other<br />
nations.<br />
<strong>The</strong> report was accepted unanimously by the Lagting. <strong>The</strong> claim <strong>of</strong><br />
extended access to Greenlandic harbours and fishing banks was then<br />
routine. <strong>The</strong> real novelty was the decision <strong>of</strong> naming a Faroese<br />
committee consisting <strong>of</strong> respected members from the Lagting, from the<br />
leading commercial organizations and from the fishermen’s union to<br />
meet with prime minister Stauning and his staff. <strong>The</strong> government<br />
accepted the negotiations which took place 23-30 January 1939 in<br />
Copenhagen.<br />
<strong>The</strong> deliberations included all the major problems, both Greenlandic<br />
and Faroese, and the minutes were published.<strong>The</strong> Faroese case was<br />
summarized as follows:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Faroese fishing cutters have for many years sailed in great numbers to Greenland<br />
for the cod fishery. <strong>The</strong> reason for this has been hard necessity; the fishery around the<br />
Faroe Islands is in practice insignificant as a result <strong>of</strong> the activity <strong>of</strong> foreign trawlers,<br />
and the Icelandic fishery has been constantly in decline due to the failure <strong>of</strong> the fish<br />
stock. <strong>The</strong> fishing <strong>of</strong>f Greenland has then been the sole fishery which could sustain<br />
the trade and every year in the months <strong>of</strong> May-June some 80 to 100 smaller vessels<br />
sail from the Faroe Island to Greenland for the fishery. <strong>The</strong> crews <strong>of</strong> the ships amount<br />
to some 2,500 or even 3,000 men, nearly half <strong>of</strong> the grown male population.—<strong>The</strong><br />
Faroese cod fishery takes place under extraordinary difficult and dangerous<br />
conditions for the fishermen. <strong>The</strong> ships and gear which are at hand for the Faroese<br />
are mostly old and fragile. <strong>The</strong> distance from the Faroe Islands to the main land<br />
station in Greenland, the Færingehavn, is <strong>of</strong> some 1,700 nautical miles. <strong>The</strong> coastline<br />
162 <strong>The</strong> opening pages <strong>of</strong> the Committee report <strong>of</strong> the Lagting, Lagtingssag VI-I/1938,<br />
annex 7, Lagtingstidende 1938. ‘Grønlandsmál’, 1-31. Quotation in Danish: “...de<br />
Indrømmelser, Færingerne har opnaaet i Grønland i de svundne 15 Aar, ikke har været<br />
store, (tværtimod hedder det videre, at) der i den sidste Tid er sket en betydelig<br />
Indskrænkning i de færøske Rettigheder i Grønland, og at Færingerne saaledes har faaet<br />
vanskeligere Kaar at arbejde under end tidligere.”<br />
80
along which the fishery is carried out has a length <strong>of</strong> about 500 nautical miles. Under<br />
a stay <strong>of</strong> several months in these waters with their innumerable dangers <strong>of</strong> ice, fog,<br />
storms, skerries, and with only a few remedies for the navigation the Faroese have<br />
just one solid base, the Færingehavn. Since 1927 the Faroese have been allowed to<br />
fish inside the three nautical miles’ limits, but this access to fish near the skerries in<br />
itself contains extra dangers threatening the ships in this yet insufficiently charted<br />
water.—<strong>The</strong> Faroese population under these circumstances has the greatest interests<br />
in the implementation <strong>of</strong> alterations to the existing order to promote greater security<br />
to the Faroese fishermen concerning human life and equipment. Furthermore, the<br />
Faroese side expresses the strongest <strong>of</strong> wishes to obtain such adaptions concerning<br />
the access to those grounds where the cod at a given time may be found that the<br />
Faroese vessels can return with the highest possible pr<strong>of</strong>it from the work <strong>of</strong> the<br />
season. 163<br />
<strong>The</strong> Greenlandic Department expressed sympathy for the Faroese<br />
proposals. But only as far as it could be exercised without endangering<br />
163 <strong>The</strong> considerations were open and put forward in mutual respect. In a condensed<br />
version the minutes from the proceedings were printed in Rigsdagstidende, Tillæg A<br />
(Annex A, reports etc.), column 4655ff. <strong>The</strong> Faroese report is printed in Lagtingstidende,<br />
1938, as ‘Grønlandsmál’. A summary <strong>of</strong> the Faroese opinions and those <strong>of</strong> the Grønlands<br />
Styrelse on behalf <strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders is printed in Rigsdagsårbogen, 1938/39 129-130.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Faroese arguments (English translation in the main text) in Danish are as follows:<br />
“Naar de færøske Fiskekuttere nu i en Aarrække i stort Antal har søgt til Grønland for at<br />
drive Torskefiskeri, maa Grunden hertil søges i den haarde Nødvendighed; Fiskeriet<br />
omkring Færøerne er praktisk talt betydningsløst som Følge af de udenlandske Trawleres<br />
Virksomhed, og Islandsfiskeriet har været i stadig Tilbagegang paa Grund af<br />
Fiskebestandenes Svigten. Grønlandsfiskeriet har da været det eneste Fiskeri, som kunde<br />
give Erhvervet Eksistensmulighed, og der gaar hvert Aar i Maj-Juni 80 á 100<br />
Smaafartøjer fra Færøerne til Grønland paa Fiskeri. De har en samlet Besætning paa<br />
omkring 2 500 eller helt op til 3 000 Mand, næsten Halvdelen af den voksne mandlige<br />
Befolkning. — Det færøske Torskefiskeri foregaar imidlertid under overordentlig<br />
vanskelige og farefulde Forhold for Fiskerne. Det Skibsmateriel, Færingerne raader<br />
over, er for den overvejende Del gammelt og lidet modstandsdygtigt. Afstanden fra<br />
Færøerne til Færingernes Hovedstation ved Grønland, Færingehavnen, er ca. 1 700<br />
Sømil. Kysten, langs hvilken Fiskeriet foregaar, har en Udstrækning af ca. 500 Sømil.<br />
Under Maaneders Ophold i dette Farvand med dets utallige Farer, Is, Taage, Storme,<br />
Skær med faa Hjælpemidler for Navigationen, har Færingerne kun eet fast Støttepunkt,<br />
Færingerhavnen. Der er vel siden 1927 givet Færingerne Adgang til paa en ca. 150<br />
Sømil lang Strækning at fiske inden for 3 Mile-Grænsen, men denne Adgang til at fiske<br />
inden for Skærene indeholder i sig selv forøgede Farer, der truer Skibene i dette, endnu<br />
mangelfuldt kortlagte Farvand. — Den færøske Befolkning har under disse Forhold den<br />
allerstørste Interesse i at faa gennemført Ændringer i den bestaaende Ordning, der kan<br />
hjælpe til at give de færøske Fiskere større Sikkerhed for Mennesker og Materiel. Man<br />
nærer desuden fra færøsk Side de stærkeste Ønsker om at faa saadanne Lempelser med<br />
Hensyn til Adgangen til de Steder, hvor Torsken til enhver Tid findes, at de færøske<br />
Skibe kan hjemføre det bedst mulige Udbytte af Arbejdet i Sæsonen”.<br />
81
the existing and future utilization <strong>of</strong> the resources by the Greenlanders<br />
could the Faroese request be met. <strong>The</strong> inshore fishery was in principle<br />
Greenlandic and no foreign fishery in the fiords could be allowed. <strong>The</strong><br />
hunting, especially the sealing, had to be protected. Just as the Faroese<br />
had to fight for a living so had the Greenlanders. In general Greenland<br />
and its inhabitants should be protected against a direct encounter with<br />
foreigners and all economic contacts ought still to go through the hands<br />
<strong>of</strong> the monopoly <strong>of</strong> the Royal Greenlandic Trade. No economic burden in<br />
the matter must be laid on the shoulders <strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders. In the<br />
inshore fishery as well as that on the territorial sea the Faroese had to<br />
avoid any danger <strong>of</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> the marine resources, i. e. to use hand<br />
line and long line but no trawlers.<br />
In the end the Faroese delegation obtained nearly all <strong>of</strong> its major<br />
points in a paper called ‘Grønlandstraktaten’ (the Greenland Treaty),<br />
which the prime minister, Stauning, promised to present to the<br />
Rigsdagen as an amendment to a statute law and to see that it was<br />
confirmed and issued the same year. <strong>The</strong> major points were:<br />
1) <strong>The</strong> harbours <strong>of</strong> Tovkussak to the north and Ravns Storø to the south<br />
were reopened and equipped under similar conditions to that <strong>of</strong><br />
Færingehavn and a new harbour further north ‘Færinge Nordhavn’<br />
(Kangeq, between Holsteinsborg and Egedesminde) was established.<br />
2) Inshore fishing (but not in the fiords) with smaller boats stationed at<br />
the harbours and fishing inside the skerries with hand and long line was<br />
allowed.<br />
3) Fishing from smacks, cutters etc. (but no trawling) in the three<br />
nautical miles sea territory (but not inside the skerries) was permitted<br />
from Arsuk in the south (a little north <strong>of</strong> Ivigtut) to Attu in the north<br />
(north <strong>of</strong> Nordre Færingehavn)—or at all the rich banks in what was<br />
regarded as Danish-Greenlandic territory south <strong>of</strong> Disko Island.<br />
4) Rinsing, salting, drying and storing <strong>of</strong> fish could be handled at the<br />
land stations, while the vessels were fishing, so the season could be most<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>itably utilized and the value <strong>of</strong> the catch be maximised.<br />
A broad majority in Parliament carried the law through with only<br />
minor corrections and even the few doubters abstained. On 6 March<br />
1939, Parliament passed the law and later the same month it was<br />
published. 164 <strong>The</strong> news was welcomed on the Faroe Islands. In the 1939<br />
164 Folketingstidende 1938/39, columns 4304 ff and 4481 ff. Landstingstidende 1939,<br />
deliberations 7-10 March 1939, columns 1224f, 1340f, 1431 f, confirmation 15 March,<br />
1939, Lovtidende C, nr. 84 1939. Rigsdagsårbogen 1938/39, 128. <strong>The</strong> Greenland<br />
82
season the weather was not favourable and the outcome that year <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fishery was not as positive as the expectations.<br />
Through the 1930s the Faroese had with good reason protested about<br />
conditions in Greenland, for instance the lack <strong>of</strong> modern repair facilities<br />
for ships at Færøhavn, better lighting and the need for a small hospital<br />
there etc. <strong>The</strong> hospital was built in 1937. 165 Anyway, in spite <strong>of</strong> all<br />
obstacles, Table II and III demonstrate how much the opening <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Greenlandic waters meant to the Faroe Nation in the Inter-War Years.<br />
That opening was due to Danish goodwill and understanding <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Faroese problems which <strong>of</strong>ten came into conflict with considerations,<br />
which were just as reasonable, for the welfare <strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders.<br />
In the Second World War, the British occupation <strong>of</strong> the Faroe Islands<br />
and the German occupation <strong>of</strong> Denmark divided the two peoples for five<br />
years. Under great dangers and huge casualties in life and shipment the<br />
Faroese once again fished the nearby banks and sold the catch to Britain.<br />
Nobody in five years thought <strong>of</strong> fishing <strong>of</strong>f Greenland.<br />
Conclusion<br />
In the 15 years between the first Faroese claims to fishing rights <strong>of</strong>f<br />
Greenland and 1939 we have seen an unusual political unanimity on the<br />
matter among the Faroese. Already in 1924 most <strong>of</strong> the major points had<br />
been put forward: (1) there was cod <strong>of</strong>f Greenland, (2) the fishery at<br />
Iceland was diminishing, (3) the Danish-Norwegian Greenland Treaty<br />
provoked Danish subjects (i.e. the Faroese), (4) the Faroese fishing fleet<br />
was outdated, (5) the historical-popular arguments <strong>of</strong> Patursson, (6) the<br />
deterioration <strong>of</strong> the home fishery. To those arguments were added only<br />
two; first, that the world crisis after 1930 really hit the fish industry;<br />
second, that some sort <strong>of</strong> occupation had to be found for the small-boat<br />
fishermen (and that could be obtained from land stations in Greenland).<br />
Political and public opinion in Denmark took the constantly<br />
worsening economic situation <strong>of</strong> the ordinary Faroese families very<br />
councils had to be consulted before a date for the practice <strong>of</strong> the law could be stipulated,<br />
finally it was announced to 1 July, 1939. It became more difficult than anticipated to get<br />
the approval <strong>of</strong> the Greenlandic councils in the spring <strong>of</strong> 1939, but in the end they gave in<br />
to the united pressure <strong>of</strong> the ‘sheriffs’ (Danish chairmen <strong>of</strong> the councils) and Grønlands<br />
Styrelse.<br />
165 Many <strong>of</strong> the calamities and miserable conditions for the Faroese fishermen at<br />
Greenland are dealt with by E. Patursson, Fiskiveiði, 265-293. He does not mention that<br />
the Faroese, against strong Greenland protests, in 1939 achieved what they for many<br />
years had fought for and got it with the broadest possible backing from Denmark.<br />
83
seriously. <strong>The</strong> issue was given more consideration because the Faroese<br />
for once were united in a cause: ‘we want to fish <strong>of</strong>f Greenland’. But at<br />
the same time there was a broad understanding <strong>of</strong> the responsibilities<br />
Denmark had towards the Greenlanders and their welfare.<br />
Balancing the reasonable and contradictory Faroese and Greenlandic<br />
interests in the matter became a major political issue for the government,<br />
which had to act under rising Greenlandic self-consciousness and<br />
protests.<br />
Sources<br />
Many documents from the Danish ministries and departments—and most <strong>of</strong> the essential<br />
papers on Faroese fishing rights—are published in the Faroese printed minutes from the<br />
Lagting (the county council), Lagtingstidende, dating back to the nineteenth century.<br />
Checks in the Archives <strong>of</strong> the Realm (Rigsarkivet) prove the accuracy <strong>of</strong> these<br />
publications. In his unpublished MA thesis ‘Færøfiskeriet ved Grønland’, 1982, Søren<br />
Spanner demonstrates this after a painstaking search in the Rigsarkivet. Since this article<br />
deals with the Faroese politics in the matter and only secondarily with the more general<br />
Danish administration and politics and the Greenlandic angle I have found it legitimate in<br />
general to build primarily on Faroese sources and Danish published governmental and<br />
parliamentary material.<br />
84
<strong>The</strong> major points in the debate were discussed in the Danish parliament during the<br />
preparations, debates, votings, and committee deliberations concerning the necessary<br />
legal foundations for the step by step alterations in the governmental politics about<br />
Faroese fishing at Greenland and in the parallel actions <strong>of</strong> the central administration. This<br />
has been followed by a thorough investigation <strong>of</strong> the published parliamentary minutes<br />
and committee reports in the Rigsdagtidende, for the lower chamber in the<br />
Folketingstidende, for the upper chamber in the Landstingstidende, and for the final laws<br />
in the “Tillæg C” (Supplement, C) <strong>of</strong> the Rigsdagstidende.<br />
<strong>The</strong> statistics <strong>of</strong> Faroese fishing have in general been extracted by a year by year<br />
(1920-1939) study <strong>of</strong> the reliable, <strong>of</strong>ficial Statistisk Aarbog (Statistical Yearbook). Other<br />
figures have been checked there and the sources are referred to in the footnotes. Based on<br />
the extensive Statistiske Meddelelser, 4. Række (series), Fiskeriberetninger 1911-1939,<br />
and Vedel Tåning, Fiskeri- og Havundersøgelser ved Færøerne, 1943, E. Patursson,<br />
Fiskiveiði,1961, has published many interesting figures and tables especially in vol. I,<br />
and in vol. II, chap. “Veiðirættindi í Grønlandi”, pp 255-293, has given the first serious<br />
description in the Faroese language <strong>of</strong> Faroese policy towards the fishery at Greenland<br />
1920-1939. According to the nationalist interpretation <strong>of</strong> Faroese history Patursson<br />
claims “historical rights” for the Faroese at Greenland as a part <strong>of</strong> the Old-Norse<br />
inheritance <strong>of</strong> the Viking Age settlements on Greenland—the fact that there was only<br />
Inuit and no Norse settlement there from around 1500 to the 1720s is completely left out<br />
<strong>of</strong> the argument. His interpretation <strong>of</strong> the Faroese point <strong>of</strong> view in the inter-war period is<br />
informative but lacking in an understanding <strong>of</strong> the Greenlandic and Danish positions in<br />
the matter. On the more general political interactions between the Lagting and the Danish<br />
government and Parliament Steining’s part in vol. VI <strong>of</strong> the authoritative Den danske<br />
rigsdag 1849-1949 is still the most solid study.<br />
Select Bibliography<br />
Andreasen, Jens Pauli, “Á øðrun sinni í Grønlandi við ‘Knørri’”, Varðin,<br />
1927, 531<br />
Beretninger og Kundgørelser om Grønland (Copenhagen, some issues<br />
consulted, 1920s and 1930s)<br />
Blað Føroya Fiskimannafelag (Faroese fishery newspaper, some issues<br />
consulted, 1920s)<br />
Den danske Rigsdag, 1849.1949, ed. H. Frisch et al., I-VI (Copenhagen,<br />
1949-1953)<br />
Dimmalætting (Faroese newspaper, Tórshavn 1878 ff., 1920-40)<br />
Fiskeri-Beretninger, 1911-1939 (Copenhagen)<br />
Føringatíðindi (First Faroese newspaper in the Faroese language, 1890-<br />
1906, reprint, Tórshavn 1969)<br />
Føroya Tíðingi (Newsletter with close connections to the shipping<br />
companies and the influental merchant family, Mortensen, Suðeroy;<br />
some issues consulted, 1920s).<br />
Folketingstidende, vide: Rigsdagstidende<br />
Hansen, Paul M. & Frede Hermann, Fisken og havet ved Grønland<br />
(Copenhagen, 1953)<br />
85
Lagtingstidende, 1914-1940 (<strong>The</strong> printed county council minutes <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Faroe Islands)<br />
Landstingstidende, vide: Rigsdagstidende<br />
Løgtingstíðindi, vide: Lagtingstidende<br />
Mørkøre, Jógvan, ‘Class Interests and Nationalism in Faroese Politics’,<br />
<strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Studies, vol. 3,1 (Århus 1991), 57-67<br />
Nolsøe, K., ‘Færøsk fiskeri ved Grønland’, Grønland, (Copenhagen,<br />
1973) 199-208<br />
Patursson, Erlendur, Fiskiveiði–fiskimenn 1850-1939, I-II (Tórshavn,<br />
1961)<br />
Patursson, Jóannes, Færøsk Politik (Tórshavn 1931)<br />
Rigsdagstidende, 1920-1940<br />
Forhandlinger i Folketinget (Folketingstidende), yearly<br />
Forhandlinger i Landstinget (Landstingstidende), yearly<br />
Tillæg A, Lovforslag etc., yearly<br />
Tillæg C, Vedtagne Lovforslag, Beslutninger etc., yearly<br />
Rigsdags-årbogen, = Aarbog for Rigsdagssamlingen, 1920-40, (<strong>The</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong>ficial parliamentary year-book, like ‘Hansard’, Copenhagen)<br />
Spanner, Søren, ‘Færøfiskeriet ved Grønland i 1920’erne – Kampen om<br />
færøske fiskeres adgang til fiskeri i grønlandske farvande 1924-<br />
27.’ Unprinted MA-thesis, history (Aarhus <strong>University</strong>, 1982)<br />
Statistiske Meddelser, 4. Række, ff.<br />
Statistisk Aarbog, 1917-1939 (Copenhagen)<br />
Steining, Jørgen, ‘Rigsdagen og Færøerne’, Den danske Rigsdag 1849-<br />
1949, VI, (Copenhagen 1953), 105-201<br />
Steining, Jørgen, ‘Danmark og Island’, Den danske Rigsdag, VI,<br />
(1953), 313-410<br />
Sveistrup, P. P.: ‘Rigsdagen og Grønland’, Den danske Rigsdag, VI,<br />
260-287<br />
Tingakrossur (Faroese newspaper, f. 1901, radical and autonomistic,<br />
some issues consulted, 1920s)<br />
Trap, J. P., Danmark, 5. ed., (Copenhagen 1970), XIV, ‘Grønland’,<br />
XIII, ‘Færøerne’<br />
Tåning, Å. Vedel, Fiskeri- og Havundersøgelser ved Færøerne<br />
(Copenhagen 1943)<br />
Wåhlin, V., M. S. Lund, H. M. Kristensen and B. Tersbøl, Mellem færøsk<br />
og dansk politik 1917-1920 (Tórshavn & Århus 1994)<br />
Fig I.<br />
Greenlandic cod catches 1915-1965. Source: J.P. Trap, XIV, ‘Grønland’, 172<br />
86
Table II. Faroese <strong>Fisheries</strong>, 1917-1938<br />
<strong>The</strong> sloop fisheries<br />
Dried fish,<br />
total<br />
Dried fish,<br />
caught <strong>of</strong>f Iceland<br />
Dried fish,<br />
caught <strong>of</strong>f Greenland<br />
Year ,000 kg ,000 DKK ,000 kg ,000 DKK ,000 kg ,000 DKK<br />
1938 21,945 6,302 8,820 2,528 13,061 3,754<br />
1937 19,188 5,496 7,725 2,210 11,366 3,253<br />
1936 16,693 4,709 5,445 1,609 11,248 3,100<br />
1935 18,748 5,813 11,472 3,604 7,250 2,202<br />
1934 21,635 5,995 11,310 3,098 10,317 2,895<br />
1933 25,618 6,043 18,402 4,228 7,216 1,815<br />
1932 25,203 4,534 19,189 3,334 6,007 1,300<br />
1931 29,385 5,657 21,396 4,460 7,973 1,187<br />
1930 30,115 7,523 21,172 5,554 8,921 1,962<br />
1929 25,554 8,008 21,689 6,576 3,864 1,432<br />
1928 20,448 7,033 19,825 6,802 523 197<br />
1927 15,345 4,212<br />
1926 15,686 4,997<br />
1925 11,954 6,398<br />
1924 12,540 6,891<br />
1923 14,105 5,229<br />
1922 16,206 7,107<br />
1921 12,042 6,841<br />
1920 8,035 6,426 Source Table II and III:<br />
Statistisk Aarbog, 1917-1940, Part II,<br />
1919 12,916 10,278<br />
Færøerne, Tabel 6<br />
1918 10,167 7,516<br />
1917 5,795 3,029<br />
87
Table III. Faroese <strong>Fisheries</strong>, 1917-1938<br />
<strong>The</strong> boat fisheries<br />
Cod Other fish Total boat<br />
fishery<br />
Sloop and boat<br />
fisheries, total<br />
Year ,000 kg ,000 DKK ,000 DKK ,000 DKK ,000 DKK<br />
1938 1,795 217 126 343 7,010<br />
1937 1,987 217 46 263 6,283<br />
1936 865 103 197 300 5,113<br />
1935 1,194 149 203 352 6,239<br />
1934 1,362 186 72 258 6,293<br />
1933 1,638 212 32 244 6,360<br />
1932 3,203 314 97 411 5,011<br />
1931 1,060 101 39 140 5,848<br />
1930 1,585 251 35 286 7,834<br />
1929 1,369 218 38 256 8,264<br />
1928 2,944 434 58 492 7,562<br />
1927 4,670 564 51 615 5,369<br />
1926 3,635 489 18 507 5,860<br />
1925 4,266 1,106 69 1175 7,963<br />
1924 2,875 590 28 618 7,509<br />
1923 2,837 401 43 444 5,673<br />
1922 1,545 250 87 337 7,444<br />
1921 3,408 711 - 711 7,552<br />
1920 5,305 1,566 18 1584 8,010<br />
1919 10,084 2,737 116 2853 13,131<br />
1918 10,459 2,526 9 2535 10,051<br />
1917 7,962 1,520 12 1532 4,561<br />
88
Fishing by the Greenlanders<br />
Axel Kjær Sørensen<br />
Introduction<br />
This paper deals with the commercial fisheries conducted by<br />
Greenlanders in their territorial waters during the twentieth century. It<br />
will provide a brief outline <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> this native fishery,<br />
focusing on the research undertaken into this subject.<br />
<strong>The</strong> commercial fisheries started in 1910 and grew to be Greenland’s<br />
most important export industry by the mid-twenties. Cod was the most<br />
important species. Its arrival in Greenland waters was caused by a rise in<br />
water temperature in about 1915 which continued until the mid-sixties.<br />
Previous research has produced a fairly good account <strong>of</strong> such topics<br />
as the magnitude <strong>of</strong> the catch, number <strong>of</strong> fishermen and boats involved,<br />
and processing facilities. We also know something in broad terms about<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficial policy towards the fisheries.<br />
Our knowledge is based on <strong>of</strong>ficial records kept in the archives and to<br />
a great extent printed in yearly reports, but is scanty in the<br />
socio-economic field as well as in the socio-cultural field. More<br />
information can be generated by asking new questions <strong>of</strong> the known<br />
material. In particular, research in the archives <strong>of</strong> local and central<br />
authorities will probably bring forth new and more detailed evidence<br />
about policy and its implementation.<br />
Up to the Second World War<br />
<strong>The</strong> Greenlanders have always fished to provide for their own needs. In<br />
traditional Greenlandic society fishing was held in low esteem. It was an<br />
occupation for old men no longer capable <strong>of</strong> hunting, and for women and<br />
children who had lost their breadwinner. Three species <strong>of</strong> fish played an<br />
important role. Ammassat (capelin), which came in huge shoals close to<br />
the coast in the early summer to spawn, were caught with big landing<br />
nets, dried on the rocks, and used as dog fodder and emergency food in<br />
winter time. Nipisat (lumpsucker), which came close to the coast in the<br />
early spring, were caught for the sake <strong>of</strong> their roe. Kapitsillit (<strong>Atlantic</strong><br />
salmon) were caught in the summer in streams and were a welcome diet<br />
89
variation. Several place names bear witness as to how important it was to<br />
remember where they used to arrive. 166<br />
<strong>The</strong> economy was largely based on seal hunting which remained<br />
virtually unchanged until the beginning <strong>of</strong> this century. In the middle <strong>of</strong><br />
the nineteenth century, though, shark and cod liver was taken in by the<br />
monopoly trade. So were <strong>Atlantic</strong> salmon and Greenland halibut in 1903.<br />
This was because Danish civil servants had developed the private exports<br />
<strong>of</strong> these species.<br />
Due to the growing population the stock <strong>of</strong> seals was insufficient to<br />
cover needs. <strong>The</strong> Royal Trade Company, in charge <strong>of</strong> Greenland, was<br />
eagerly looking for alternative occupations for the Greenlanders. From<br />
1906 sheep herding was introduced, and this activity found a foothold in<br />
the far south <strong>of</strong> Greenland. It never became a big business due to the lack<br />
<strong>of</strong> suitable pastures. For the Danish government, the Faroese Napoleon<br />
Andreasen tried deep water fishing in 1906 but with little success. No<br />
cod worth mentioning was found. State-initiated fishery experiments<br />
were continued by Adolf S. Jensen from 1908, again without much<br />
success. However, a commercial fishery for halibut was started from<br />
1910 in southern Greenland, almost exclusively in a single fjord,<br />
Alluitsoq.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fishery experiments and the fishery for halibut under the<br />
Greenland Administration 167 are well covered statistically. Also the<br />
overall strategy is known: to develop rational (the technical expression<br />
for commercial at the time) fishery both to exploit local resources and to<br />
export. <strong>The</strong> fishery was not meant to inhibit seal hunting which still was<br />
regarded as a solid and lasting resource. Annual reports and other<br />
materials from the fishing stations still exist to a great extent. Summaries<br />
<strong>of</strong> the reports, some very lengthy, have been printed in Beretninger og<br />
Kundgørelser (the <strong>of</strong>ficial reports from the Greenland Administration).<br />
A thesis completed in 1991 by Henning Bro at the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
Copenhagen has investigated the participation <strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders in the<br />
fishery in the Alluitsoq-fjord by tracing the individuals’ occupation over<br />
166 Greenlandic places are mostly named after the configuration <strong>of</strong> the landscape. Names<br />
<strong>of</strong> hunting animals, however, <strong>of</strong>ten occur.<br />
167 <strong>The</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial name <strong>of</strong> the Government <strong>of</strong>fice in charge <strong>of</strong> Greenland was ‘Styrelsen af<br />
kolonierne i Grønland’ meaning: <strong>The</strong> administration <strong>of</strong> the colonies in Greenland.<br />
Before 1908 the name was: ‘Direktoratet for den kongelige grønlandske Handel’<br />
meaning: <strong>The</strong> Directorate for the Royal Greenlandic Trade Company.<br />
90
time. Using primary sources, he has analyzed the policies <strong>of</strong> the<br />
authorities in the hectic years, 1905-1908. He identifies an aggressive<br />
Danish private interest in the deep water fishery <strong>of</strong>f the Greenland coasts,<br />
and has very convincingly asserted that concern for the welfare <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Greenlanders was the reason for the politicians’ rejection <strong>of</strong> private<br />
enterprise.<br />
Pia Boisen and Bue Nielsen have tried to find an economic motive in<br />
the endeavour <strong>of</strong> the authorities to promote fishing, but their research<br />
suffers from serious theoretical flaws, and cannot be trusted. 168 <strong>The</strong>ir<br />
main thesis that the Royal Trade Department was eager to promote the<br />
fishery in order to make money by trading is disproven by Henning Bro,<br />
who shows, on the contrary, that the Trade Department was most anxious<br />
that the fishery might harm seal hunting.<br />
<strong>The</strong> experimental cod fishery around 1908-1912 had not given much<br />
hope for the future. From 1917, however, the cod began to appear on the<br />
coasts <strong>of</strong> Greenland, and the Trade Department began to export it, a<br />
business that proved an overwhelming success as the cod was kind<br />
enough to return year after year. Judged by Greenlandic standards, a<br />
tremendous spate <strong>of</strong> building <strong>of</strong> fish stations, to salt and store the cod,<br />
began. <strong>The</strong> Greenland Administration engaged Danish ‘fish masters’, as<br />
they were called, to be consultants at the catch and to take charge <strong>of</strong> the<br />
processing. By 1925 the value <strong>of</strong> cod surpassed the value <strong>of</strong> the<br />
customary main article, seal blubber. From the late 1920s, everybody,<br />
the Country Council in Southern Greenland included, put their faith in a<br />
cod fishing future.<br />
<strong>The</strong> main publication in the field is still William G. Mattox’s 1971<br />
doctoral thesis, Fishing in West Greenland 1910-1966, <strong>The</strong> Development<br />
<strong>of</strong> a New Native Industry (McGill <strong>University</strong>). He has brilliantly<br />
delineated the development <strong>of</strong> this fishery, using all printed materials,<br />
not only the yearly reports and statistics but also the debates in books and<br />
periodicals. <strong>The</strong> core <strong>of</strong> his work is an extensive statistical analysis<br />
which allows him to establish the catch by place, species, number <strong>of</strong><br />
boats, fishing stations, etc. In his field Mattox seems to have exhausted<br />
the material. Further research, however, is most likely to be rewarding in<br />
the political and sociological areas, topics which are barely touched upon<br />
by Mattox. <strong>The</strong> published literature can be analyzed from these angles,<br />
168 Boisen and Bue Nielsen, Axel Kjær Sørensen, Erik Schmidt in the periodical<br />
Grønland 1983.<br />
91
and the use <strong>of</strong> unpublished sources would amplify and qualify such<br />
research.<br />
Some round figures may indicate the significance <strong>of</strong> the fisheries in<br />
this period. <strong>The</strong> catch <strong>of</strong> cod increased between 1911 and 1917 from 20<br />
tons to nearly 200 tons a year; between 1918 and 1925 from 500 to 1,000;<br />
between 1926 and 1930 from 2,000 to a peak <strong>of</strong> 9,658. From there it<br />
stayed between 7,000 and 9,500 tons until 1942, excepting 1938, when a<br />
meagre catch <strong>of</strong> 5,492 tons was returned. This was not only an absolute<br />
growth, but a relative one as well. Compared to all products sold to the<br />
Royal Trade Company, the cod catch <strong>of</strong> 1911-1917 was up 5%; that <strong>of</strong><br />
1918-1925 was up between 8 and 13%; and the figure for 1926-1939 was<br />
30-45% higher. <strong>The</strong> number <strong>of</strong> fishermen also grew substantially<br />
between 1911 and 1940 (see table 1). It is fair to say that the fisheries in<br />
this period grew to be the single most important industry in Greenland.<br />
Table 1. Number <strong>of</strong> fishermen, Greenland, 1911-1940<br />
Year Number <strong>of</strong><br />
fishermen<br />
Percentage <strong>of</strong><br />
labour force<br />
1911 322 11<br />
1921 476 15<br />
1930 1324 32<br />
1940 1500 27<br />
Several issues characterise the period to the end <strong>of</strong> the 1920s, none <strong>of</strong><br />
which have been studied properly using the sources. Outstanding is the<br />
controversy in Greenland between traditionalists, who wanted to hang on<br />
to seal hunting as the main occupation, and modernists, who saw<br />
opportunities for Greenlanders in developing the fishery. Both camps<br />
had their patrons in the Danish political/administrative system. A<br />
problematic source situation exists in this field. <strong>The</strong> written debate is<br />
very limited, and worse still, most <strong>of</strong> it is written in Greenlandic, a<br />
language which only a few master. Some possibilities for<br />
92
non-Greenlandic speakers are at hand. In recent years people with a<br />
knowledge <strong>of</strong> the language have read and translated Greenlandic<br />
literature and newspapers. 169 Furthermore, some <strong>of</strong> the articles in local<br />
newspapers have been translated into Danish for the authorities to read in<br />
Copenhagen. <strong>The</strong>se translations can be found in the archives. Some<br />
Greenlandic fiction has also been translated into Danish. 170 Besides that,<br />
Danish civil servants in Greenland have participated in the debate, partly<br />
in the periodical Det grønlandske Selskabs Årsskrift and other<br />
periodicals, and partly in memoirs. All administrative papers are in<br />
Danish.<br />
<strong>The</strong> changes in the material side <strong>of</strong> Greenlandic society are well<br />
documented in contemporary reports among which the central one is<br />
Beretning og Kundgørelser. An excellent statistical survey, covering the<br />
period from about 1850 to 1938, was made in Copenhagen during the<br />
war and published between 1942 and 1947. Its numerous tables and<br />
textual explanations cover in many ways a broader field than the yearly<br />
reports. Research on Greenlandic reactions in the period should<br />
commence with the minutes <strong>of</strong> the Greenlandic Country Councils, which<br />
were greatly concerned with the fishery. A print out for teaching<br />
purposes <strong>of</strong> the debate on fishing between 1924 and 1939 covers 100<br />
standard pages.<br />
Changes in Greenlandic attitudes are harder to register. Some<br />
important topics must at this point be left to speculation. Thus, Ditte<br />
Goldschmidt pointed out in 1994 that because <strong>of</strong> the change in the<br />
fishing economy the Greenlanders lost the last business in which they<br />
were the acknowledged experts, namely seal hunting. Now they had to<br />
be pupils <strong>of</strong> Danish civil servants to earn a living. This must have been<br />
detrimental to their self-confidence.<br />
That the Greenlanders demanded that their children should be trained<br />
in the Danish language puzzled the contemporary Danish authorities<br />
who believed that this was due to the need to learn the new industries. 171<br />
Another factor was the colonial situation in general. Assimilation was in<br />
fact an issue for some colonial native elites in the French African<br />
colonies between the wars. By considering the colonial status <strong>of</strong><br />
169 Among them Chr. Berthelsen, H.C. Petersen, and Kirsten Thisted<br />
170 Mathias Storck, En Grønlænders drøm (1913). Augo Lynge, 300-år efter<br />
(1931/1992).<br />
171 Axel Kjær Sørensen (1983) 56-61.<br />
93
Greenland a whole world <strong>of</strong> comparison is opened. <strong>The</strong> sparse work I<br />
have done in this field shows that the Danish government followed the<br />
same path as other colonial powers in her policy towards Greenland. It<br />
also indicates that the paternalistic, protective policy which the Danes<br />
perpetually emphasized as being special to the treatment <strong>of</strong> Greenland is<br />
not that unique.<br />
<strong>The</strong> 1930s and the Quarrel over Faroese Fishing in Greenlandic Waters<br />
This was a highly sensitive political issue. <strong>The</strong> Danish government had<br />
to find a balance between the Faroese requests on new and expanding<br />
fishing rights on the coast and its concern for the Greenlanders. Very<br />
little has been written about this subject. Karl Nolsøe wrote an<br />
informative article in the periodical Grønland in 1973. Søren Spanner, in<br />
his thesis ‘Færøfiskeriet ved Grønland i 1920-erne’, has analyzed the<br />
first period. In Axel Kjær Sørensen (1983) there are a couple <strong>of</strong> pages on<br />
the subject. <strong>The</strong> minutes from the Greenlandic Country Councils, from<br />
the Faroese Lagting, 172 and from the Danish Parliament provide<br />
extensive source materials, not to mention the archives <strong>of</strong> the said<br />
authorities.<br />
<strong>The</strong> War Experience<br />
<strong>The</strong> development in the scope <strong>of</strong> the fishery is fairly well documented in<br />
contemporary statistics. Thus the cod catch leapt to 12,000 tons in 1942,<br />
growing to 14,000 tons in 1945. Knowledge <strong>of</strong> the overall economic<br />
balance is lacking. It is thus not known if the fisheries were<br />
self-sustaining or even contributed to the running <strong>of</strong> society, or if in fact<br />
they were subsidized by the export <strong>of</strong> cryolite. Down to 1950 Greenland<br />
had a typical planned economy with its own internal price relations<br />
which were fixed out <strong>of</strong> consideration for society as a whole with little or<br />
no regard for the prosperity <strong>of</strong> individual businesses. Up to 1938, the<br />
analyses conducted by the Greenland Administration provide much<br />
information. New research in the archives, however, may reveal much<br />
more. But it is clear that the Greenlandic fisheries doubled during the<br />
war, so there was every reason to believe in cod as the basis for the<br />
future.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Intensified Expansion after 1946<br />
172 See Wåhlin’s paper in this volume.<br />
94
<strong>The</strong> first sign <strong>of</strong> a new Greenland policy came with a report from a joint<br />
Danish-Greenlandic committee in 1946. It recommended a net capital<br />
transfer as great as the whole annual budget up to then. <strong>The</strong><br />
recommendations were accepted by the authorities. Over a five year<br />
period eight million kroner was to be invested in building new industries,<br />
with a quarter going to the fisheries. On a yearly basis a two million<br />
kroner deficit in running costs was accepted, nearly half <strong>of</strong> it to bolster<br />
business, although virtually nothing was to go to the fisheries. This<br />
primary sector was supposed to carry its own costs. An internal report<br />
from the Greenland Administration revealed that during 1946-1948<br />
600,000 kroner were invested in fishing stations and about 2 million<br />
kroner in boats and engines for the Greenlanders. Investments outside<br />
the fisheries added up to 13.5 million kroner, half <strong>of</strong> which was directed<br />
to the development <strong>of</strong> weather forecast facilities. 173 <strong>The</strong> fish catches<br />
were steadily rising although not in proportion to investment. Cod<br />
catches rose in the period 1946-1954 from 15,000 to 19,000 tons. Still,<br />
the fishery held its overwhelming significance, accounting for 75% <strong>of</strong><br />
the value <strong>of</strong> total production in the early 1950s.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Great Leap Forward in 1950<br />
Economically, the decisive changes in policy from 1950, called ‘<strong>The</strong><br />
New Order’, saw a massive enlargement <strong>of</strong> investment and income<br />
transfer to Greenland. <strong>The</strong> trade monopoly introduced in 1721 and<br />
restricted access to Greenland were lifted, and Danish private enterprise<br />
was called upon to operate under state surveillance. <strong>The</strong> economic<br />
philosophy was to let the Danish society cover the investment and the<br />
overall public expense, while primary Greenlandic production, sealing<br />
and fishing, was supposed to be self-sustaining. In time they were<br />
expected to cover public expense as well. Danish private enterprise was<br />
expected to invest in modern fish processing and to tutor the<br />
Greenlanders in entrepreneurial techniques. Elsewhere, I have<br />
researched private Danish interests in Greenland and found it to be very<br />
modest, extending to only a handful <strong>of</strong> fishing cutters from Esbjerg. 174<br />
How they operated in Greenland is only described in memoirs. 175<br />
173 Oldendow, Knud, ‘Fremstilling af Arbejdet i Grønland, 28/6-1948’. To be found in<br />
the parliamentary archives, Greenland Committee, box 6, II folder 9.<br />
174 Axel Kjær Sørensen, 1984.<br />
175 Frede Sørensen, 1952; Claus Sørensen, 1979.<br />
95
Industrial Plants in 1959<br />
Besides Claus Sørensen in Esbjerg, who for some years ran a fishing<br />
station on the Greenlandic coast, no further Danish private investment<br />
was made. Perhaps it was the ‘sternness’ <strong>of</strong> state surveillance or simply<br />
that investment in fishing in Denmark was much more promising. <strong>The</strong><br />
lack <strong>of</strong> modern fish processing plants was detrimental to the planned<br />
development. <strong>The</strong>refore, the state by Act <strong>of</strong> Parliament undertook to<br />
build such plants in 1959. <strong>The</strong>y were placed at six locations along the<br />
coast. Later the state also invested in great trawlers to catch the fish for<br />
the plants.<br />
By this time, ten years after the ‘Great Leap Forward’, when much<br />
was initiated, many new problems had occurred. <strong>The</strong> Greenlanders took<br />
the initiative to raise the Greenlandic question again. <strong>The</strong> ensuing<br />
negotiations with Danish politicians resulted in a new 10-year plan<br />
which again doubled the transfer to Greenland. <strong>The</strong> aim remained<br />
unchanged, with a major attempt being made to bring Greenlandic<br />
society to an economic level at which the Greenlanders, by their own<br />
effort, would have a standard <strong>of</strong> living comparable with that <strong>of</strong> Denmark.<br />
Deep water cod fishing was to form the basis. Mogens Boserup delivered<br />
an optimistic economic analysis on the prospects, establishing that the<br />
Greenlanders only caught between 7 and 12 % <strong>of</strong> the catch in the sea <strong>of</strong>f<br />
Greenland.<br />
Table 2<br />
<strong>Fisheries</strong> as a percentage <strong>of</strong> the Greenlandic Gross Domestic Product<br />
1955 6<br />
1966 5<br />
1975 5<br />
1987 17<br />
1992 11<br />
Percentage <strong>of</strong> GNP<br />
Note: Calculated from Martin Paldam 1994 table 4.3a, 57<br />
96
<strong>The</strong> Disappearance <strong>of</strong> the Cod in the Mid-Sixties<br />
Just when everything looked well the phenomenon that many authorities<br />
had feared, and some had warned against, occurred: the cod disappeared<br />
again. If it did not totally disappear, it declined steadily up to 1975, and<br />
thereafter became very unreliable. Some good luck amidst the disaster<br />
was the beginning <strong>of</strong> the shrimp fishery in Disko Bay from the 1960s.<br />
This fishery soon overtook cod fishing as the most important business.<br />
Still, shrimp exploitation was never on a scale that could finance the<br />
societal development which all politicians agreed to further. In the<br />
beginning <strong>of</strong> the 1990s, the shrimp fishery declined and export prices<br />
fell. <strong>The</strong> prospect <strong>of</strong> financing Greenlandic society by fishing began<br />
evaporating in the frosty air. 176<br />
Figure 1. Cod and Shrimp Catches in Greenland (tons)<br />
<strong>The</strong>se developments can be seen in figure 1. <strong>The</strong> number <strong>of</strong> fishermen<br />
grew to about 2,500 in the 1960s and stayed there for the next 25 years.<br />
Together with the staff in fish processing plants and in auxiliary<br />
businesses, the fishery employed about 25% <strong>of</strong> the population in the<br />
176 Martin Paldam, 1994.<br />
97
1990s. Due to expansion in other occupations the fishery’s share <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Greenlandic GNP was not that high, although it grew in the eigthies and<br />
nineties.<br />
Research Prospects<br />
<strong>The</strong> development in the fisheries after 1951 is well documented in<br />
Mattox (up to 1968), and in a modern statistical apparatus. Other issues<br />
relating to a fishing society are only treated sporadically. In writing this<br />
paper, I have made two minor investigations into the question <strong>of</strong> how<br />
much fishery problems concerned Greenlandic politicians.<br />
<strong>The</strong> minutes from the Country Council in Greenland were examined<br />
to single out the items on the agendas relating to the fishery. <strong>The</strong> results<br />
in the following figures underestimate its importance because they only<br />
count items with fishery mentioned in the title. Beyond that, fishery was<br />
strongly presented in all items concerning general industry and<br />
development plans. In figure 2 only the items which had fishery as part<br />
<strong>of</strong> their title are shown. <strong>The</strong> figure highlights three points. 1) <strong>The</strong> items<br />
specifically related to the fishery vary between 5 and 15% <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Council’s business during this period. 2) Coverage differed considerably<br />
from year to year. 3) From the end <strong>of</strong> the sixties a shift to a lower level<br />
took place. <strong>The</strong> minutes from the Country Council thus contain sufficient<br />
evidence to scrutinize the Greenlandic attitude to the fishing industry.<br />
Figure 2. <strong>The</strong> Country Council, Greenland. Agenda: Items on fishery<br />
Source: Examination <strong>of</strong> 2,830 items on the agendas <strong>of</strong> the Greenlandic Country Council<br />
1951-1978.<br />
98
<strong>The</strong> other investigation concerns the treatment by the Greenland<br />
Council <strong>of</strong> fishing issues. <strong>The</strong> Greenland Council was a political<br />
Greenlandic-Danish common body which advised the Ministry on<br />
questions <strong>of</strong> development and planning in Greenland. It existed from<br />
1964 to 1979. During this period several documents were produced for<br />
the Council. <strong>The</strong> public had access to most <strong>of</strong> the documents. As in the<br />
case <strong>of</strong> the Country Council, all documents on general development and<br />
planning contained a great deal about the fishery as well. A count <strong>of</strong><br />
documents specifically related to the fishery therefore underestimates the<br />
significance <strong>of</strong> the issue. Nevertheless, out <strong>of</strong> 605 documents, 71 were<br />
essentially concerned with the fishery. We thus find the same level as at<br />
the Country Council: 11%.<br />
Summary and Outlook<br />
Before 1900, the Greenlanders had only fished to cover their own needs<br />
even if other products such as seal hides and seal blubber had been traded<br />
for 150 years. <strong>The</strong> paper is concerned with four questions regarding the<br />
twentieth-century fishery <strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders: 1) What do we know<br />
about the fisheries in Greenland? 2) From where do we obtain our<br />
knowledge? 3) Where do we get more information? 4) In which fields is<br />
our knowledge especially sparse or non existant?<br />
<strong>The</strong> questions can be answered as follows:<br />
1) We have a fairly good account <strong>of</strong> the scale <strong>of</strong> the fishery, especially<br />
such factors as the magnitude <strong>of</strong> the catch, number <strong>of</strong> fishermen and<br />
boats involved, and processing facilities. In outline, we know something<br />
about the politics <strong>of</strong> the fishery.<br />
2) Our knowledge stems from <strong>of</strong>ficial records kept in the archives and to<br />
a great extent printed in yearly reports. <strong>The</strong>se data were generated<br />
because all Greenlandic business up to 1950 was managed by a state<br />
agency. It was obliged to keep records as the Treasury in the final<br />
analysis had to cover its deficit. A list <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> these publications is<br />
attached to the paper.<br />
3) More information can be gleaned from further analysis <strong>of</strong> known<br />
material. In particular, research in the archives <strong>of</strong> local and central<br />
authorities can probably bring forth new and more detailed knowledge<br />
about policy and its implementation.<br />
4) Our knowledge is scanty in the socio-economic and socio-cultural<br />
fields.<br />
Three areas seem to be <strong>of</strong> major interest:<br />
100
a) <strong>The</strong> transition in Southern Greenland between the wars from a seal<br />
hunting economy to a fishery economy. <strong>The</strong> goal was the same as in<br />
Iceland and the Faroe Islands a generation or two earlier: to create a<br />
commercial deep water fishery. But the background was quite different.<br />
<strong>The</strong> peasant societies in these two countries had gained experience in<br />
commercial fishing over many centuries. Greenland had not. <strong>The</strong>refore,<br />
the shift from one economy to another was more pr<strong>of</strong>ound in Greenland.<br />
In Iceland and the Faroe Islands the fishery developed as a private<br />
enterprise in a liberal economy. In Greenland a state agency had the<br />
monopoly <strong>of</strong> all trade and had come to have an actual monopoly <strong>of</strong> all<br />
commercial activities by default. Greenland was thus a planned<br />
economy. Consequently, the state played a decisive role in initiating and<br />
running the new industry. <strong>The</strong> Greenlanders themselves had neither the<br />
experience nor the means to run a modern business. How did this affect<br />
them? For now, this question can only be answered tentatively.<br />
b) <strong>The</strong> Faroese fishery at Greenland. This topic has three angles: the<br />
Greenlandic, the Faroese, and the Danish. It entails some study <strong>of</strong> a clash<br />
<strong>of</strong> interests between two peoples in a realm with the government as<br />
mediator with interests <strong>of</strong> its own. Besides the historical interest in<br />
finding out what in fact happened and how, the subject may contribute to<br />
conflict theory by examining on which grounds the parties judge their<br />
own interests rational and reasonable while they find those <strong>of</strong> their<br />
opponents unacceptable.<br />
c) <strong>The</strong> building <strong>of</strong> a mechanised fishing industry in the 1950s and 1960s<br />
meant the construction <strong>of</strong> a quite different culture characterized by huge<br />
capital investments, mechanisation <strong>of</strong> the working processes, regular<br />
working hours, a money economy, formalization <strong>of</strong> occupational<br />
training which was much more theoretical than before. How did the<br />
Greenlanders manage to cope with this? A good question, but not easy to<br />
answer. <strong>The</strong> whole society was reshaped, so it is difficult to discern a<br />
special fishery angle in the numerous publications about the ‘misfitting’<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders in those years.<br />
Select Bibliography<br />
Vinnie Andersen, ‘Fra Fangst til fiskeri. Erhvervsskiftet og dets<br />
betydning for husstandsstruktur og bosætttelse i Sydprøvens distrikt i<br />
Sydvestgrønland 1900-1940’. History Department, <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
Copenhagen, 1993.<br />
101
Boisen, Pia & Bue Nielsen, ‘Årsagerne til erhvervsskiftet fra fangst til<br />
fiskeri i Vestgrønland’. Tidsskriftet Grønland 1982 125-139<br />
(Copenhagen, 1982 [<strong>The</strong> causes <strong>of</strong> the change from hunting to<br />
fishery]<br />
Boserup, Mogens, Økonomisk Politik i Grønland (Copenhagen, 1963)<br />
[Economic policy]<br />
Bro, Henning, ‘Dansk privatkapital og KGH’s monopol i Grønland<br />
omkring 1900-1917’. Tidsskriftet Grønland 1991 225-249 [Danish<br />
private enterprise and the Royal Greenland monopoly]<br />
Dunbar, M.J., & Thomson, D. H., West Greenland Salmon and Climatic<br />
Change (Montreal, <strong>1976</strong>)<br />
Dunbar, M.J., ‘On the West Greenland Sea-Life Area <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Atlantic</strong><br />
Salmon’. Arctic vol 26. number 1. March 1973, 1-6<br />
Ette, Henry, Et Dansk Havfiskeri. 30 Aars nordligt Liv (Copenhagen,<br />
1930) [Deep water fishery]<br />
Hansen, Paul M., ‘Fisken og havet ved Grønland’. Skrifter fra Danmarks<br />
Fiskeri- og Havundersøgelser 15 (København, 1953) [<strong>The</strong> fish<br />
and the sea around Greenland]<br />
Hansen, Paul M., ‘Grønlændernes Fiskeri’. F.V. Mortensen and A.C.<br />
Strubberg, Dansk Saltvandsfiskeri 180-201 (Copenhagen,<br />
1935) [<strong>The</strong> Greenlanders fishery]<br />
Jensen, Ad. S., ‘On the Fishery <strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders’. Meddelelser fra<br />
Kommissionen for havundersøgelser. Serie: Fiskeri VII:7<br />
(Copenhagen, 1925)<br />
Jensen, Ad. S., ‘Indberetning om S/S Danas praktisk-videnskabelige<br />
fiskeriundersøgelser ved Vestgrønland 1925’. Beretninger og<br />
Kundgørelser 1926:2, 409-427 (Copenhagen, 1926) [Fishery reports]<br />
Jensen, Ad. S., ‘Udviklingen af grønlændernes fiskeri 1910-1925’. Det<br />
Grønlandske Selsskabs Årsskrift 1925-26 15-38 (Copenhagen,<br />
1926) [<strong>The</strong> development <strong>of</strong> the Greenlanders fishery]<br />
Larsen, G. B., ‘På fiskeriinspektion ved den grønlandske vestkyst’.<br />
Tidsskriftet Grønland 1968 278-288 (Copenhagen, 1968) [Fishery<br />
inspection]<br />
Lemche, Einar, ‘Den fiskeripolitiske situation i Grønland efter<br />
udmeldelsen af EF’. Tidsskriftet Grønland 1985, 5-10 (Copenhagen,<br />
1985) [Fishery policy]<br />
Mattox, William G., ‘Fishing in West Greenland 1910-1966, <strong>The</strong><br />
Development Of A New Native Industry’. Meddelelser om Grønland<br />
197, 1 (Copenhagen, 1973)<br />
102
Nolsøe, Karl, ‘Færøsk fiskeri ved Grønland’. Tidsskriftet Grønland 1973<br />
199-208 (Copenhagen, 1973)<br />
Paldam, Martin, Grønlands økonomiske udvikling (Århus, 1994)<br />
[Economic development]<br />
Poole, Graham, ‘An Economic Analysis <strong>of</strong> the Development <strong>of</strong><br />
Greenland’s Shrimp Fishing and Processing Industry’. Nordic Arctic<br />
Research on Contemporary Arctic Problems 65-78 (Aalborg, 1992)<br />
Rask, Sven, ‘De første erhvervsmotorbåde, Om fangstens betydning for<br />
udvikling af industrifiskeriet’. Tidsskriftet Grønland 1993<br />
100-118 (Copenhagen, 1993) [<strong>The</strong> first motor boats for industry. <strong>The</strong><br />
significance <strong>of</strong> hunting for industrial fishery]<br />
Smidt, Erik L. Balslev, ‘Om overgangen fra fangst til fiskeri i<br />
Vestgrønland’. Tidsskriftet Grønland 1983, 125-144 (Copenhagen,<br />
1983) [<strong>The</strong> change from hunting to fishery]<br />
Smidt, Erik L. Balslev, Min tid i Grønland - Grønland i min tid. Fiskeri<br />
Biologi Samfund: 1948-1985 (København, 1989) [Memoirs <strong>of</strong><br />
a biologist]<br />
Sørensen, Axel Kjær, ‘Fra fangst til fiskeri i Vestgrønland<br />
(Julianehåbdistriktet) - en indsigelse’. Tidsskriftet Grønland 1982,<br />
343-346 (Copenhagen, 1982) [<strong>The</strong> change from hunting to fishery]<br />
Sørensen, Claus, Claus Sørensens Erindringer V (Esbjerg, 1979)<br />
[Memoirs <strong>of</strong> an industrialist]<br />
Sørensen, F. Aa., ‘Boom - Boomerang? Om det grønlandske fiskeri og<br />
betragtninger vedr. fiskeriets tilstand og årsagerne til samme’.<br />
Tidsskriftet Grønland 1977, 028-25 (Copenhagen, 1977) [On the<br />
causes <strong>of</strong> the condition for fishery in Greenland]<br />
Sørensen, Frede, ‘“Det grønlandske Fiskerikompagni”s virksomhed’.<br />
Det grønlandske Selskabs Årsskrift, 1952, 122-125 [Company<br />
history]<br />
Vaslev, Aage Barthold, ‘Grønlændernes ændrede livsforhold og<br />
muligheder for dansk havfiskeri ved Grønland’. Året i Grønland 1928<br />
(Copenhagen, 1929) [Opportunities for Danish deep water fishery<br />
around Greenland]<br />
Winther, Gorm, Erhvervsudvikling i Grønland - en selvforvaltet<br />
fiskeindustri? (Aalborg, 1988) [<strong>The</strong> fishing industry]<br />
Printed sources<br />
Grønlands Styrelse (pub.), Fishery reports in Beretning og Kundgørelser<br />
Landsrådenes forhandlinger [Minutes from the Country Councils]<br />
103
Rigsdagens forhandlinger [Minutes from the Danish Parliament]<br />
Ministeriet for Grønland, Grønland Årsberetning (1968-1985)<br />
[Greenland Yearbook] (Copenhagen)<br />
Ministeriet for Grønland, ‘Statistiske oplysninger om udviklingen i<br />
Grønland 1948-1958’. Beretninger vedrørende Grønland 1960, 6<br />
(Copenhagen, 1960) [Statistical information]<br />
Statsministeriet, Grønlandsdepartement. Grønland Årbog 1986-<br />
[Greenland Yearbook] (Copenhagen)<br />
Grønlands Styrelse, Betænkning afgivet af det i december måned 1920<br />
nedsatte udvalg til drøftelse af de grønlandske anliggender<br />
(Copenhagen, 1921) [Committee report]<br />
Ministeriet for Grønland, Betænkning fra Grønlandsudvalget af 1960<br />
(Copenhagen, 1964) (Betænkning nr. 363. 1964) [Committee<br />
report]<br />
Grønlands Styrelse, Grønlandskommissionens Betænkning 5, I+II,<br />
Erhvervsmæssige og økonomiske forhold (Copenhagen, 1950)<br />
[Committee report]<br />
Archives<br />
Grønlands Styrelse og Den kongelige grønlandske handel. Rigsarkivet<br />
(Danish National Archives)<br />
Grønlandsrådet (1964-1979) mødereferater og dokumenter. Rigsarkivet<br />
Rigsdagens/Folketingets Grønlandsudvalg. Folketinget [Parliament<br />
Archives]<br />
104
Dutch <strong>Fisheries</strong>:<br />
An Historiographical<br />
and <strong>The</strong>matic Overview<br />
Jaap R. Bruijn<br />
For centuries the inhabitants <strong>of</strong> the coastal regions <strong>of</strong> the Netherlands<br />
have been involved in all kinds <strong>of</strong> fisheries. <strong>The</strong> coastline stretches from<br />
south to north along the maritime provinces <strong>of</strong> Zeeland, Holland (from<br />
c1800 South-Holland and <strong>North</strong>-Holland), Friesland, Groningen and<br />
five Wadden Isles. Until 1932 this coastline included the Zuyder Zee as<br />
well. <strong>The</strong> number <strong>of</strong> natural ports, however, was small and they were<br />
mainly located along the estuaries <strong>of</strong> the rivers Scheldt, Meuse and<br />
Rhine. Harbours in most cases had to be dug and constructed and<br />
required regular dredging. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth<br />
centuries, for instance, harbour construction took place on a vast scale. 177<br />
It was not until the 1870s that the long coastline <strong>of</strong> Holland was breached<br />
by two canals: the Waterway and <strong>North</strong> Sea Canal. Before then the beach<br />
<strong>of</strong> more than 120 kilometres length was unbroken. Several small fishing<br />
and agrarian communities were located in and behind the dunes along the<br />
beaches. In the interior parts <strong>of</strong> Holland major cities such as Alkmaar,<br />
Haarlem, Leiden and <strong>The</strong> Hague consumed the catches <strong>of</strong> the fishermen<br />
in these communities. <strong>The</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> harbour facilities and the presence <strong>of</strong><br />
rather broad beaches resulted in fishing with flat-bottomed vessels,<br />
stored on the sand.<br />
Environmental circumstances thus dictated for ages a sharp division<br />
between the types and methods <strong>of</strong> fishing based in natural and man-made<br />
ports and those conducted from open beaches. Keel and flat-bottomed<br />
vessels symbolized this difference. Keel ships were used for catching<br />
herring, cod and haddock, and were operated from port cities, mainly<br />
from Enkhuizen in the north and Brielle, Delfshaven, Rotterdam,<br />
Vlaardingen and Maassluis in the south, and from Zierikzee and<br />
Flushing in Zeeland. <strong>The</strong> herring fishery, <strong>of</strong>ficially called the “Great<br />
177 Sigmond, Nederlandse zeehavens.<br />
105
Fishery”, was a world <strong>of</strong> its own with strict regulations and membership.<br />
<strong>The</strong> cod and haddock fishery, <strong>of</strong>ten referred to as the “IJsland en<br />
Doggevaart”, was not formally organized. It was concentrated in<br />
Maassluis, Vlaardingen and Zierikzee. <strong>The</strong> third branch <strong>of</strong> Dutch<br />
fisheries was the “kust- en steurvisserij” based on flatfish and ungutted<br />
salted herring (to be smoked ashore). Fishing villages along the sandy<br />
coast <strong>of</strong> Holland—like Scheveningen, Katwijk, Noordwijk or Egmond<br />
—were engaged in these activities and also had their own organizations.<br />
Though not catching fish but sea mammals, the whaling industry has to<br />
be mentioned as a fourth branch operating in the <strong>North</strong>ern Seas. <strong>The</strong><br />
centres <strong>of</strong> this industry were mainly the areas around Amsterdam,<br />
Zaandam and Rotterdam, and they had no links whatsoever with the<br />
other three branches.<br />
In broad terms this picture pertained from the late Middle Ages until<br />
well into the nineteenth century. Great changes have taken place since<br />
then. Some <strong>of</strong> these changes were international in character: the<br />
introduction <strong>of</strong> propulsion by steam and motor engines, new types <strong>of</strong><br />
vessels and fishing nets. Other changes bear a Dutch hallmark. Great<br />
infrastructural works—e.g. the construction <strong>of</strong> the two canals, a railway<br />
track on the main islands <strong>of</strong> Zeeland and later the Afsluitdijk (1932) and<br />
finally the so-called Deltawerken (1958-1975) —had a great impact<br />
upon Dutch fishing communities. New fishing towns came into being<br />
such as IJmuiden, Den Helder, Urk and Stellingdam, while<br />
Scheveningen greatly expanded. Others, such as Vlaardingen, Maassluis<br />
and Noordwijk, disappeared. <strong>The</strong> Zuyder Zee was transformed into an<br />
inland lake with eel becoming the main catch. At the beginning <strong>of</strong> this<br />
period new legislation was passed. In 1857 liberal legislation declared all<br />
existing rules, bounties, protections and prohibitions obsolete. Any kind<br />
<strong>of</strong> fishing activity became free, creating, for instance, new opportunities<br />
for the villages along Holland’s beaches, which from 1751 had not been<br />
permitted to take part in the gutted salt herring fishery. At the end <strong>of</strong> the<br />
period—since 1983—the catch restrictions and scrap regulations <strong>of</strong> the<br />
European Union figure prominently. Whaling in the Arctic waters had<br />
already come to an end around 1800 and was only temporarily resumed<br />
in the Antarctic waters from 1946 to 1963. 178<br />
178 Bruijn, ‘Een verdwijnende bedrijfstak; Bruijn, ‘De Nederlandse Maatschappij’.<br />
106
<strong>The</strong> Infrastructure for Research on the History <strong>of</strong> Dutch <strong>Fisheries</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong> history <strong>of</strong> the Dutch fisheries is many-sided indeed and <strong>of</strong>fers<br />
several lines <strong>of</strong> approach for research. However, it is still partly a<br />
neglected field <strong>of</strong> research and no immediate change in that situation is<br />
expected. Only one long-term research project is in progress, at the<br />
<strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Groningen, on the catch and trade <strong>of</strong> cod by the Dutch.<br />
Some aspects <strong>of</strong> fishing history are taught in the maritime history courses<br />
at the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Leiden. A few students have written M.A. theses on<br />
the history <strong>of</strong> fishing. No more than three Ph.D. theses in this field have<br />
been defended over the past ten years. Funds and opportunities for<br />
further research are not available. In government research institutes for<br />
modern fisheries, hardly any inkling exists <strong>of</strong> the value that historic<br />
research can have for illuminating present-day and future problems.<br />
Apart from source material in state and municipal archives, good<br />
research facilities are provided by the library in the Fishery Museum at<br />
Vlaardingen. A number <strong>of</strong> thematic exhibitions in this museum in the<br />
early 1980s boosted related research. However, subsequent budgetary<br />
problems have drastically curtailed the operations <strong>of</strong> this museum. <strong>The</strong><br />
Fishery Museum has national pretentions, but other fishery museums are<br />
locally orientated, and some are more in the nature <strong>of</strong> an antiquities’<br />
room.<br />
It is evident, and the same goes for other fields <strong>of</strong> maritime history,<br />
that research on narrow aspects <strong>of</strong> fishing history is mainly done by<br />
non-pr<strong>of</strong>essional historians and individual historians. That happens on<br />
an irregular basis and ought to be supported as strongly as possible. A<br />
promising initiative was launched last year: a cash prize for the best<br />
study <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> fishing. A new journal, called Netwerk, edited by<br />
the friends <strong>of</strong> the Fishery Museum includes short articles.<br />
An Historiography<br />
In the early 1870s the study <strong>of</strong> maritime aspects <strong>of</strong> Dutch history was<br />
encouraged by competitions held by learned societies which resulted in<br />
two excellent books on the early history <strong>of</strong> whaling and the fishing<br />
industry. <strong>The</strong> prize winners were a young lawyer, later archivist, S.<br />
Muller Fzn, and an economist, later a pr<strong>of</strong>essor, A. Beaujon. <strong>The</strong> latter’s<br />
book covers exactly the theme <strong>of</strong> the contest: “the history <strong>of</strong> Dutch<br />
seafisheries, their progress, decline and revival, especially in connection<br />
with the legislation on fisheries in earlier and later times”. An<br />
international exhibition on fisheries at London in 1883 was the reason for<br />
107
this contest. <strong>The</strong> book was published two years later. Beaujon, for the<br />
first time, wrote a broad survey <strong>of</strong> the different fisheries, culminating in a<br />
laudation <strong>of</strong> liberal legislation in recent decades. Muller’s book<br />
described the first decades <strong>of</strong> Dutch whaling in the early seventeenth<br />
century. This author’s doctoral thesis (Mare Clausum, 1872) dealt with<br />
the political entanglements between the Dutch Republic and England in<br />
the seventeenth century, mainly regarding the herring fishery.<br />
This scholarly attention to the fisheries was soon to be followed by a<br />
guide to the practices <strong>of</strong> the herring, long-line and trawl fisheries and<br />
their historic background. This very informative book was written and<br />
illustrated by a well-known fishing shipowner at Vlaardingen, A.<br />
Hoogendijk Jz. It was published in 1895. 179 A local schoolteacher at<br />
Scheveningen, J.C. Vermaas, put his many notes on the history <strong>of</strong> his<br />
village, and <strong>of</strong> its coastal fishery in particular, together in essays, which<br />
were posthumously published in 1926 (reprinted in 1968).<br />
Academic interest resumed in 1935 when M. Simon Thomas<br />
defended her substantial thesis on the relations with Iceland in the<br />
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in which the cod fishery received a<br />
good deal <strong>of</strong> attention. By far the most important book on the history <strong>of</strong><br />
the Dutch deep sea fisheries <strong>of</strong> the early modern period was the work <strong>of</strong><br />
an economist, H.A.H. Kranenburg (he later called himself Boelmans<br />
Kranenburg). His dissertation (1946) analyzed and revised the available<br />
information, and, from an economic point <strong>of</strong> view, created a well<br />
balanced picture <strong>of</strong> the scale and importance <strong>of</strong> the herring, cod and<br />
haddock fisheries. During a life-long association with the world <strong>of</strong> sea<br />
fisheries, Boelmans Kranenburg later wrote a rich number <strong>of</strong> books and<br />
articles on all kinds <strong>of</strong> aspects <strong>of</strong> the early and modern fisheries. He was<br />
the leading scholar in the field until his untimely death in 1980. He has<br />
not yet been replaced in this respect.<br />
This does not imply that others have not paid attention to the subject.<br />
In 1962 two Ph.D. studies were published on the history <strong>of</strong> the fisheries<br />
in the Zuyder Zee and in the IJsselmeer. 180 In the 1970s J.P. van de Voort<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Fishery Museum wrote on a vast scale about the <strong>North</strong> Sea<br />
fisheries, <strong>of</strong>ten from a folklore point <strong>of</strong> view. Quite recently, three other<br />
Ph.D. studies have appeared. A.P.van Vliet has analyzed the deep sea<br />
and coastal fisheries settled in the Meuse estuary during the Eighty<br />
179 See also Mulder Bosgoed, Bibliotheca.<br />
180 Ypma, Geschiedenis and A. Schaper, De IJsselmeervisserij.<br />
108
Years’ War (1586-1648) and the impact <strong>of</strong> Flemish privateering upon it.<br />
Conflicts about fishing net regulations in the Zuyder Zee in the late<br />
nineteenth century were studied by J.M. Kerkhoven. An ethnological<br />
approach was applied by R. van Ginkel in his study <strong>of</strong> fishermen’s<br />
communities on the isle <strong>of</strong> Texel in the nineteenth and twentieth<br />
centuries, 181 as he had done before in a booklet on a similar kind <strong>of</strong><br />
community in Zeeland, which lived mainly from oyster and mussel<br />
farming. An interesting sideline is the book by S.J. de Groot on the<br />
history <strong>of</strong> the fishing research in the Netherlands and Dutch East Indies.<br />
Recent developments include publications on the inland fisheries. 182<br />
As well as this selection <strong>of</strong> more sizeable studies, various smaller<br />
publications are available, generally in local and regional journals. <strong>The</strong><br />
subjects range from the fish auction at Middelharnis and shipowners at<br />
Katwijk to a special issue <strong>of</strong> the regional journal Holland on nineteenth<br />
and twentieth century fisheries (vol.16, 1984). Publications over the past<br />
25 years can be found in the extensive bibliography in each issue <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Mededelingen <strong>of</strong> the Dutch Society for Maritime History, from 1982 the<br />
Tijdschrift voor Zeegeschiedenis. An annotated bibliography is available<br />
in the four volumes <strong>of</strong> the Maritieme Geschiedenis der Nederlanden<br />
(Bussum <strong>1976</strong>-1978) which also provides the reader with a good<br />
introduction to the history <strong>of</strong> the fisheries and whaling, ranging from the<br />
early Middle Ages to the late 1970s. 183<br />
Boelmans Kranenburg’s observation <strong>of</strong> 1961 that the fisheries are a<br />
rather neglected field <strong>of</strong> historical research, is still more or less valid.<br />
However, this observation does not apply to whaling. <strong>The</strong> history <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Dutch ventures in the Arctic and Davis Strait has been fairly well<br />
researched. <strong>The</strong> Dutch played a prominent role in early whaling. At its<br />
peak (1721), nearly 260 ships were involved. A solid amount <strong>of</strong><br />
statistical information in contemporary sources forms the backbone <strong>of</strong><br />
many studies. Muller’s book, mentioned above, refers to the founding<br />
period. <strong>The</strong> South African C. de Jong wrote a good but not easily<br />
accessible survey <strong>of</strong> Dutch whaling in the seventeenth and eighteenth<br />
centuries. A.M. van der Woude integrated whaling into the social,<br />
economic and demographic structure <strong>of</strong> the northern part <strong>of</strong> Holland. P.<br />
181 See also the International Journal <strong>of</strong> Maritime History Vol. VI (1994), 199-231.<br />
182 Martens, De zalmvissers; Harbers, ‘Binnenvisserij’ and Harbers, ‘Riviervisserij’.<br />
183 See also De Vries and Van der Woude, Nederland 1500-1815, 284-321.<br />
109
Dekker studied the careers <strong>of</strong> various masters <strong>of</strong> whaling vessels.<br />
Innovative, because <strong>of</strong> its multi-disciplinary approach, was L.<br />
Hacquebord’s dissertation on the first Dutch whaling activities and<br />
settlements on Svalbard in the early seventeenth century. He put the<br />
numbers <strong>of</strong> vessels involved into the right perspective and proved that<br />
new patterns in whaling had been caused by climatic changes. J.R.<br />
Leinenga has recently analyzed the Dutch ventures in the Davis Strait.<br />
Hacquebord and Leinenga together have further developed the topic <strong>of</strong><br />
ecology and climate in relation to early modern whaling. A complete<br />
survey <strong>of</strong> the historiography <strong>of</strong> Dutch whaling—with all the relevant<br />
titles—is available in Tijdschrift voor Zeegeschiedenis vol. XIII (1994)<br />
19-40.<br />
Periodisation<br />
Historians cannot live without periodisation. It is obvious that the herring<br />
fishery, which has always been the most important branch <strong>of</strong> the Dutch<br />
fisheries, has to be the starting point for such an exercise. From the end<br />
<strong>of</strong> the fifteenth century Holland surpassed Flanders and remained the<br />
unquestioned leader in this respect. <strong>The</strong> peak <strong>of</strong> the herring business was<br />
reached in c1630 with 500 to 600 vessels operating annually. Later in the<br />
seventeenth century a slow decline began, resulting in a reduction <strong>of</strong> the<br />
herring fleet to 150-200 vessels in the latter half <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth<br />
century, and a further shrinkage during the so-called French period<br />
around 1800. <strong>The</strong> recovery was limited indeed, the lowest ebb occurring<br />
around 1850. From then on an upward trend was evident. <strong>The</strong> next peak<br />
was reached on the eve <strong>of</strong> World War I when 776 herring vessels were<br />
registered at Vlaardingen, Maassluis, Scheveningen and Katwijk. <strong>The</strong><br />
total sea-going fishing fleet in 1914 comprised 1,335 vessels. 184<br />
Thus the herring fishery can be divided into the following periods:<br />
late fifteenth century-mid seventeenth century, c1650-1850 and<br />
1850-1914. A complex assortment <strong>of</strong> reasons caused the decline in the<br />
early modern period, while the upsurge in the nineteenth century finds its<br />
main explanation in liberal legislation. A division line after 1850/60<br />
would also be in accordance with developments in the other fisheries.<br />
For many a fisherman in Scheveningen and Katwijk, relieved <strong>of</strong> formal<br />
and strict prohibitions from 1857, after a while switched over to salt<br />
herring fishery.<br />
184 Gouda, De Nederlandse zeevisserij, 18.<br />
110
<strong>The</strong> catch <strong>of</strong> cod and haddock has nearly always been <strong>of</strong> less<br />
importance than that <strong>of</strong> herring. It can be divided into the so-called<br />
summer and winter season in the <strong>North</strong> Sea and a separate branch in the<br />
waters near Iceland. <strong>The</strong> Icelandic cod-fishery was probably a new<br />
feature from 1655; it reached a peak in the second half <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth<br />
century (c1770 about 110 vessels), but disappeared in the first half <strong>of</strong> the<br />
nineteenth century. <strong>North</strong> Sea cod and haddock were caught by<br />
fluctuating numbers <strong>of</strong> vessels, but by and large the trend was upwards<br />
from the sixteenth to the end <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth century.<br />
In this context the coastal trawl and fresh fishery ranks far behind and<br />
does not allow periodisation. <strong>The</strong> same is true for whaling; its demise is a<br />
late eighteenth-century phenomenon.<br />
Sources for a Quantitative Approach<br />
<strong>The</strong> fisheries in general formed a regulated industry. <strong>The</strong> different<br />
branches—whaling included—had their own organizations, called<br />
colleges or collegiums. Some had wider regulating powers than others.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se organizations operated on a provincial scale. Local magistrates<br />
represented their villages, towns or cities. In most cases the<br />
representatives had no, or only minor, bonds with the industry itself. <strong>The</strong><br />
colleges, which under different names still exist in 1995, issued all kinds<br />
<strong>of</strong> regulations and collected information about the fleet, the catch and the<br />
market. <strong>The</strong>ir archives are <strong>of</strong>ten rich sources for historians and over time<br />
they have been used for several publications. Statistics for certain<br />
periods or branches figure prominently as appendices in many books and<br />
articles. A systematic collection in one publication would be <strong>of</strong> great<br />
interest for the history <strong>of</strong> the fisheries in general and for the Netherlands<br />
in particular.<br />
However, there are more sources, not always in very obvious places.<br />
Salt was an indispensable raw material in most fisheries. Salt was also a<br />
commodity traditionally taxed by local and other authorities. <strong>The</strong> yield is<br />
sometimes known and can be used for fairly exact estimations <strong>of</strong> the<br />
herring caught and shipped in, for it was well-known how much salt was,<br />
for instance, required for a raised tun <strong>of</strong> herring. Another source is the<br />
yield <strong>of</strong> auctions or church accounts. In some communities shipowners<br />
or skippers made donations to the church in proportion to their catches<br />
and voyages. It is <strong>of</strong>ten hard to sort out the prices for which the various<br />
fish were sold. <strong>The</strong> accounts <strong>of</strong> orphanages and old people’s homes can<br />
provide local prices paid by consumers. Van Vliet has recently made an<br />
111
ingenious use <strong>of</strong> this kind <strong>of</strong> source in order to establish a good insight<br />
into the fishing activities in the Meuse estuary around 1600. <strong>The</strong> data is<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten not <strong>of</strong> a serial nature.<br />
For the nineteenth and twentieth centuries it is easier to collect data.<br />
Beaujon, for instance, as early as 1885 provided his readers with figures<br />
concerning the quantities <strong>of</strong> herring (gutted and ungutted) brought<br />
ashore from 1814 (1823) to 1883 or the tons <strong>of</strong> salted fish exported to<br />
Belgium and Germany.<br />
Some Materials for a <strong>The</strong>matic Approach<br />
Boelmans Kranenburg and to a large degree Van Vliet are the sole<br />
authors who have studied the fisheries in a wide economic and social<br />
context. <strong>The</strong> first for a period <strong>of</strong> two centuries, the latter for a time span<br />
<strong>of</strong> almost eighty years, and both for the early modern period. Van Vliet<br />
has refined and improved Kranenburg’s findings. In the following I<br />
would like to make a few observations about perhaps typical Dutch<br />
aspects and also to present some results <strong>of</strong> on-going or recently<br />
completed research.<br />
Employment<br />
In a previous section I have given a few figures about the number <strong>of</strong><br />
fishing vessels in use over the past four centuries. <strong>The</strong>re are fairly<br />
reliable data available on the manpower on board. <strong>The</strong> most detailed<br />
figures for the early modern period are provided by Van Vliet. In the<br />
1630’s one eighth (4,700) <strong>of</strong> the total population <strong>of</strong> 35,000 in the five<br />
main cities in the Meuse estuary (Rotterdam, Delfshaven, Schiedam,<br />
Vlaardingen and Maassluis) could be considered fishermen. For the<br />
Dutch population at large (less than 2 million) the number <strong>of</strong> fishermen<br />
must have been c10,000. <strong>The</strong> herring fishery was responsible for about<br />
two-thirds <strong>of</strong> total employment. <strong>The</strong> overall number <strong>of</strong> seamen and<br />
fishermen is estimated at c50,000 to 55,000. 185 Nearly all fishermen<br />
were locally recruited by the skippers, either in an inn or in the skipper’s<br />
home. <strong>The</strong> people involved in supplying and fish processing have not<br />
been quantified.<br />
No such elaborate information exists for later periods. A fair guess for<br />
c1770 would suggest about 5,500 fishermen. Only two-fifths <strong>of</strong> them<br />
185 Van Vliet, Vissers, 41, 139 and 161; Maritieme Geschiedenis, vol II, 131-32; Bruijn<br />
and Van Eyck van Heslinga, ‘Seamen’s employment’, 10-11.<br />
112
were active in the herring fishery. During a couple <strong>of</strong> decades cod and<br />
haddock were almost as important as herring. <strong>The</strong> decline in the fishing<br />
industry would continue deep into the nineteenth century. However, the<br />
recovery was then rapid indeed. In 1892 the industry already required<br />
more than 6,000 hands, in 1914 even more than 12,000! Most <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fishermen operating in the Zuyder Zee (3,000 to 4,000) are not included<br />
in this figure. 186 In 1916 the overall peak <strong>of</strong> vessels and manpower was<br />
reached. <strong>The</strong> proportion <strong>of</strong> foreign labour always remained small and<br />
differed vastly from the situation in the navy and the mercantile marine.<br />
In 1995 about 500 beam trawlers and 12 huge deepfreeze trawlers<br />
comprise the sea-going fleet, providing work for about 2,700 men,<br />
almost all Dutchmen. 150 vessels are active in the catch <strong>of</strong> mussels,<br />
cockles and oysters and another 125 operate in the former Zuyder Zee. It<br />
should be taken into account that nowadays one man at sea means<br />
employment for five others ashore. <strong>The</strong>re are, for instance, no less then<br />
eleven fish auctions. 187 <strong>The</strong> total population <strong>of</strong> the Netherlands is about<br />
15 million.<br />
<strong>The</strong> short-lived revival <strong>of</strong> whaling (in the Antarctic) in 1946-1963<br />
needed a labour-force fluctuating between 350 and 700. A small majority<br />
was Dutch. During the heyday <strong>of</strong> old whaling, the fleet was manned by<br />
5,000 to 10,000 seamen, nearly half <strong>of</strong> them originating from abroad. 188<br />
Of National Importance<br />
Fishing has always ranked second, third or fourth on the ladder <strong>of</strong><br />
national importance <strong>of</strong> the Dutch maritime industries. Overseas trade had<br />
by tradition priority in the state’s interest. However, the herring fishery<br />
figured high in the seventeenth-century conflicts with England. Much<br />
herring was traditionally caught in or near English territorial waters. <strong>The</strong><br />
English envied the Dutch success in this branch <strong>of</strong> fishery, for it was<br />
thought to be at the cost <strong>of</strong> their own fishermen. Various diplomatic<br />
missions negotiated this issue in London but it was never solved. <strong>The</strong><br />
overall economic rivalry between the Republic and England was such<br />
that two wars on this issue turned out to be unavoidable (1652-1654 and<br />
186 Gouda, De Nederlandse zeevisserij, 15-18; Ypma, Geschiedenis, 205.<br />
187 Oral communication by H. van der Bent, editor <strong>of</strong> the journal Visserijnieuws (July<br />
1995).<br />
188 Bruijn, ‘De Nederlandse Maatschappij’, 249.<br />
113
1665-1667). 189 <strong>The</strong> Dutch government once again supported the<br />
fisheries when in 1740 the Danish authorities decided that the territorial<br />
waters around Iceland should be more strictly obeyed. A few Dutch cod<br />
fishermen were held and brought into port. Two warships convoyed the<br />
fishermen in 1741 and the next year the conflict was over. 190<br />
During the first half <strong>of</strong> the sixteenth century local communities with<br />
fishing interests combined their efforts as soon as Charles V and Philip II<br />
involved the Low Countries in their wars. <strong>The</strong>y asked for armed<br />
protection <strong>of</strong> their fishing vessels, which was mostly granted. This<br />
became more or less normal procedure. <strong>The</strong> outlay was generally paid by<br />
the parties concerned. Contacts with the naval authorities continued in<br />
the following centuries. In time <strong>of</strong> war, it was quite common for<br />
warships to escort the herring fleets, at least when requested. <strong>The</strong> coastal<br />
and cod fisheries mostly had to take care <strong>of</strong> themselves. During the wars<br />
against the Dunkirk privateers it regularly proved to be impossible to<br />
secure adequate protection. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it<br />
became quite common procedure for so-called fishery inspection ships<br />
<strong>of</strong> the navy to visit the luggers in the fishing areas in order to make sure<br />
that regulations were being obeyed, rivalries were kept under control and<br />
smuggling was prevented.<br />
A sideline, though <strong>of</strong> some interest, is government acceptance <strong>of</strong> a<br />
responsibility for the fishing industry at large. That happened in 1888,<br />
when the biologist Dr. P.P.C. Hoek was appointed scientific advisor in<br />
fishery matters. Hoek founded fish biology as a subdiscipline <strong>of</strong> biology,<br />
stimulated international co-operation as to the resources <strong>of</strong> the sea, and<br />
voiced an early warning against overfishing. He was one <strong>of</strong> the initiators<br />
<strong>of</strong> the International Council <strong>of</strong> the Exploration <strong>of</strong> the Sea (ICES) in 1902.<br />
Hoek established small research centres and research vessels,<br />
culminating in the Netherlands Institute for <strong>Fisheries</strong> Research (RIVO),<br />
from 1957 based in IJmuiden. 191<br />
State Interference and State Abstinence<br />
<strong>The</strong> decline <strong>of</strong> the herring fishery in the late seventeenth and eighteenth<br />
centuries led to provincial and national protection and financial support.<br />
189 Wilson, Pr<strong>of</strong>it; Van Vliet, Vissers, 145-50.<br />
190 Simon Thomas, Onze IJslandsvaarders, chapter 7.<br />
191 De Groot, Een eeuw.<br />
114
In 1719 the States General forbade the export <strong>of</strong> brine and string for nets,<br />
and in 1725, drift nets. Import and export <strong>of</strong> bands for barrels was<br />
forbidden in 1750. Impost on victuals and salt for herring vessels was<br />
abolished as were export duties on salted herring. <strong>The</strong>se measures were<br />
introduced between 1750 and 1754. <strong>The</strong> un<strong>of</strong>ficial rule, dating back to<br />
1663, that only Great Fishery members could gut their herring was<br />
hardened into a monopoly.<br />
Financial support was introduced by the provincial authorities. In the<br />
1750s the States <strong>of</strong> Zeeland began to pay their provincial fishermen a<br />
bounty per vessel. <strong>The</strong> financial consequences for Zeeland were<br />
calculable, for the number <strong>of</strong> vessels was small. Britain had set an<br />
example. <strong>The</strong> States <strong>of</strong> Holland did not immediately follow. For the bulk<br />
<strong>of</strong> the fisheries was settled in that province. In 1775, however, Holland<br />
could no longer abstain from financial support. A herring shipowner<br />
would now receive a bounty <strong>of</strong> 500 Dutch guilders for each vessel<br />
equipped in a certain year. In 1788 this measure was extended to the<br />
Icelandic cod fishery. Whaling vessels were treated accordingly. 192<br />
<strong>The</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> state protection and support is uncertain. <strong>The</strong> best one<br />
can say about it is that it may have slowed down the decline. Neither the<br />
regimes installed by the French around 1800 nor the new kingdom <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Netherlands changed the policy. Also the coastal fishery could now rely<br />
upon bounties. <strong>The</strong> regulations around gutted and ungutted herring were<br />
even extended. <strong>The</strong> fisheries walked down a dead-end road. Various<br />
shipowners needed the bounty to balance expenses and the catch’s yield.<br />
For the coastal fisheries from the 1820s to the 1850s current research is<br />
going to prove that it could not have survived without bounties. Only by<br />
a combination <strong>of</strong> trawl and drift net (for the ungutted salted herring)<br />
during the year plus the bounties did fishermen and shipowners survive.<br />
Without bounties government would have had to spend more on<br />
poor-relief, a contemporary observed.<br />
After the 1848 “revolution”, liberal ideology ran through ministries.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fisheries were one <strong>of</strong> the most protected industries. <strong>The</strong> bounties<br />
should disappear and the value <strong>of</strong> all existing laws and regulations be<br />
seriously reconsidered. In February 1854 a state commission began this<br />
work. Seven months later its report was ready, advising the abolition <strong>of</strong><br />
laws and regulations and pleading liberty. One regulation, however,<br />
should be maintained. Inspection and control <strong>of</strong> the quality <strong>of</strong> the<br />
192 De Vries, De economische achteruitgang, 147-49.<br />
115
herring, before it could go to buyers, could not be abolished. In 1857<br />
Parliament decided differently. 193 <strong>The</strong> fisheries were freed <strong>of</strong> all<br />
restrictions and prescriptions. Only one body would represent the<br />
fisheries in relation to the government. This “College voor de<br />
Zeevisserijen” could only give advice. Its carefully administered annual<br />
reports have become a priceless source <strong>of</strong> information for historical<br />
research. From 1857 onwards, anybody was allowed to catch, process<br />
and sell any kind <strong>of</strong> fish. <strong>The</strong> effect, however, was not an immediate<br />
revival <strong>of</strong> the fisheries. More was therefore required such as the<br />
introduction <strong>of</strong> cotton nets and the lugger.<br />
From Buys to Beam Trawler<br />
Over the ages various types <strong>of</strong> fishing vessel have been used. Some have<br />
a Dutch connotation, others have been copied from abroad. <strong>The</strong> buys is<br />
<strong>of</strong> medieval origin and since the early fifteenth century associated with<br />
the catch <strong>of</strong> herring, though it could occasionally be used for transport<br />
purposes. <strong>The</strong> buys was the showpiece <strong>of</strong> the Republic’s herring fishery,<br />
at its zenith in numbers <strong>of</strong> 500 to 600, built in shipyards <strong>of</strong> the herring<br />
cities. Its cargo capacity fluctuated around 30 lasts or 60 tons, with a<br />
length between stem and stern <strong>of</strong> 15 to 18 m. <strong>The</strong>re had to be a balance<br />
between the size <strong>of</strong> the vessel and the drift net. <strong>The</strong> buys was manned by<br />
twelve men and two boys. Its main characteristic was the three low,<br />
square rigged masts, <strong>of</strong> which the fore and main mast were struck when<br />
the catch had begun. <strong>The</strong> buys was a keel vessel and continued to be used<br />
into the nineteenth century.<br />
<strong>The</strong> cod and haddock fisheries also had their own type <strong>of</strong> vessel: the<br />
hoeker, a name derived from the hook or haak <strong>of</strong> the long-line. <strong>The</strong><br />
hoeker, a keel vessel too, is medieval in origin like the buys. As it<br />
operated in winter time and near Iceland, it was <strong>of</strong> stronger construction.<br />
It <strong>of</strong>ten had a fish well. For commercial aims, the hoeker was also<br />
employed. <strong>The</strong> main difference with the buys was not in the hull and the<br />
size, but in the presence <strong>of</strong> two masts (the main mast tall, the mizzen<br />
small) and two continuous bulwarks. <strong>The</strong> buys’ bulwark had on both<br />
sides an opening for the drift nets. Later in the seventeenth century the<br />
hoeker became bigger. Around 1600 its capacity was no more than 10 to<br />
193 Beaujon, Overzicht, 262-81; Smolders, ‘Opbeuring’.<br />
116
15 lasts. Its average crew was about twelve men. <strong>The</strong> hoeker disappeared<br />
only late in the nineteenth century. 194<br />
<strong>The</strong> most renowned nineteenth-century vessel in Dutch coastal<br />
fishing was the bomschuit. This single-masted vessel with fore and aft<br />
rigging was flat-bottomed. When not fishing the bomschuits were stored<br />
by tens on the beaches near the fishing communities along Holland’s<br />
shore. Gales could play havoc with them. <strong>The</strong> last bomschuit was used in<br />
1915, eleven years after Scheveningen had finally been equipped with a<br />
harbour. In the late nineteenth century, the bomschuits were attractive<br />
and <strong>of</strong>ten centrally positioned objects in the seascapes by many a painter<br />
from <strong>The</strong> Netherlands and from abroad, who frequented the seaside<br />
resorts.<br />
A good example <strong>of</strong> innovative ideas in fishing communities is the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> the slup in Vlaardingen in the mid-nineteenth century.<br />
<strong>The</strong> slup was a boat used for the catch <strong>of</strong> fresh fish, but was now enlarged<br />
for the so-called “far” herring and cod fishery. J. Ploeg, a modelmaker,<br />
has carefully analyzed this development as well as the introduction <strong>of</strong> the<br />
French lugger into the Netherlands in 1866. 195<br />
World War I was a boom period for the Dutch fisheries. Huge pr<strong>of</strong>its<br />
were made, but also great losses <strong>of</strong> ships and human lives were suffered.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>North</strong> Sea became so dangerous that in November 1917 steam<br />
trawlers were forbidden to sail. A group <strong>of</strong> shipowners in the new fishing<br />
town <strong>of</strong> IJmuiden wanted to continue and demonstrated creative ideas.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y bought up old tugs, converted them into fishing boats and used<br />
them for the coastal fishery, which was still permitted. <strong>The</strong>se “new”<br />
types <strong>of</strong> fishing vessel were obviously redundant when the war was over.<br />
In 1919 and 1920 no less than thirteen vessels sank in uncertain<br />
circumstances, but without loss <strong>of</strong> life. <strong>The</strong> Raad voor de Scheepvaart<br />
investigated the disasters but could never provide positive evidence <strong>of</strong><br />
evil intent. 196<br />
194 Van Vliet, Vissers, 42-5; Van Beylen, Schepen, 134-43; Hoving, Nicolaes Witsens<br />
Scheep-bouw-konst, 342-8.<br />
195 J. Ploeg, ‘Sloepen en loggers. Nieuwe scheepstypen voor de aloude Noordzeevisserij<br />
1800-1875’ (1993), manuscript available in the Fishery Museum at Vlaardingen and the<br />
Department <strong>of</strong> Maritime History, <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Leiden.<br />
196<br />
Research seminar paper by D.E.D. van Iterson 1995 (Department <strong>of</strong> Maritime<br />
History, <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Leiden).<br />
117
<strong>The</strong> judgements <strong>of</strong> the Raad voor de Scheepvaart—an independent<br />
body <strong>of</strong> nautical and legal experts, appointed by government, to<br />
investigate shipping disasters—are an interesting source <strong>of</strong> information<br />
on all kinds <strong>of</strong> shipping, for instance, as to beam trawlers in the 1960s.<br />
Eighteen vessels capsized between 1960 and 1974. Investigations by the<br />
Shipping Inspection and the Raad voor the Scheepvaart resulted in better<br />
construction <strong>of</strong> weighted trawls plus an inspection <strong>of</strong> the stability <strong>of</strong> all<br />
590 beam trawlers. No less than 78 lost their licenses and 56 were<br />
lengthened. 197 <strong>The</strong> beam trawler was safe again. <strong>Hull</strong> and rig had been<br />
adapted to a heavier fishing gear.<br />
Conclusion<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this paper has been to examine the historiography <strong>of</strong><br />
fishing in <strong>The</strong> Netherlands. Much has been done, much has been<br />
achieved, but always as the result <strong>of</strong> individual efforts. <strong>The</strong>re is no<br />
infrastructure for on-going research. This paper only touches upon a few<br />
aspects. Nothing, for instance, is said about the inland and foreign<br />
markets. <strong>The</strong> coming <strong>of</strong> railways had its impact as well. A number <strong>of</strong><br />
monographs cover certain periods. A general overview and analysis <strong>of</strong><br />
the Dutch fisheries is still lacking. Sufficient material, however, seems to<br />
be available, though some specific research is still required.<br />
What the Dutch historiography is clearly lacking, is an international<br />
perspective. <strong>The</strong> approach is always Dutch and comparisons with<br />
developments abroad are never made. <strong>The</strong> great variety <strong>of</strong> fisheries<br />
<strong>of</strong>fers ample opportunities, and its importance in relation to other<br />
countries should stimulate this. Those very beam trawlers, referred to<br />
above, were in the 1970s responsible for 80 percent <strong>of</strong> the catch <strong>of</strong> sole in<br />
Western Europe and 50 per cent <strong>of</strong> the catch <strong>of</strong> plaice.<br />
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY<br />
A broad and detailed survey <strong>of</strong> statistical data on Dutch fisheries is available from the<br />
author or from Dr Jan P van de Voort, Amalia van Solmslaan 6, 3136 CD Vlaardingen.<br />
A. Beaujon, Overzicht der geschiedenis van de Nederlandsche<br />
zeevisscherijen (Leiden, 1885)<br />
J. van Beylen, Schepen van de Nederlanden (Amsterdam, 1970)<br />
197 Research seminar paper by C.J. Schotsman 1995 (Department <strong>of</strong> Maritime History,<br />
<strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Leiden).<br />
118
H.A.H. Boelmans Kranenburg and J.P. van de Voort, Een zee te hoog.<br />
Scheepsrampen bij de Nederlandse zeevisserij 1860-<strong>1976</strong><br />
(Bussum, 1979)<br />
J.R. Bruijn, ‘De Nederlandse Maatschappij voor de Walvisvaart,<br />
1946-1967’. Economisch- en Sociaal-Historisch Jaarboek 48 (1985),<br />
233-57<br />
J.R. Bruijn, ‘Een verdwijnende bedrijfstak: de Nederlandse<br />
walvisvaart (ca. 1780-ca. 1850)’. G. Maréchal (ed.), Een kompas met<br />
vele streken (Antwerpen, 1994), 44-51<br />
J.R. Bruijn and E.S. van Eyck van Heslinga, ‘Seamen’s employment<br />
in <strong>The</strong> Netherlands (c.1600-c.1800)’. Mariner’s Mirror 70<br />
(1984), 7-20<br />
R. van Ginkel, Elk vist op zijn tij. Een Zeeuwse maritieme<br />
gemeenschap, Yerseke 1870-1914 (Zutphen, 1991)<br />
R. van Ginkel, Tussen Scylla en Charybdis. Een etnohistorie van<br />
Texels vissersvolk (1813-1932) (Amsterdam, 1993)<br />
D.J. Gouda, De Nederlandse zeevisserij tijdens de Eerste<br />
Wereldoorlog 1914-1918 (Haarlem/Antwerpen, 1978)<br />
S.J. de Groot, Een eeuw visserijonderzoek in Nederland 1888-1988<br />
(IJmuiden, 1988)<br />
M. Harbers, ‘Binnenvisserij in en rond Rotterdam tot in de 19e eeuw’.<br />
Rotterdams Jaarboekje 103 (1992), 139-70<br />
M. Harbers, ‘Riviervisserij tussen de Maasmond en IJsselmonde’.<br />
Netwerk, 6 (1995), 7-17<br />
L. Hacquebord, ‘Van Noordse Compagnie tot Maatschappij voor de<br />
Walvisvaart. Honderd jaar onderzoek naar de geschiedenis van de<br />
Nederlandse walvisvaart’. Tijdschrift voor Zeegeschiedenis 13<br />
(1994), 19-40<br />
L. Hacquebord and J.R. Leinenga, ‘De ecologie van de Groenlandse<br />
walvis in relatie tot walvisvaart en klimaatveranderingen in de<br />
zeventiende en achttiende eeuw’. Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 107<br />
(1994), 415-38<br />
A. Hoogendijk JZ., De Grootvisscherij op de Noordzee (Haarlem,<br />
1895)<br />
A.J. Hoving, Nicolaes Witsens Scheeps-bouw-konst open gestelt<br />
(Franeker, 1994)<br />
J. Kerkhoven, Het net en de wet. Conflicten onder Zuiderzeevissers en<br />
overheidsbeleid, 1878-1918 (Amsterdam, 1994)<br />
H.A.H. Kranenburg, De Zeevisscherij van Holland in den tijd der<br />
119
Republiek (Amsterdam, 1946)<br />
Maritieme Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 4 vols. (Bussum, <strong>1976</strong>-<br />
1978)<br />
P.J.M. Martens, De zalmvissers van de Biesbosch 1421-1896<br />
(Tilburg, 1992)<br />
D. Mulder Bosgoed, Bibliotheca Ichthyologica et Piscatoria.<br />
Catalogus van boeken en geschriften over de natuurlijke geschiedenis<br />
van de visschen en walvisschen, de kunstmatige vischteelt, de<br />
visscherijen, de wetgeving op de visscherijen, enz. (Haarlem, 1873).<br />
S. Muller Fzn., Geschiedenis der Noordsche Compagnie (Utrecht, 1874)<br />
E.W. Petrejus, De bomschuit. Een verdwenen scheepstype<br />
(Rotterdam, 1954)<br />
A. Schaper, De IJsselmeervisserij (Utrecht, 1962)<br />
J.P. Sigmond, Nederlandse zeehavens tussen 1500 en 1800<br />
(Amsterdam, 1989)<br />
M. Simon Thomas, Onze IJslandsvaarders in de 17de en 18de eeuw.<br />
Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van de Nederlandsche handel en<br />
visscherij (Amsterdam, 1935)<br />
A.P. Smolders, ‘Opbeuring <strong>of</strong> instandhouding’. De visserij van de<br />
Zijde onder het premiestelsel tussen 1823-1854 (M.A. thesis,<br />
<strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Leiden, 1995)<br />
J.C. Vermaas, Geschiedenis van Scheveningen (<strong>The</strong> Hague, 1926 and<br />
1968)<br />
A. van Vliet, Vissers en kapers. De zeevisserij vanuit het<br />
Maasmondgebied en de Duinkerker kapers (ca. 1580-1648) (<strong>The</strong><br />
Hague, 1994)<br />
J.P. van de Voort, Vissers van de Noordzee. Het Nederlandse<br />
visserijbedrijf in geschiedenis en volksleven (<strong>The</strong> Hague, 1975)<br />
J. de Vries, De economische achteruitgang der Republiek in de<br />
achttiende eeuw (Leiden, 1968, second impression)<br />
J. de Vries and A. van der Woude, Nederland 1500-1815. De eerste<br />
ronde van moderne economische groei (Amsterdam, 1995)<br />
C. Wilson, Pr<strong>of</strong>it and power. A study <strong>of</strong> England and the Dutch<br />
Wars (London, 1957)<br />
Y.N. Ypma, Geschiedenis van de Zuiderzeevisserij (Amsterdam,<br />
1962)<br />
120
<strong>The</strong> Sea <strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
British Isles, 1376-<strong>1976</strong>:<br />
A Preliminary Survey<br />
Robb Robinson & David J. Starkey<br />
Historians <strong>of</strong> the fisheries conducted from the British Isles since the late<br />
fourteenth century are confronted by two main obstacles. In the first<br />
place, this is a vast subject, not just in the long chronological span<br />
involved, but also because <strong>of</strong> the complex range <strong>of</strong> activities it embraces.<br />
At any given time during this period many different types <strong>of</strong> fishery were<br />
being prosecuted from the British Isles. While there were marked<br />
regional variations in technique, catch and market, numerous contrasting<br />
forms <strong>of</strong> fishing enterprise might be conducted concurrently from a<br />
single port or locality. Secondly, there are practical problems regarding<br />
the collection and interpretation <strong>of</strong> data, for the primary sources<br />
pertaining to Britain’s fisheries are extensive, assume many different<br />
forms and are scattered in libraries and record <strong>of</strong>fices throughout the<br />
United Kingdom. <strong>The</strong> evidence, more importantly, is uneven in temporal<br />
terms, with comparatively little relating to the pre-1750 period, and also<br />
with regard to its topical range—some fisheries, and some ports, having<br />
generated more, or more useful, records than others.<br />
Such difficulties are reflected in the literature pertaining to the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> Britain’s fisheries. While few students have considered<br />
the business <strong>of</strong> fishing before the eighteenth century, the focus <strong>of</strong> the<br />
majority <strong>of</strong> works has been restricted to a particular type <strong>of</strong> fishery, to the<br />
fishing enterprise <strong>of</strong> a designated port or stretch <strong>of</strong> coastline, or to a<br />
certain facet <strong>of</strong> the process <strong>of</strong> catching, transporting, preserving and<br />
selling fish. More critically, the literature, with notable exceptions,<br />
suffers from a number <strong>of</strong> intellectual weaknesses. Fishing historians<br />
have <strong>of</strong>ten been lax in setting parameters for their work and in adopting a<br />
systematic approach to their ill-defined topics. Accordingly, descriptive,<br />
parochial and romanticised accounts <strong>of</strong> how fishing was practised are<br />
rather more numerous than analyses <strong>of</strong> why the activity developed to the<br />
extent, and in the form, that it did. A general reluctance to contextualise<br />
121
is also apparent, few authors having attempted to place their particular<br />
subjects in a national, let alone, international, comparative setting. <strong>The</strong><br />
net result <strong>of</strong> these shortcomings is that a rigorous, comprehensive history<br />
<strong>of</strong> the British fisheries has yet to be written.<br />
<strong>The</strong> present paper draws upon the available literature to sketch an<br />
outline <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> sea fishing in the British Isles in the six<br />
centuries prior to <strong>1976</strong>. It considers the commercial sea fishing<br />
operations <strong>of</strong> the inhabitants <strong>of</strong> England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland in<br />
the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong>. Disregarded are river and estuarial catches, the<br />
exploitation <strong>of</strong> shellfish, and the fisheries prosecuted from Britain’s<br />
overseas colonies. Whaling, as a producer <strong>of</strong> oil rather than food, is also<br />
neglected. <strong>The</strong> chronological bounds <strong>of</strong> the paper extend from the late<br />
fourteenth century to <strong>1976</strong>, with a division drawn in the mid-nineteenth<br />
century when the conveyance inland <strong>of</strong> fresh fish heralded the greatest <strong>of</strong><br />
the many watersheds in the history <strong>of</strong> British fishing. While the<br />
contributions <strong>of</strong> social and political historians are recognised, a largely<br />
economic approach is adopted, with fishing treated as an industry rather<br />
than a way <strong>of</strong> life or a factor in international relations. <strong>The</strong> paper<br />
considers the historiography <strong>of</strong> this broad subject and concludes with<br />
some tentative suggestions as to the chief weaknesses in the literature.<br />
Limited Markets<br />
A petition was laid before Edward III in 1376, complaining that:<br />
where in creeks and havens <strong>of</strong> the sea there used to be plenteous fishing, to the pr<strong>of</strong>it<br />
<strong>of</strong> this Kingdom, certain fishermen for several years past have subtily contrived an<br />
instrument called ‘wondyrechoun’ made in the manner <strong>of</strong> an oyster dredge, but<br />
which is considerably longer, upon which instrument is attached a net so close<br />
meshed that no fish be it ever so small which enters therein can escape, but must stay<br />
and be taken ... By which instrument in many places, the fishermen take such<br />
quantity <strong>of</strong> small fish that they do not know what to do with them ... . 198<br />
As well as serving as a convenient departure point for the present survey,<br />
this first recorded reference to trawling in British waters highlights<br />
various features <strong>of</strong> the country’s medieval and early modern fisheries. It<br />
illustrates quite clearly the evidential problem facing fishing historians,<br />
for it is essentially an isolated piece <strong>of</strong> information which <strong>of</strong>fers little<br />
indication as to how widespread was the use <strong>of</strong> the wondyrechoun, let<br />
alone any measure <strong>of</strong> the significance <strong>of</strong> trawling at this time. Incidental,<br />
198 Alward, Sea <strong>Fisheries</strong>, xx.<br />
122
qualitative and uncorroborated, the 1376 petition is largely typical <strong>of</strong> the<br />
evidence available on the fisheries before 1700. As one author has<br />
observed with regard to the fifteenth century:<br />
the major impediment to study is the very frugal and random nature <strong>of</strong> the sources:<br />
no medieval fisherman or fishmonger has left any letters or accounts which can<br />
compare with those <strong>of</strong> the wool trading Cely family; ownership <strong>of</strong> boats is seldom<br />
recorded in wills and we have no description and no certain pictures <strong>of</strong> the boats<br />
used; no extant document locates the fishing grounds with any precision and the fish<br />
aroused the curiosity <strong>of</strong> no medieval naturalist, if there was such a man; records <strong>of</strong><br />
fish prices are too widely dispersed chronologically and geographically to <strong>of</strong>fer<br />
much help. 199<br />
In the face <strong>of</strong> these difficulties, historians have been obliged to presume<br />
and to extrapolate from generally limited data bases to form an<br />
impression <strong>of</strong> Britain’s fishing interests before the modern era.<br />
Such an impression suggests that many features <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth- and<br />
twentieth-century fisheries were evident in much earlier epochs. <strong>The</strong><br />
case <strong>of</strong> the wondyrechoun echoes recent concerns about the depletion <strong>of</strong><br />
fish stocks by intensive harvesting methods. It further implies that other<br />
catching techniques were in use, that rivalries arose between competing<br />
fishing interests and that, as the ‘subtily contrived instrument [entailed]<br />
great damage to the commons <strong>of</strong> the realm’, the fisheries were <strong>of</strong> some<br />
import to the national economy and therefore warranted the intervention<br />
<strong>of</strong> the state. With regard to the types <strong>of</strong> fishery prosecuted in late<br />
medieval and early modern times, there are strong and varied indications<br />
that the structure <strong>of</strong> the industry was basically similar to that which<br />
pertained in more recent times, with three principal fisheries conducted:<br />
inshore, herring and distant-water. <strong>The</strong>se sectors were not wholly<br />
discrete, and fishermen, then as now, might shift from one to another<br />
according to season, climate and fish abundance. Nevertheless, they<br />
were distinguished by the inter-related factors <strong>of</strong> species caught, distance<br />
<strong>of</strong> the catching grounds and capital requirements. It is therefore<br />
convenient to consider them separately.<br />
<strong>The</strong> inshore fisheries were a seemingly ubiquitous facet <strong>of</strong> maritime<br />
activity around the coasts <strong>of</strong> the British Isles. Historical accounts <strong>of</strong><br />
Britain’s fishing interests, or indeed those <strong>of</strong> particular ports, estuaries or<br />
regions, almost invariably refer to the ancient roots and commonplace<br />
character <strong>of</strong> the activity. Such references generally imply that this<br />
everyday, mundane business was <strong>of</strong> significance only to those it<br />
199 Heath, ‘<strong>North</strong> Sea Fishing’, 53.<br />
123
engaged, that it was essentially small in scale, deployed primitive<br />
techniques, and was worked by self-employed fishermen whose product<br />
met subsistence needs. While this may have been the case in particular<br />
localities at certain times, it is a generalised view that largely understates<br />
the extent and contribution <strong>of</strong> the inshore fisheries. At Scarborough, for<br />
instance, the records <strong>of</strong> parish income between 1414 and<br />
1442—typically provided by an incidental documentary source—relate<br />
that tithes were paid by at least 21 fishermen who worked inshore waters<br />
for plaice in winter, lobsters and cod during Lent, and skate in summer,<br />
operations that yielded a comfortable annual average income <strong>of</strong> £7 per<br />
man. <strong>The</strong> craft deployed in this activity were described as either<br />
‘batellae’, which were presumably rowing boats, or ‘cobellae’, an early<br />
reference to the coble, a vessel <strong>of</strong> c20ft in length, with three oars, a sail<br />
and a crew <strong>of</strong> three to five men. 200 Peculiar to the north-east coast <strong>of</strong><br />
England down to the twentieth century, these craft were distinguished by<br />
a high brow and two side keels fitted aft to facilitate landing and<br />
re-launching from open beaches. 201 Less prosperous, and perhaps less<br />
glamorous to the historian, Scarborough’s inshore fisheries nevertheless<br />
engaged more fishermen and proved more enduring than the<br />
distant-water ventures mounted from the port.<br />
Glimpses <strong>of</strong> inshore fishing in other parts <strong>of</strong> the British Isles are<br />
available in scattered sources. <strong>The</strong> probate inventories <strong>of</strong> the parish <strong>of</strong><br />
Clee, on the south bank <strong>of</strong> the Humber, are <strong>of</strong> value in this respect,<br />
though by its very nature this source relates only to persons <strong>of</strong> some<br />
wealth and therefore excludes many <strong>of</strong> those engaged in fishing. Traps,<br />
nets, lines and ‘fishing grounds’ appear regularly in the inventories to<br />
suggest the type <strong>of</strong> fishing practised in the early sixteenth century.<br />
Significantly, such belongings generally formed just part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
deceased’s property, the bulk <strong>of</strong> which comprised animals, land and<br />
farming implements, indicating that fishing was a secondary occupation<br />
for many local farmers. 202 In south west England, the observations <strong>of</strong><br />
Hooker and Hitchcock, together with incidental documentary accounts,<br />
<strong>of</strong>fer much evidence on inshore fishing in the late sixteenth and early<br />
seventeenth centuries. Here, the distinction between inshore and <strong>of</strong>fshore<br />
200 Heath, ‘<strong>North</strong> Sea Fishing’, 57-9.<br />
201 Godfrey, Yorkshire Fishing Fleets, 11-12.<br />
202 Ambler & Watkinson, Farmers and Fishermen, 20-4.<br />
124
fishing is clearly apparent in references to ‘home’ voyages undertaken by<br />
Brixham fishermen in local and coastal waters as opposed to ventures in<br />
the ‘deep’ sea. In these ‘home’ waters a wide variety <strong>of</strong> fish was caught,<br />
with haddock, colefish, cod, ling, hake, mackerel, gurnard, bass, plaice<br />
<strong>of</strong> many sorts, sole and ‘holy book flounders’ among the species taken.<br />
While many were trapped in the seine, tuck and hake nets set in the<br />
coastal waters, especially <strong>of</strong>f the south Devon coast, others were<br />
captured by hook and line. 203 Scottish fishermen likewise engaged in<br />
inshore fishing. <strong>The</strong> picture painted <strong>of</strong> the innumerable fishing<br />
communities located on both the east and west coasts <strong>of</strong> ‘<strong>North</strong> Britain’<br />
in the late eighteenth century surely portrays an activity familiar for<br />
many centuries. With women and children baiting and repairing lines<br />
while the men sought cod, ling and haddock by short lines worked from<br />
small vessels a few miles <strong>of</strong>fshore, this was a small-scale business <strong>of</strong><br />
great significance in the income it generated, and sustenance it provided,<br />
for many coastal settlements. 204<br />
Quantitative data relating to the scale <strong>of</strong> these inshore fisheries is<br />
almost entirely lacking. While it is feasible to estimate the scale <strong>of</strong> the<br />
business in isolated instances—for example, at least 40 cobles operated<br />
out <strong>of</strong> Scarborough in the early fifteenth century, 205 while some 102 nets<br />
were in use <strong>of</strong>f South Devon in 1619 206 —there are no indications <strong>of</strong><br />
gross investment, employment or output generated by this branch <strong>of</strong><br />
Britain’s fisheries. Rather more detail is available on the scale and<br />
character <strong>of</strong> the herring fishery conducted from the British Isles. Again it<br />
is widely assumed that this facet <strong>of</strong> the fishing industry has a long<br />
pedigree. References to the taking <strong>of</strong> herring in drift nets <strong>of</strong>f Yarmouth<br />
suggest that the activity dates back to the sixth century at least. 207 In<br />
fifteenth-century Scarborough, tithes were paid in herring caught in<br />
vessels owned by the more substantial members <strong>of</strong> the town’s business<br />
community. 208 Herring were likewise sought <strong>of</strong>f the coasts <strong>of</strong> south-west<br />
England from at least the twelfth century when Sutton Prior (Plymouth)<br />
203 T Gray, ‘Devon’s <strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 139-40.<br />
204 M Gray, Fishing Industries, 9-26.<br />
205 Heath, ‘<strong>North</strong> Sea Fishing’, 58.<br />
206 T Gray, ‘Devon’s <strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 139.<br />
207 Holdsworth, Sea <strong>Fisheries</strong>, 49.<br />
208 Heath, ‘<strong>North</strong> Sea Fishing’, 57.<br />
125
was merely ‘a mean thing as an inhabitation for fishers.’ 209 <strong>The</strong><br />
seasonality <strong>of</strong> this business is emphasised by contemporary observers<br />
such as Risdon, who noted in 1630 that <strong>of</strong>f Lynmouth in north Devon<br />
herring in shoals <strong>of</strong> great numbers ‘from September until Christide <strong>of</strong>fer<br />
themselves to the fishermen’s nets, to the no little benefit <strong>of</strong> this land’. 210<br />
Defoe, in 1724, also noticed this pattern, remarking that ‘the herrings<br />
about October, were driving up the Severn Sea ... and are caught in great<br />
quantities by the fishermen’, a suggestion supported by a reference in the<br />
Bideford Port Books to the export <strong>of</strong> 825 barrels (c200 tonnes) <strong>of</strong> cured<br />
herring between November and March 1722/3. 211<br />
<strong>The</strong> seasonal character <strong>of</strong> the herring fishery reflected natural factors.<br />
Herring is a cold-water species, hence its shoaling <strong>of</strong>f the north coast <strong>of</strong><br />
Devon and Cornwall in the autumn and winter months. This is virtually<br />
the southern limit for herring, a similar surface-swimming, shoaling,<br />
pelagic species, the pilchard, being generally found in some abundance<br />
to the south <strong>of</strong> the peninsula where it has long since been exploited by<br />
Westcountry fishermen. As this region lies athwart the boundary<br />
between seas that are ‘northern’ and ‘southern’ in character, it has<br />
witnessed some marked fluctuations in fish landings according to<br />
long-term climatic changes. Thus, in a comparatively warm era such as<br />
the late sixteenth century, pilchard were cured and exported from<br />
Plymouth and Dartmouth in great quantities, so much so that legislation<br />
was necessary to control the trade. A century later, during the ‘Little Ice<br />
Age’, pilchard were no longer present <strong>of</strong>f south Devon, their apparent<br />
westward retreat coinciding with a marked increase in herring catches <strong>of</strong>f<br />
the English, as well as the Bristol, Channel shores <strong>of</strong> the peninsula. 212<br />
In the colder waters around the Scottish coasts and in the <strong>North</strong> Sea,<br />
herring fishing was generally much more important than in the south and<br />
the west. This was particularly so in Scotland where fishing almost<br />
certainly constituted a greater component <strong>of</strong> the economy than it did in<br />
England. One estimate has it that in the early seventeenth century, fish<br />
products, chiefly cured herring, represented approximately 20 per cent <strong>of</strong><br />
the value <strong>of</strong> Scottish exports, and in the 1630s and again after the 1690s<br />
209 Southward & Boalch, ‘Marine Resources’, 54.<br />
210 T Gray, ‘Devon’s <strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 140.<br />
211 Southward & Boalch, ‘Marine Resources’, 55.<br />
212 Southward & Boalch, ‘Marine Resources’, 58-60.<br />
126
the percentage was possibly higher. From the west coast, fish was<br />
despatched to France in some quantity before the 1680s, though the flow<br />
<strong>of</strong> east coast herring to the Low Countries and, more especially, the<br />
Baltic, was the mainstay <strong>of</strong> Scotland’s fish export trade. Domestic<br />
consumption <strong>of</strong> fish was likewise higher in the northern kingdom than in<br />
England according to the limited evidence available, the chief market<br />
being centred on the Firth <strong>of</strong> Forth, notably Edinburgh and Leith. Even<br />
so, as elsewhere, fluctuation and uncertainty marked the Scottish herring<br />
fishery, with barren periods frequently following years <strong>of</strong> glut depending<br />
on the unpredictable movement <strong>of</strong> the fish. With the fishing effort largely<br />
concentrated in small boats <strong>of</strong> limited range, Scottish fishermen were<br />
unable to shift the location <strong>of</strong> their operations in line with the changing<br />
patterns <strong>of</strong> herring abundance. <strong>The</strong> fishery therefore obtained an<br />
intermittent character until well into the nineteenth century. 213<br />
Two herring seasons were exploited domestically <strong>of</strong>f the English<br />
<strong>North</strong> Sea coast. From Scarborough, Staithes, Robin Hood’s Bay and<br />
other settlements on the <strong>North</strong> Yorkshire coast, ‘farcostae’ and five-man<br />
cobles were sent out to engage in what fifteenth-century parish records<br />
describe as the ‘Winter herring fare’ or the ‘<strong>North</strong> Sea fare’. 214 Many <strong>of</strong><br />
these vessels sailed south for the second and more important herring<br />
fishery conducted <strong>of</strong>f Yarmouth and Lowest<strong>of</strong>t in the autumn months. In<br />
these waters, they fished alongside boats belonging to the East Anglian<br />
ports, vessels from the English Channel coast and a variety <strong>of</strong> foreign<br />
craft, chiefly from the Netherlands and France. Surviving municipal<br />
records from Great Yarmouth indicate the fluctuating scale <strong>of</strong> this<br />
activity in terms <strong>of</strong> the number <strong>of</strong> local boats wintering in the port<br />
between 1581 and 1714. It would seem that this fishery reached peaks <strong>of</strong><br />
120, 124 and 162 vessels in 1604, 1629 and 1654 respectively, with<br />
notable troughs evident in the 1620s, the 1650s and 1660s, and from the<br />
late 1670s onwards. But in neglecting the contribution <strong>of</strong> foreign<br />
fishermen, the figures <strong>of</strong>fer inadequate measures <strong>of</strong> the output <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fishery because much <strong>of</strong> the herring cured and packed in Yarmouth,<br />
particularly before the mid-seventeenth century, had been landed by<br />
Dutch and French vessels. 215 Indeed, foreign competition, especially<br />
213 Michell, ‘European <strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 147-8; M Gray, Fishing Industries.<br />
214 Heath, ‘<strong>North</strong> Sea Fishing’, 56-9.<br />
215 Michell, ‘European <strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 143-7.<br />
127
from the Dutch, was a potent factor in the development <strong>of</strong> herring fishing<br />
in Britain during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. <strong>The</strong><br />
efficiency and prosperity <strong>of</strong> the Dutch herring busses were sources <strong>of</strong><br />
wonderment and jealousy to British fishermen, pamphleteers and<br />
policy-makers alike. Attempts at emulating Dutch processing and<br />
preserving techniques were largely unsuccessful, and from the 1650s<br />
onwards legislation and prohibitions formed the chief weapons in<br />
English attempts to undermine the commercial supremacy <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Netherlands. 216<br />
Distant-water fishing was also significant, being largely concerned<br />
with the taking <strong>of</strong> white fish, primarily cod. It embraced a range <strong>of</strong><br />
activities, all <strong>of</strong> which were conducted beyond a fishing boat’s home<br />
waters. Over time, <strong>of</strong> course, the location and relative importance <strong>of</strong> such<br />
activity tended to change. In the late medieval period, for instance, east<br />
coast fishermen engaged in comparatively long-distance forays into the<br />
<strong>North</strong> Sea, while south-western vessels ventured as far as the Yorkshire<br />
coast, a round voyage <strong>of</strong> some 500 miles, and the shores <strong>of</strong> Ireland. 217 By<br />
this time, some English fishing ports had acquired a valuable interest in<br />
Icelandic grounds. 218 Trade in stockfish with the Icelanders also<br />
developed and during the fifteenth century merchants involved in the<br />
business formed important elements <strong>of</strong> the community <strong>of</strong> ports such as<br />
<strong>Hull</strong> and Lynn. From at least the 1490s, the riches <strong>of</strong> the Grand Banks <strong>of</strong><br />
Newfoundland were known to English fishing interests though it was not<br />
until the late sixteenth century that Englishmen began serious<br />
exploitation <strong>of</strong> these prolific grounds. From thence it was but a step to<br />
the prosecution <strong>of</strong> New England waters, a business that flourished briefly<br />
in the early seventeenth century before passing into the hands <strong>of</strong> the<br />
growing resident population <strong>of</strong> the American colonies. 219<br />
While these distant-water fisheries can be treated separately, they<br />
exhibited many common characteristics. From a practical point <strong>of</strong> view,<br />
working distant waters not only entailed relatively large-scale fishing<br />
units, but also the carriage <strong>of</strong> productive factors and processed catches<br />
216 Michell, ‘European <strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 148-9.<br />
217 T Gray, ‘Devon’s <strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 140-2.<br />
218 Carus-Wilson, ‘Iceland Venture’; Heath, ‘<strong>North</strong> Sea Fishing’, 58; Michell, ‘European<br />
<strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 143-9; Childs, ‘England’s Icelandic Trade’.<br />
219 T Gray, ‘Devon’s <strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 142-3.<br />
128
across large expanses <strong>of</strong> sea. Moreover, various operational linkages<br />
between the different activities can be detected. Fishermen, <strong>of</strong> course,<br />
were highly mobile, and poor prospects in one area generally led to a<br />
shift in the fishing effort to more promising grounds. For instance, men<br />
from Newton Ferrers, near Plymouth, fished <strong>of</strong>f Newfoundland between<br />
1617 and 1621, <strong>of</strong>f northern New England in 1622 and 1623, <strong>of</strong>f Ireland<br />
from 1624 to 1626 and again in 1631, before resorting once again to the<br />
Grand Banks in 1633 and 1634. 220 Assuming such flexibility was<br />
widespread—and the available evidence suggests that it was—it is<br />
hardly surprising that techniques applied in one area should be<br />
transferred to other fisheries. This seems to have occurred when the<br />
process <strong>of</strong> drying cod on shore-based flakes, used extensively in Iceland<br />
in the fifteenth century, emerged as a central feature <strong>of</strong> Britain’s<br />
Newfoundland fishery a century or so later. Likewise, the seasonal,<br />
migratory pattern <strong>of</strong> the Newfoundland trade which quickly took root<br />
before 1600 formed the basis initially <strong>of</strong> the New England fishery in the<br />
1610s and 1620s. 221<br />
At a broader level, the distant-water fisheries constituted an important<br />
factor in the social, economic and political development <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Atlantic</strong><br />
region. <strong>The</strong> quest for fish led men, and eventually women, to new,<br />
distant territories and thereby played a significant role in the processes <strong>of</strong><br />
migration, emigration and colonisation. Westcountrymen, for instance,<br />
sought cod, hake and ling <strong>of</strong>f Ireland, encouraging men such as William<br />
<strong>Hull</strong> and his followers to settle in Munster. It was the abundance <strong>of</strong> cod<br />
in the Gulf <strong>of</strong> Maine that led fishermen to investigate, utilise (as fishing<br />
stations), and then settle northern New England. 222 And it was the<br />
exploitation <strong>of</strong> the cod fishery that placed such a distinctive stamp on the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> Newfoundland from the sixteenth century. Here, the<br />
migratory basis <strong>of</strong> the business pertained until the late eighteenth<br />
century, serving in many respects to retard the colonisation <strong>of</strong> the island.<br />
Each spring, the productive factors—vessels, labour, provisions,<br />
salt—necessary to prosecute the fishery were transported to<br />
Newfoundland; temporary bases for fishing ‘rooms’ were then<br />
established on the island’s shores to dry the catch; and in the autumn,<br />
220 T Gray, ‘Devon’s <strong>Fisheries</strong>’, 141.<br />
221 Innis, Cod <strong>Fisheries</strong>.<br />
222 T Gray, thesis.<br />
129
cargoes <strong>of</strong> dried, lightly salted cod were conveyed to the extensive<br />
markets <strong>of</strong> southern Europe. Though efforts to settle the island were<br />
made from the 1620s, the merchants engaged in the fishery, anxious to<br />
retain their customary rights to the shore, were consistently hostile to<br />
such developments, and as a consequence it was not until the 1750s that a<br />
viable permanent population began to develop. 223<br />
<strong>The</strong> carriage <strong>of</strong> productive factors and cargoes, together with supplies<br />
for the slowly growing resident population meant that the Newfoundland<br />
fishery held significant trading and shipping ramifications. Moreover, in<br />
generating earnings and employing seafaring labour deemed to be vital<br />
to the state’s naval capability in wartime, 224 the Newfoundland trade was<br />
afforded an important place in Britain’s imperial strategy. This political<br />
prominence, <strong>of</strong> course, was heightened by the fact that other powers,<br />
initially Spain and Portugal and then the French, also sought to exploit<br />
the fishery and island <strong>of</strong> Newfoundland. 225 While these rivalries have<br />
naturally proved <strong>of</strong> interest to political historians, they are also relevant<br />
to the fishing historian for the British government and other interested<br />
parties, in seeking to stimulate and defend the Newfoundland trade,<br />
collected statistics relating to the capital stock and output <strong>of</strong> the fishery.<br />
Though such data are fragmentary before the 1690s, they suggest that the<br />
30-strong English fleet active <strong>of</strong>f Newfoundland in 1574 had expanded<br />
to over 300 ‘fishing ships’, producing over 300,000 quintals <strong>of</strong> dried cod,<br />
in 1620 (1 quintal = 112 lb). From this high-water mark, the extent <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fishery fluctuated through the seventeenth century in line with variable<br />
fish stocks and the incidence <strong>of</strong> war, with a nadir <strong>of</strong> 32 ‘fishing ships’<br />
being recorded in 1682. 226 As new operational modes were introduced<br />
into the fishery, the business became generally more buoyant, the trend<br />
being upwards from the 1730s with the output <strong>of</strong> the migratory fishery<br />
reaching a climax <strong>of</strong> almost 350,000 quintals p.a. in 1784-1792. At this<br />
point, however, this British-based element <strong>of</strong> the fishery collapsed<br />
dramatically and the fishing effort thereafter was undertaken by the<br />
island’s growing resident population.<br />
223 Matthews, thesis; Starkey, ‘Devonians and the Newfoundland Trade’, 163-71.<br />
224 Starkey, ‘West Country-Newfoundland Fishery’, 93-101.<br />
225 Innis, Cod <strong>Fisheries</strong>.<br />
226 Matthews, thesis; Starkey, ‘Devonians and the Newfoundland Trade’, 164.<br />
130
This sudden contraction was <strong>of</strong> some significance to the economy <strong>of</strong><br />
south-west England, the heart <strong>of</strong> the Newfoundland trade. But in national<br />
terms, it was merely one <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> factors that coalesced between<br />
1780 and 1850 to shift the focus <strong>of</strong> Britain’s fisheries to east coast ports<br />
drifting for herring or trawling for white fish—the crucial climacteric for<br />
the latter being the development <strong>of</strong> the national railway network during<br />
the 1840s. Though there is regional evidence showing some expansion <strong>of</strong><br />
fishing between 1780 and the 1840s, overall production does not appear<br />
to have increased in line with population. Indeed, while the demographic<br />
surges which occurred between 1520 and 1640, and again from the<br />
1740s, stimulated an increase in agricultural productivity noted by<br />
contemporaries and historians alike, no such ‘revolution’ is evident in<br />
British fishing. <strong>The</strong> key reasons for this appear to be linked to the<br />
problems <strong>of</strong> processing for the export market and distribution for the<br />
domestic. Even though large quantities <strong>of</strong> cured fish were exported,<br />
particularly from the Shetlands—from whence dried fish was despatched<br />
to Spain and Germany—Scotland and some English regions, the<br />
performance <strong>of</strong> the British overseas was relatively poor until the<br />
nineteenth century, especially in comparison to the Dutch, who produced<br />
better quality cured herring.<br />
Problems on the demand side largely explained the modest<br />
performance <strong>of</strong> Britain’s fisheries in the home market during these years,<br />
even though the trading networks developed by this time were more<br />
sophisticated than has sometimes been supposed. Fish landed on the<br />
Yorkshire coast, for instance, was carried overland by teams <strong>of</strong> pannier<br />
ponies to towns such as York, Leeds, Bradford and Halifax. By the<br />
1780s, this means <strong>of</strong> transport regularly supplied Manchester, and even<br />
Liverpool, with fresh <strong>North</strong> Sea fish. 227 Likewise, fish merchants in<br />
Devon transported their produce overland to Honiton, Tiverton and<br />
up-country as far as Bath, 228 while haddock taken by the inshore<br />
fishermen <strong>of</strong> Fife was also regularly despatched overland for sale in<br />
Edinburgh. 229 Water transport was used by the home fish trade, with<br />
fresh catches shipped up navigable rivers, most notably the Humber and<br />
its tributaries, to inland centres. Coasters, too, were deployed to carry<br />
227 Robinson, ‘Fish Trade’, 233-4.<br />
228 <strong>North</strong>way, ‘Devon Fishing Industry’(1994), 127.<br />
229 M Gray, Fishing Industries, 16.<br />
131
fish to market, though their cargoes were generally processed products<br />
like the parcels <strong>of</strong> cured fish conveyed from the Yorkshire coast to<br />
Newcastle, Sunderland and London, the barrels <strong>of</strong> smoked herring<br />
carried from north-east Scotland to Leith and Edinburgh, and the pickled<br />
herring taken coastwise from East Anglia to London, and from <strong>North</strong><br />
Cornwall to Bristol. Despite these trading linkages, the ceiling on<br />
domestic demand for fish remained low until the 1840s. Most fish<br />
transported to inland towns and cities was destined for the luxury end <strong>of</strong><br />
the market. Only the better quality fish, which commanded the highest<br />
prices, could stand the cost <strong>of</strong> swift overland transport. Fish was, <strong>of</strong><br />
course, a perishable commodity, and if it was to be retailed in a relatively<br />
fresh condition it was essential that it reached inland markets swiftly.<br />
Pannier ponies and fish vans were fast by contemporary standards, but<br />
they could only carry limited consignments which kept up costs.<br />
Contemporary economics therefore determined that lining was the<br />
principal means <strong>of</strong> white fish capture because trawling took large<br />
quantities <strong>of</strong> lower quality fish which were unsuitable for the overland<br />
trade. <strong>The</strong> only fish that poorer sections <strong>of</strong> inland communities could<br />
afford was that which had begun to go ‘<strong>of</strong>f’ and such produce was far<br />
from popular. Even herring, which in season was shipped in bulk quite<br />
cheaply from East Anglia to the London market, deteriorated rapidly and<br />
was <strong>of</strong>ten in poor condition by the time it reached the consumer. 230<br />
Thus, demand-side constraints inhibited the fish trade’s ability to<br />
exploit the potential <strong>of</strong> the mass market that was developing apace in the<br />
inland industrial districts <strong>of</strong> northern England, the Midlands and central<br />
Scotland in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In breaking this<br />
log-jam, the railways were to change the face <strong>of</strong> Britain’s fisheries.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Advent and Impact <strong>of</strong> the Mass Market for Fresh Fish<br />
Evidence relating to Britain’s fisheries from the mid-eighteenth century<br />
is abundant compared to that which has survived for earlier eras. Much<br />
<strong>of</strong> this information is incidental, varying in character from newspaper<br />
reports to archeological finds to the views <strong>of</strong> witnesses appearing before<br />
Parliamentary enquiries. However, substantial series <strong>of</strong> centrally<br />
generated documentary and statistical material exist for long stretches <strong>of</strong><br />
the post-1750 period. For example, data pertaining to the number and<br />
tonnage <strong>of</strong> fishing vessels—a measure <strong>of</strong> capital investment—registered<br />
230 Robinson, ‘Fish Trade’, 230-1.<br />
132
in English and Welsh ports is available for each year between 1772 and<br />
1808 in the customs records. 231 That the data are disaggregated by each<br />
port facilitates local and regional analysis <strong>of</strong> the scale <strong>of</strong> the fisheries. 232<br />
Likewise, the Customs House Ship Registers, which exist for nearly all<br />
ports from 1824 and for many from 1786—permit detailed local study <strong>of</strong><br />
the stock <strong>of</strong> fishing vessels, though those <strong>of</strong> 15 tons or less did not<br />
require to be registered and are therefore not covered. 233 Crew lists in<br />
respect <strong>of</strong> registered vessels have survived for certain ports from the<br />
1740s and can be used to examine crew size and composition, and the<br />
occupation <strong>of</strong> the vessel; Dartmouth’s crew lists, for instance, emphasise<br />
the prominence <strong>of</strong> the Newfoundland fishery to the port in the 1770s and<br />
1780s. 234 Later series <strong>of</strong> crew lists, from 1836 to 1862, and from 1863 to<br />
the present, are both more comprehensive and detailed regarding the<br />
deployment <strong>of</strong> vessels, the wages <strong>of</strong> the crew and the incidence <strong>of</strong> health<br />
and discipline problems. 235 Moreover, the size <strong>of</strong> the labour force, both<br />
locally and nationally, can be gleaned from the decennial census <strong>of</strong> the<br />
population from 1841 onwards; thus, in the UK as a whole the number <strong>of</strong><br />
males employed in the fishing industry increased from 24,000 in 1841 to<br />
58,000 in 1881, declining to 40,000 in 1931 and 26,000 in 1951.<br />
More systematic archives, specifically relating to the fisheries, are<br />
also available. Excellent records <strong>of</strong> the various fishery boards which<br />
oversaw aspects <strong>of</strong> Scottish fishing from 1808 are housed at Register<br />
House, Edinburgh. <strong>The</strong> various reports, accounts and papers printed by<br />
Parliament are a further valuable source <strong>of</strong> information for the fishing<br />
historian. From the late eighteenth century, various Parliamentary papers<br />
illuminate aspects <strong>of</strong> the fisheries; for example, an account <strong>of</strong> the number<br />
<strong>of</strong> fishing smacks entering the port <strong>of</strong> London, presented to Parliament in<br />
1800, provides a good indication <strong>of</strong> the scale <strong>of</strong> the capital’s fish trade<br />
between 1780 and 1799. 236 Likewise, a government enquiry into the sea<br />
fisheries <strong>of</strong> the English Channel, published in 1824, <strong>of</strong>fers an insight into<br />
the nature and scale <strong>of</strong> fishing activity in southern England in the early<br />
231 London, Public Record Office, CUST 17.<br />
232 <strong>North</strong>way, ‘Devon Fishing Industry’ (1994).<br />
233 See Robinson, thesis.<br />
234 Starkey, ‘Devonians and the Newfoundland Trade’.<br />
235 <strong>North</strong>way, ‘Devon Fishing Industry’(1994), 131.<br />
236 Minchinton, ‘London <strong>Fisheries</strong>’.<br />
133
nineteenth century. 237 More importantly, from 1868, the government<br />
commenced publishing comprehensive annual data relating to the<br />
number, tonnage and class <strong>of</strong> fishing vessel registered at each UK port,<br />
adding details as to the means <strong>of</strong> propulsion, sail or steam, from 1888.<br />
Information relating to the quantities <strong>of</strong> fish transported by rail were<br />
published annually from 1878, while the type <strong>of</strong> fish taken, the grounds<br />
fished, and the value <strong>of</strong> the catch were all systematically recorded and<br />
added to the statistical data published by Parliament after 1902. Of<br />
course, the agencies responsible for the collection and presentation <strong>of</strong><br />
information have changed, but the quality and quantity <strong>of</strong> the data<br />
available for the fisheries has remained constant to the present day.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se statistical series, supported by a variety <strong>of</strong> more qualitative source<br />
materials, provide ample evidence for a thorough analysis <strong>of</strong> the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> the fishing industries <strong>of</strong> the British Isles since the early<br />
nineteenth century. 238<br />
As we have noted, the ceiling on demand for fish remained low in the<br />
early nineteenth century, but the railways, in providing a relatively fast<br />
and cheap means <strong>of</strong> conveyance, transformed the market for fish. Such<br />
change was gradual rather than revolutionary in tempo. Indeed, it was<br />
not until the early 1840s that the railways began to have a significant<br />
impact on the fish trade, and not until the late 1850s, almost three<br />
decades after the coming <strong>of</strong> the steam railway, that anything resembling<br />
a national mass market for fresh fish was truly evident. A number <strong>of</strong><br />
factors explain this pattern. Not least <strong>of</strong> these was the simple fact that the<br />
railway network itself was limited in scale until the mid 1840s. A second<br />
reason lay in the manner in which the railway network developed, its ad<br />
hoc, localised character obliging those concerned with long distance,<br />
through traffic to transfer periodically their goods from one carrier to<br />
another. Moreover, despite providing a novel means <strong>of</strong> transport, railway<br />
promoters were initially intent on cultivating existing trades rather than<br />
in creating new lines <strong>of</strong> business. Accordingly, few, if any, <strong>of</strong> the railway<br />
pioneers afforded the expansion <strong>of</strong> the fish trade any priority in their<br />
construction plans, while the fact that fresh fish, because <strong>of</strong> high road<br />
transport costs, had always been a luxury item continued to influence<br />
railway pricing policies into the 1840s. In essence, therefore, railway<br />
carriers merely adopted the rates <strong>of</strong> the road hauliers and fish remained<br />
237 <strong>North</strong>way, ‘Devon Fishing Industry’ (1994), 127.<br />
238 Rule, ‘British Fisherman’.<br />
134
eyond the means <strong>of</strong> the inland urban masses until mid-century. Given<br />
this inertia in the transport sector, it is hardly surprising that a further<br />
constraint on the market for fish, the slow development <strong>of</strong> fresh fish sales<br />
and marketing agencies, remained a feature <strong>of</strong> the fish trade until the<br />
mid-1850s.<br />
Gradually, however, a mass market for fish emerged between 1840<br />
and 1860. During these pivotal decades, railway mileage expanded and<br />
there emerged a network in the place <strong>of</strong> a collection <strong>of</strong> discrete lines,<br />
thereby facilitating the passage <strong>of</strong> fish from the coast to the interior.<br />
Rates for carrying fish declined as railway companies, following the lead<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Manchester & Leeds Railway, took positive steps to serve the fish<br />
trade from the early 1840s. Meanwhile, outlets like the pioneering<br />
shop-cum-stall opened in Manchester by the Flamborough and Filey Bay<br />
Company in 1842, were rapidly established. Before long, increases in the<br />
value <strong>of</strong> fish carried to markets as distant as Sheffield and Billingsgate<br />
were evident. By 1860, fresh white fish had become an important<br />
component <strong>of</strong> the working class diet in Britain’s urban centres, a position<br />
that it was to maintain for over a century. 239<br />
Such major changes in demand inevitably held ramifications for the<br />
supply side <strong>of</strong> the fishing industry. Though traditional inshore activities<br />
and <strong>of</strong>fshore line fishing all benefited from the growing mass inland<br />
market for fresh fish, it was the massive increase in trawling activity<br />
which enabled the supply side to satisfy growing demand. Trawling was,<br />
<strong>of</strong> course, an ancient activity, but until the late eighteenth century the<br />
practice had been largely restricted to the ports <strong>of</strong> Brixham and Plymouth<br />
in the south west and the approaches to the Thames which were fished by<br />
smacks working out <strong>of</strong> Barking. <strong>The</strong>reafter, there was a gradual<br />
expansion from these centres, particularly along the English Channel and<br />
into the <strong>North</strong> Sea. <strong>The</strong> railways, however, created the environment for<br />
the rapid expansion <strong>of</strong> the activity from the 1840s by providing<br />
marketing opportunities for the large catches <strong>of</strong> cheap fish taken in the<br />
trawl.<br />
Just as farmers in times <strong>of</strong> growing demand seek to increase crop<br />
yields by bringing more land into cultivation, so the nineteenth-century<br />
trawl fishermen, facing similar circumstances, searched for new grounds<br />
to exploit. <strong>The</strong> gradual expansion <strong>of</strong> trawling in the first decades <strong>of</strong> the<br />
239 Robinson, ‘Evolution <strong>of</strong> Railway Fish Traffic Policies’; Scola, Feeding the Victorian<br />
City.<br />
135
nineteenth century had led to the discovery <strong>of</strong> new trawling grounds and<br />
this expansion across more distant areas <strong>of</strong> the sea bed increased after<br />
1840. Symptomatic <strong>of</strong> this attempt to improve the supply <strong>of</strong> fish was the<br />
‘discovery’ <strong>of</strong> the Silver Pits, which were first subject to large-scale<br />
exploitation by trawlers during the winter <strong>of</strong> 1844-5. 240 Though the<br />
particular impact <strong>of</strong> these predominantly cold-weather grounds has<br />
perhaps been overstated, they were part <strong>of</strong> a trend which saw trawlermen<br />
working over many new grounds across the <strong>North</strong> Sea through to the<br />
1870s. At the same time, the proximity <strong>of</strong> the ‘new’ grounds to the east<br />
coast pr<strong>of</strong>oundly affected the location <strong>of</strong> the fishing industry. With<br />
labour, capital and, not least, trawling techniques attracted from other<br />
regions, most notably south-west England, the fish trade swiftly<br />
gravitated to those <strong>North</strong> Sea ports which could provide rail links with<br />
inland centres <strong>of</strong> mass consumption. Initially, in the early 1840s, this<br />
meant <strong>Hull</strong>, with Grimsby, on the other bank <strong>of</strong> the Humber,<br />
participating vigorously from the mid 1850s.<br />
When the Royal Commission on the Sea <strong>Fisheries</strong> convened in 1863,<br />
it was to consider an industry that had undergone a major transformation<br />
during the previous twenty-five years. Stimulated by demand-side<br />
pressure, the supply <strong>of</strong> fresh white fish had increased massively as more<br />
efficient catching methods were used over a wider area. In general terms,<br />
this meant that distant-water trawling based in a few east coast ports had<br />
emerged as the leading sector <strong>of</strong> the fisheries undertaken from the British<br />
Isles. Essentially, this structure endured until the mid-1970s. Of course,<br />
there were many developments in the fish trade during this period, but<br />
change tended to be a matter <strong>of</strong> degree rather than <strong>of</strong> kind. Within this<br />
framework, the domestic market for fresh fish continued to play a critical<br />
role. While this source <strong>of</strong> demand expanded due to the sustained growth<br />
<strong>of</strong> Britain’s urban population—down to the 1920s at least—it also grew<br />
as a result <strong>of</strong> product refinement and innovations in retailing. Perhaps the<br />
best example <strong>of</strong> this market development occurred during the late<br />
nineteenth century in the growth <strong>of</strong> the fried fish market associated with<br />
the emergence and swift institutionalization <strong>of</strong> the fish and chip shop. 241<br />
Almost as dynamic, if less culturally influential, was the extension <strong>of</strong> the<br />
mass market effected by the introduction <strong>of</strong> frozen, filleted fish during<br />
the 1960s.<br />
240 Bellamy, ‘Pioneers’; Robinson, ‘Rise <strong>of</strong> Trawling’.<br />
241 Walton, Fish and Chips.<br />
136
A similar pattern <strong>of</strong> incremental innovation and growth pertained on<br />
the supply side <strong>of</strong> the trawling sector from the 1850s. However, clear<br />
shifts in gear can be discerned. With regard to the catching operation, the<br />
displacement <strong>of</strong> the beam trawl by the otter trawl from the mid-1890s led<br />
to substantial improvements in efficiency. Likewise, the stern factory<br />
freezer trawler, a concept pioneered in Britain during the 1950s but then<br />
developed more vigorously by East European nations, greatly enhanced<br />
the catching capacity <strong>of</strong> the industry. 242 In conjunction with the<br />
intensification <strong>of</strong> the fishing effort, technological developments in vessel<br />
propulsion significantly extended the range <strong>of</strong> British trawlers. <strong>The</strong><br />
application <strong>of</strong> steam power to trawling in the final quarter <strong>of</strong> the<br />
nineteenth century was especially important in this respect. While sailing<br />
trawlers had sustained the expansion <strong>of</strong> white fish supplies from the<br />
1840s, their range was necessarily limited by the elements and their<br />
efficiency impaired by a dependence on steam cutters to convey catches<br />
to market. In effect, the application <strong>of</strong> steam—which remained the prime<br />
motive force until the 1950s—permitted British trawlers to operate<br />
beyond the <strong>North</strong> Sea, and long before the First World War such vessels<br />
were prosecuting grounds <strong>of</strong>f Iceland and Norway, and as distant as the<br />
Barents Sea. 243 <strong>The</strong> advent <strong>of</strong> distant-water steam trawling also had a<br />
major bearing on the structure <strong>of</strong> firms, for it entailed a substantial<br />
increase in initial and operational costs. As a consequence, highly<br />
capitalized joint-stock companies swiftly came to dominate the industry,<br />
raising funds from outside the fishing communities and employing<br />
trawlermen on a wage labour basis. In effect, the application <strong>of</strong> steam<br />
propelled distant-water trawling into the realms <strong>of</strong> capitalistic big<br />
business. 244<br />
Notwithstanding the significance <strong>of</strong> distant-water trawling, this was<br />
not the only facet <strong>of</strong> the modern British fishing industry. As in medieval<br />
and early modern times, the herring fishery continued to play an<br />
important part in the economies <strong>of</strong> many coastal communities, especially<br />
in east Scotland between 1815 and 1914. Though subject to short-term<br />
fluctuations, this business generally expanded in terms <strong>of</strong> output and<br />
income during this period, reaching a climax in the 1907-1911<br />
242 Robinson, ‘Sea <strong>Fisheries</strong>’.<br />
243 Robinson, ‘Development <strong>of</strong> British Steam Trawling’.<br />
244 Robinson, Rise and Fall.<br />
137
quinquennium when Scotland’s production <strong>of</strong> cured herring reached a<br />
peak. On the eve <strong>of</strong> the First World War, earnings from the herring<br />
fishery exceeded £2.25m, thereby dominating the non-trawling sector <strong>of</strong><br />
Scotland’s fishing interests. 245 <strong>The</strong> factors explaining this trend were<br />
similar to those which underpinned the development <strong>of</strong> distant-water<br />
trawling. Demand, again, was a critical determinant, though the herring<br />
fishery depended almost entirely on the supply <strong>of</strong> a cured product to the<br />
overseas market. Railways featured prominently in this context, for it<br />
was the exploitation <strong>of</strong> the continental market, opened up by rail<br />
connections to Baltic ports, that gave the business its greatest impetus.<br />
Typically, fishermen responded to such propitious conditions by<br />
intensifying their catching effort and prosecuting more extensive<br />
grounds, a combination <strong>of</strong> factors which led to the rapid adoption <strong>of</strong><br />
steam propulsion in the early 1900s. <strong>The</strong> collapse <strong>of</strong> demand for cured<br />
herring, most notably in Russia, as a consequence <strong>of</strong> the Great War,<br />
meant that this sector <strong>of</strong> Britain’s fisheries went into long term decline,<br />
though related branches such as mackerel and pilchard fishing have<br />
experienced short-lived booms <strong>of</strong>f the coast <strong>of</strong> southern England.<br />
<strong>The</strong> herring fishery adopted the motor as well as the steam engine. In<br />
contrast to the steam trawling sector, the application <strong>of</strong> the internal<br />
combustion engine to various other fishery activities did not require such<br />
a radical restructuring. <strong>The</strong>se engines took up less space than their steam<br />
counterparts and were much cheaper to acquire and operate. Moreover,<br />
many existing sailing vessels were initially adapted for motors. Thus,<br />
motorisation, while increasing efficiency and encouraging the<br />
introduction <strong>of</strong> new techniques, including seining, allowed the tradition<br />
<strong>of</strong> small scale ownership to continue to flourish in many sectors outside<br />
<strong>of</strong> the middle and distant water trades.<br />
Inshore fishing, too, has remained a part <strong>of</strong> Britain’s fishing effort.<br />
This small-scale, dispersed activity has generally been neglected, as<br />
fishing historians, not surprisingly, have focused their attention on the<br />
dynamic sectors <strong>of</strong> the industry, especially the herring boom and the rise<br />
and fall <strong>of</strong> distant-water trawling at <strong>Hull</strong> and Grimsby, Aberdeen and<br />
Fleetwood. Yet the aggregate output and local significance <strong>of</strong> fishing<br />
based in the so-called ‘traditional’ communities, from Staithes and Robin<br />
Hood’s Bay on the Yorkshire coast to Mevagissey and Newlyn in<br />
Cornwall, from the diminutive harbours <strong>of</strong> western Ireland to the<br />
245 M Gray, Fishing Industries, 148-9.<br />
138
cr<strong>of</strong>ting communities <strong>of</strong> the highlands and islands <strong>of</strong> Scotland, was<br />
considerable and clearly warrants closer examination. An economic<br />
perspective on this activity is particularly lacking, for contemporary<br />
observers and social historians have considered the inshore fisheries in<br />
some depth. 246 Incorporating this business into the mainstream <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fishing industry will locate it in an appropriate context and help explain<br />
why by the late 19th century fishing was in many places already in confrontation with a<br />
growing tourism. This confrontation provides, perhaps, the saddest chapter in the<br />
social history <strong>of</strong> the fisherman. A study <strong>of</strong> the fisherman where port and resort<br />
coincided could illuminate a dark corner <strong>of</strong> the social history <strong>of</strong> the British holiday.<br />
From proud fishermen into eventual summer tip-grubbers and winter dole-queuers,<br />
has been the reality <strong>of</strong> tourism for many. 247<br />
Conclusion and Prospect<br />
Writing in 1977, A R Michell remarked that ‘one could look at general<br />
histories <strong>of</strong> England in the nineteenth century and never guess that Great<br />
Britain was the most important fishing nation in the world’. 248 It is the<br />
contention <strong>of</strong> this brief survey that this misleading impression derives<br />
largely from the inadequacy <strong>of</strong> the literature on the fisheries <strong>of</strong> the<br />
British Isles, in particular the ‘dearth <strong>of</strong> monograph material’ noted by<br />
another observer in 1973. 249 Only a comprehensive study <strong>of</strong> the fisheries<br />
<strong>of</strong> the British Isles, perhaps the collaborative work <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> hands,<br />
can adequately correct this deficiency. Such a project would have a<br />
substantial foundation—at least for the modern period—on which to<br />
build in the growing volume <strong>of</strong> local and regional studies published in<br />
recent years. It would require inter alia to focus on four main<br />
weaknesses:<br />
1. Fishing conducted from the British Isles in medieval and early<br />
modern times lacks a detailed and comprehensive coverage, with<br />
important areas such as long-term price movements and coastal<br />
settlement patterns almost entirely neglected. A substantial research<br />
effort is needed to identify and analyse appropriate source materials.<br />
246 Reynolds, Poor Man’s House; Thompson, Living the Fishing.<br />
247 Rule, ‘British Fisherman’, 62.<br />
248 Michell, ‘European <strong>Fisheries</strong>’.<br />
249 Rule, ‘British Fisherman’, 61.<br />
139
2. Discussion <strong>of</strong> Britain’s fisheries is uneven in topical terms. A new<br />
appraisal should embrace all facets <strong>of</strong> the activity through the ages in<br />
order to ensure balance and enhance understanding. Too frequently the<br />
focus has been narrowly confined to a single, usually dynamic, element<br />
<strong>of</strong> a broad, complex collection <strong>of</strong> activities.<br />
3. Many <strong>of</strong> the accepted explanations <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fisheries require revision. For instance, fishing historians, perhaps<br />
sub-consciously, have generally adopted the model <strong>of</strong> the classic<br />
‘industrial revolution’ as the conceptual framework for their studies <strong>of</strong><br />
Britain’s nineteenth-century fisheries. Thus, fishing activity is deemed to<br />
have passed through various stages, being classified as industrial or<br />
pre-industrial according to the nature <strong>of</strong> the gear used or, more<br />
commonly, the means <strong>of</strong> vessel propulsion deployed. This impedes<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> a broad range <strong>of</strong> fishing operations, for some were changing<br />
at a different rate, and in different ways, than the leading sectors.<br />
Likewise, with regard to labour, the eternal ‘standard <strong>of</strong> living debate’<br />
has been transshipped from the manufacturing districts to the trawling<br />
ports with the result that the so-called ‘industrialization’ <strong>of</strong> the<br />
distant-water fisheries has been viewed as leading to the impoverishment<br />
and immiseration <strong>of</strong> the populations <strong>of</strong> <strong>Hull</strong>, Grimsby and elsewhere. 250<br />
Superficially attractive, such hypotheses need testing rather more<br />
rigorously than has hitherto been attempted.<br />
4. <strong>The</strong> contexts in which Britain’s fisheries have been considered<br />
need to be broadened. This entails comparative and interdisciplinary<br />
work. As the fishing history <strong>of</strong> the British Isles has been studied largely<br />
without regard to the experience <strong>of</strong> other nations exploiting the same<br />
waters it is time that the subject is placed in a European or <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong><br />
setting. This is especially so for the modern era when international<br />
disputes and agreements have exerted a major influence on the character<br />
and prosperity <strong>of</strong> fishing. But it is also true <strong>of</strong> earlier periods in which the<br />
British fought and negotiated for the right to exploit Newfoundland cod<br />
and <strong>North</strong> Sea herring. Similarly, understanding Britain’s fishing<br />
industry would greatly benefit from the input <strong>of</strong> colleagues in other<br />
disciplines. For instance, it is self-evident that the findings <strong>of</strong> marine<br />
biologists on such matters as fish movements and resilience should<br />
inform interpretations <strong>of</strong> past as well as current fluctuations in the<br />
prosperity <strong>of</strong> the fisheries. In a like manner, climatologists and<br />
250 Thompson, Living the Fishing.<br />
140
oceanographers might well provide historians with answers to some <strong>of</strong><br />
the riddles which cloud our understanding <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> fishing.<br />
Accordingly, links between institutions and with other disciplines are<br />
essential if a thorough investigation into the history <strong>of</strong> Britain’s sea<br />
fisheries is to materialise. It is hoped that the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> <strong>Fisheries</strong><br />
History Association will emerge as one <strong>of</strong> the means by which such<br />
collaboration can take place.<br />
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P Thompson et al, Living the Fishing (1983)<br />
J Th Thor, ‘<strong>The</strong> Beginnings <strong>of</strong> British Steam Trawling in Icelandic<br />
Waters’. Mariner’s Mirror, 74 (1988)<br />
J Th Thor, British Trawlers in Icelandic Waters (Reykjavik, 1992)<br />
J Tunstall, <strong>The</strong> Fishermen (1962)<br />
J K Walton, Fish and Chips and the British Working Class (Leicester,<br />
1992)<br />
144
Norwegian <strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>1100</strong>-1970<br />
Main Developments<br />
Pål Christensen and Alf Ragnar Nielssen<br />
Historiography<br />
<strong>The</strong> Norwegian fisheries have been afforded much attention by<br />
historians. This is because the fisheries have long been the cornerstone <strong>of</strong><br />
the national economy, providing more exports, by value, than any other<br />
industry. <strong>The</strong>refore discussions about the political development <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Norwegian state have invariably taken the ups and downs in the fishery<br />
into consideration. This is especially true for the earlier periods when the<br />
Hanseatic merchants were in control <strong>of</strong> the fish trade. 251<br />
From the 1960s the perspective <strong>of</strong> historians has changed. <strong>The</strong>y have<br />
been more concerned with the fisheries as an industry in itself, and its<br />
roles in the subsistence <strong>of</strong> the population and the pattern <strong>of</strong> settlement,<br />
especially in the north. <strong>The</strong> great importance <strong>of</strong> the export trade (which<br />
was taken for granted by previous generations <strong>of</strong> historians), as well as<br />
the role <strong>of</strong> the market economy in pre-industrial society, have been<br />
seriously questioned. 252 In recent years more attention also has been paid<br />
to the role <strong>of</strong> fishing in home consumption.<br />
<strong>The</strong> literature treating the period before 1900 is to a great extent<br />
concentrated on inshore cod fishing which mainly took place on the<br />
northern and western coasts <strong>of</strong> Norway. <strong>The</strong> cod fisheries were already<br />
commercialized in the L<strong>of</strong>oten area by c<strong>1100</strong> A.D. and in Finnmark from<br />
about 1250-1300. After the Hansatic merchants took over the fish export<br />
trade from the Norwegian tradesmen in the period after 1250, and<br />
especially when the rise in fish prices took place after 1350, the<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> the commercial fisheries increased. But the consequences<br />
<strong>of</strong> this growth were <strong>of</strong>ten over-estimated by older historians, as shown by<br />
K. Lunden. 253 His analyses <strong>of</strong> the national fish export trade concluded<br />
that its volume was low in the Late Middle Ages, but his results have<br />
251 Schreiner 1935.<br />
252 Lunden 1967.<br />
253 Lunden 1982.<br />
145
since been disputed by A. Nedkvitne (see below). Studies <strong>of</strong> the local<br />
settlement pattern in the fishery districts <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong> Norway nevertheless<br />
give support to Lunden’s conclusion—the population decrease during<br />
the crisis in the Late Middle Ages was remarkably strong also in the<br />
north. 254<br />
In the 1500s price data show a long-term reduction in stockfish<br />
prices, reaching its minimum in the middle <strong>of</strong> the seventeenth century.<br />
Studies <strong>of</strong> the fisheries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have<br />
traditionally been greatly concerned with the depression and its<br />
consequences, which were apparent already in the sixteenth century, 255<br />
but recent research has shown that it did not result in a real crisis until in<br />
the 1620s. 256 And in spite <strong>of</strong> the price depression, it is important to note<br />
that the volume <strong>of</strong> fish traded increased up to the 1650s. 257<br />
On the other hand there is no doubt that the period 1650-1750 was one<br />
<strong>of</strong> stagnation. 258 But after 1750 a new positive trend emerged. This<br />
included rising prices, new methods <strong>of</strong> production and technological<br />
improvements. After a temporary setback during the Napoleonic Wars,<br />
this positive development continued during the nineteenth century.<br />
<strong>The</strong> only comprehensive survey <strong>of</strong> the Norwegian fisheries is Trygve<br />
Solhaug’s two-volume edition De norske fiskeriers historie 1815-1880<br />
(<strong>1976</strong>). For the earlier periods the best survey is Arnved Nedkvitnes<br />
“Mens Bønderne seilte og Jægterne for” – Nordnorsk og vestnorsk<br />
kystøkonomi 1500-1730 (1988). His doctoral thesis Utenrikshandelen fra<br />
det vestafjelske Norge <strong>1100</strong>-1600 adds important information as to the<br />
fisheries and the fish trade in the medieval period. Another useful<br />
volume for the earlier periods is Norsk Økonomisk Historie 1500-1850<br />
with chapters on fishing written by Stein Tveite. A classic work, which<br />
also should be mentioned in this context, is Axel Coldevin’s Næringsliv<br />
og priser i Nordland 1700-1880 (1938), even if its main concern is trade<br />
and prices. As for the national question and the role <strong>of</strong> the Hanseatic fish<br />
trade, Johan Screiner’s book Hanseatene og Norge i det 16. århundre<br />
(1941) is the seminal work, even if many conclusions have now been<br />
254 Nielssen 1981. Høgsæt (Aarsæther) 1980.<br />
255 Coldevin 1938.<br />
256 Lindbekk 1978; Nielssen 1986.<br />
257 Dyrvik, Fossen, Grønlie, Hovland, Nordvik, Tveite 1979: 37.<br />
258 Dyrvik etc. 1979: 39-40.<br />
146
ejected. <strong>The</strong> new social and economic perspective was introduced in<br />
Kåre Lunden’s article ‘Hanseatane og norsk økonomi i<br />
seinmellomalderen’ (1967) and followed up in many works <strong>of</strong> local and<br />
regional history. One <strong>of</strong> the most important works in this connection is<br />
L<strong>of</strong>oten og Vesterålens historie vol. 2 (1500-1700) by Kari Lindbekk.<br />
<strong>The</strong> literature for the period after 1900 covers a great number <strong>of</strong><br />
themes and specialized studies, but synthesizing, more comprehensive<br />
books like those <strong>of</strong> Nedkvitne and Solhaug are still lacking. Of the more<br />
specialized studies many concentrate upon the fishermen’s political<br />
efforts in organizing themselves to defend their rights against the fish<br />
buyers, producers and exporters on the one hand and the government<br />
administration <strong>of</strong> the sector on the other. 259<br />
<strong>The</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> local studies must not be overlooked in the modern<br />
period. Many <strong>of</strong> the books in the voluminous Norwegian local and<br />
regional historical writing tradition contain a lot <strong>of</strong> material about the<br />
fisheries. <strong>The</strong> academic standard varies and a lack <strong>of</strong> proper<br />
documentation <strong>of</strong>ten makes it difficult to use the information for<br />
scientific purposes. Absence <strong>of</strong> a comparative aspect and the national<br />
perspective represents a problem, especially with regard to the older<br />
books <strong>of</strong> this tradition. But the enormous detail in this literature provides<br />
much valuable information and makes it quite clear that there are great<br />
local variations along the Norwegian coast with regard to biological fish<br />
resources, the employment patterns in the fishing industry, the<br />
technological adaption, the political and organizational framework and<br />
so on.<br />
A special facet <strong>of</strong> this local literature, concentrating only upon the<br />
fishing industry, are the regional fishing histories. <strong>The</strong>se have been<br />
written for a number <strong>of</strong> regions along the Norwegian coast from<br />
Nordland county southwards, but unfortunately not yet for the important<br />
fishing districts <strong>of</strong> Troms and Finnmark. In this regional fishing<br />
literature academic standards vary, though some <strong>of</strong> the latest are<br />
excellent, especially Karl Egil Johansen’s book on the fisheries <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Hordaland and Bergen area in Western Norway 1920-1990. 260<br />
259 Hallenstvedt & Dynna <strong>1976</strong>, Hallenstvedt 1982, Christensen & Hallenstvedt 1990.<br />
Christensen 1991 b gives a survey <strong>of</strong> the literature for the period after 1945. Nordstrand<br />
1985 is a comprehensive study <strong>of</strong> Fiskeridirectoratet, the main government institution in<br />
the sector, but this work has not been published yet.<br />
260 Johansen 1989.<br />
147
<strong>The</strong> First Phase <strong>of</strong> Commercial Fishing, <strong>1100</strong>-1300<br />
<strong>The</strong> fisheries <strong>of</strong> Norway before c1900 were mainly inshore. <strong>The</strong><br />
extremely long and varied coastline gave such an abundance <strong>of</strong> fish<br />
resources in home waters that it was not necessary to go into the open sea<br />
to catch the fish. <strong>The</strong> inshore fish resources have formed part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
subsistence economy <strong>of</strong> the coastal population since the Stone Age. But<br />
when were the fisheries commercialized?<br />
<strong>The</strong> first indisputable evidence that a commercial fishery existed,<br />
dates back as far as the early twelfth century. In 1103-07 a royal tax was<br />
issued on those who were fishing in Vágar in L<strong>of</strong>oten, a tax which seems<br />
to have had an even older origin. 261 Further evidence <strong>of</strong> a commercial<br />
fishery is to be found in two <strong>of</strong> the king's sagas where it is said that King<br />
Eystein (1103-17) had built a church and cottages for fishermen in<br />
Vágar. 262 In the twelfth century Bergen developed as an export town in<br />
the southwest, and stockfish (dried cod) is from this time onwards<br />
referred to in several sources as a trading commodity. In this early period<br />
the seasonal cod fishery in L<strong>of</strong>oten seems to have been very dominant,<br />
due to the large ‘skreid’ which could be (and still is) caught in the months<br />
<strong>of</strong> February, March and April, giving a first-class stockfish product. This<br />
is due to the climate in L<strong>of</strong>oten during late winter and spring, which is<br />
especially favourable for the drying process. In the beginning <strong>of</strong> June the<br />
stockfish would be ready for the market.<br />
This commercial cod fishery was capitalized to a very minor extent,<br />
as it was carried out by common farmers. <strong>The</strong> fishing season occurred<br />
during a slack period on the farm, and the household could therefore<br />
easily combine fishing and farming. Seasonal fishing for the market<br />
became an integral part <strong>of</strong> the household economy in the north. Farmers<br />
equipped small boats <strong>of</strong> 4-5 men (and boys) and went to stay at different<br />
fishing stations in L<strong>of</strong>oten during the season. <strong>The</strong> fishing equipment was<br />
handline and nothing but that. <strong>The</strong> food, clothes and other equipment<br />
which the fishermen needed, were mainly produced on their own farms.<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore there was a close interaction between farm production and<br />
participation in the seasonal fisheries—some <strong>of</strong> the farm goods supplied<br />
the fishermen, cereals being in greatest demand.<br />
261 Bjørgo 1982.<br />
262 In the saga Morkinskinna (ed. Finnur Jónsson) (Copenhagen, 1932).<br />
148
In this early phase <strong>of</strong> commercial fishing the traditional settlement<br />
pattern was not affected much, as farming was still the most important<br />
economic activity. But commercial fishing clearly added to the income<br />
<strong>of</strong> the households. This organization, a low-capitalized coastal fishery<br />
carried on by non-specialists as a supplement to farming, was<br />
characteristic <strong>of</strong> the fishery <strong>of</strong> L<strong>of</strong>oten into our own century.<br />
In the twelfth, thirteenth and partly the fourteenth centuries, the<br />
stockfish was sold at the market in the medieval town <strong>of</strong> Vágar.<br />
Tradesmen from the southern towns and representatives <strong>of</strong> the King,<br />
bishops, nobility etc. came to the large summer market in Vágar to do<br />
business, collect the fish tithe and other taxes. <strong>The</strong> stockfish was<br />
transported by sea to Trondheim and Bergen for export. Even if figures<br />
documenting the size <strong>of</strong> the commercial fisheries in this early period are<br />
lacking, several qualitative sources indicate that both the home market<br />
and the export market for fish products soon became <strong>of</strong> great importance.<br />
England no doubt was the most important recipient <strong>of</strong> stockfish in this<br />
period. Arnved Nedkvitne has calculated the export from Bergen to the<br />
ports in eastern England to have been about 2000 tons in the first decade<br />
<strong>of</strong> the fourteenth century. 263 <strong>The</strong> figures have since been criticized by<br />
Lunden who thinks they were considerably lower (see below).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Hanseatic Trade and the Rise <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Fisheries</strong>, 1300-1600<br />
In the second half <strong>of</strong> the fourteenth century the trade system <strong>of</strong> the High<br />
Middle Ages seems to have deteriorated—possibly because <strong>of</strong> a<br />
dramatic reduction in the number <strong>of</strong> native merchants in the period after<br />
the Black Death. <strong>The</strong> market in Vágar ceased to exist as the remaining<br />
Norwegian merchants failed to maintain the connection between the<br />
fishery districts and the export towns <strong>of</strong> Trondheim and Bergen. <strong>The</strong><br />
fishermen themselves had to arrange the transport <strong>of</strong> their stockfish to<br />
market. This resulted in the rather unique transport system called<br />
‘jektefart’. 264 <strong>The</strong> ‘jekt’ was a small trading vessel owned by a captain,<br />
but manned and sailed by the farmers <strong>of</strong> a local community. In early June<br />
a large fleet <strong>of</strong> these ships went from the north to Bergen with stockfish<br />
and fish oil, to exchange it for barrels <strong>of</strong> grain and flour. <strong>The</strong> voyage<br />
could be repeated at the end <strong>of</strong> the summer. This transport system,<br />
263 Nedkvitne <strong>1976</strong>.<br />
264 Descriptions <strong>of</strong> the system <strong>of</strong> ‘jektefart’ in Coldevin 1938: 37-43, 78-80 and Kiil 199.<br />
149
placing the risk on the fishermen, continued to exist until the second half<br />
<strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century.<br />
Already around 1240-50 the Hanseatic merchants <strong>of</strong> Lübeck had<br />
started their trade in Bergen, and a hundred years later their Kontor was<br />
established. 265 From that time onwards they completely dominated the<br />
export <strong>of</strong> stockfish from Norway. <strong>The</strong> fishermen from the north therefore<br />
came into direct contact with the representatives <strong>of</strong> the most powerful<br />
trade organization in northern Europe. It was not always to their<br />
advantage, but the Hanseatics were able to establish a secure trade for the<br />
first time, covering the demand for cereals in the coastal areas. Another<br />
new development was the credit system which at least in the Late Middle<br />
Ages must have been advantageous for the fishermen. In the long run,<br />
however, there were negative side effects as the system created a<br />
dependency on one single merchant, and in consequence a price<br />
monopoly for the Hanseatic merchants. 266<br />
As for the question <strong>of</strong> living conditions in the north, the trade system<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Hanseatics no doubt reduced the need to grow cereals in this<br />
climatically vulnerable area. It also made it possible for parts <strong>of</strong> the<br />
population to specialize in fishing, thereby laying the foundations <strong>of</strong> the<br />
first permanent fishing villages. 267<br />
Stockfish Prices and the Volume <strong>of</strong> Exports<br />
Analyses <strong>of</strong> fish prices from the Late Middle Ages by Lunden and<br />
Nedkvitne have concluded that prices were extraordinarily high in<br />
comparison with cereals in the period 1350-1500. In Bergen 1 kg. <strong>of</strong><br />
stockfish had approximately the same value as 2 kg. <strong>of</strong> rye flour in the<br />
period 1270-1350, while one could get as much as 6-7 kg. <strong>of</strong> rye flour for<br />
1 kg stockfish between 1350 and 1500. In the period 1500-50 the ratio<br />
had sunk to 1:3 and in the latter half <strong>of</strong> the same century 1:2 - that is the<br />
same price relation as in the High Middle Ages. 268 <strong>The</strong> high fish prices in<br />
the Late Middle Ages, combined with the very high taxes still being paid<br />
by Norwegian fishermen around 1520, 269 lend strong support to the<br />
265 Helle 1982: 379-88, 730-50.<br />
266 Helle 1982: 739-40, 770-71.<br />
267 Nielssen 1994.<br />
268 Nedkvitne 1988: 42.<br />
269 Holmsen 1975: 549-554.<br />
150
common contention <strong>of</strong> historians that the Late Middle Ages were very<br />
favourable for the fisheries and the fish trade.<br />
As for the volume <strong>of</strong> trade in this period, it has traditionally been<br />
estimated as being very large. But Lunden, who was the first historian to<br />
apply quantitative analysis, came to another conclusion in his 1967<br />
article. He found that the stockfish export from Bergen to the staple in<br />
Lübeck in the period 1368-1400 could not have been higher than 200<br />
tons annually. Consequently he concluded that the importance <strong>of</strong><br />
stockfish exports from Norway had been greatly exaggerated by earlier<br />
historians. Considering that some historians, especially German, had<br />
argued that the stockfish trade had been necessary for the settlement in<br />
<strong>North</strong> Norway, 270 his conclusion is indisputably correct. On the other<br />
hand, he has been criticized by Nedkvitne both for underestimating the<br />
volume <strong>of</strong> trade, and especially for having disregarded the export <strong>of</strong><br />
stockfish to Western Europe which did not go through the staple in<br />
Lübeck. 271<br />
Foreign <strong>Fisheries</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong> Norwegian kings in the High Middle Ages tried to centralize the<br />
stockfish inland market on Vágar and to have the stockfish brought<br />
further to Bergen and Trondheim by national merchants. A law issued by<br />
the king as late as in 1384 was designed to maintain this old system. In<br />
the Late Middle Ages when the Hanseatics took over the export trade and<br />
it was centralized on Bergen, neither the Hanseatic nor other foreign<br />
merchants were allowed to sail to the fishery districts and trade directly<br />
with the fishermen in the north. It is difficult to say to what extent the<br />
prohibition was respected, but there is not very much evidence showing<br />
that Hanseatic ships took part in active fishing in the north. <strong>The</strong> text <strong>of</strong><br />
the law mentions illegal trade in ‘fiords and fishing villages’. Another<br />
law text from 1425 mentions ‘the sailing <strong>of</strong> German and other foreign<br />
men to Hålogaland, Finnmark, Iceland and the other ...skattland.’ 272 But<br />
as a rule, and as long as Norwegian tradesmen, and after 1350 the<br />
fishermen themselves, could bring the stockfish to Bergen, the<br />
Hanseatics would not have any strong motive to go to the north to get<br />
hold <strong>of</strong> the stockfish.<br />
270 Lunden 1967: 98-99.<br />
271 Nedkvitne <strong>1976</strong>.<br />
272 Johnsen 1923: 33.<br />
151
For other foreigners the situation was very different. English fishing<br />
and fish trade was expanding, and from the beginning <strong>of</strong> the fifteenth<br />
century English ships fishing and trading in the north is well<br />
documented. This is in the same period that the English fisheries around<br />
Iceland developed, and their presence in <strong>North</strong> Norway must be seen in<br />
connection with this general expansion. <strong>The</strong>re were many complaints<br />
about the illegal trade <strong>of</strong> the English, especially from merchants in<br />
Bergen, and some <strong>of</strong> the documents even have reports <strong>of</strong> the plundering<br />
<strong>of</strong> settlements in the north. In the middle <strong>of</strong> the century English activity<br />
seems to have been reduced, partly as a result <strong>of</strong> a treaty between<br />
Christian I <strong>of</strong> Denmark-Norway, and Edward IV <strong>of</strong> England.<br />
According to a local source in 1591, the memory <strong>of</strong> a former extensive<br />
English trade in L<strong>of</strong>oten was still vivid at that time. 273<br />
In the sixteenth and first half <strong>of</strong> the seventeenth century foreign<br />
fishing and trade was more or less regular in the eastern parts <strong>of</strong><br />
Finnmark (Varanger) and at the Kola peninsula. This eastern area was<br />
not under the monopoly <strong>of</strong> Bergen, and ships from Holland, England and<br />
from the towns <strong>of</strong> Malmø, Helsingør, Haderslev and Flensborg<br />
frequented the area. <strong>The</strong> merchants <strong>of</strong> Bergen protested vigorously<br />
against this traffic, and in the 1630s and 1640s it terminated. <strong>The</strong> foreign<br />
trade has been evaluated by E. Niemi as a positive contribution to the<br />
population in eastern Finnmark in this period. 274<br />
<strong>The</strong> Fishing Villages<br />
<strong>The</strong> phenomenon <strong>of</strong> specialized and permanently settled fishing villages<br />
occurred around 1300, or a little earlier. <strong>The</strong>y were especially frequent in<br />
Finnmark in the very north, but fishing villages grew up in many places<br />
along the coasts <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong>-, Mid- and West-Norway. Nevertheless, recent<br />
settlement studies have shown that the movement <strong>of</strong> people from<br />
farming to fishing districts in the Late Middle Ages has been quite<br />
exaggerated. South <strong>of</strong> the grain cultivating border (in Hálogaland) farm<br />
settlement continued to dominate as before. It was still more covenient<br />
for the great majority to combine farming and fishing. On the other hand<br />
the participation <strong>of</strong> farmers in the commercial fisheries no doubt<br />
increased, but then by prolonging the fishing seasons and perhaps<br />
increasing the effort.<br />
273 Lindbekk 1977: 182.<br />
274 Niemi 1983: 151-54.<br />
152
<strong>The</strong> area which was dominated to the greatest extent by permanent<br />
fishing villages was Finnmark. Even if the written sources from the<br />
medieval period are meagre, it is possible to see how the boundary <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Norwegian population expanded north <strong>of</strong> the grain cultivation limit in<br />
the period after 1200. <strong>The</strong> church in Tromsø, which was founded as the<br />
northernmost in Norway around 1250, was built during the reign <strong>of</strong><br />
Håkon Håkonson who interestingly enough is the same king who signed<br />
the first treaty with Lübeck in 1250. After 1250 there seems to have been<br />
a very fast settlement development in the north, as a church in Vardø is<br />
referred to as early as 1307. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries there<br />
is both written and archaeological evidence confirming the existence <strong>of</strong><br />
several fishing villages in Finnmark.<br />
In the sixteenth century documentary sources give more extensive<br />
information about the character and the size <strong>of</strong> the fishing villages. <strong>The</strong><br />
taxation lists <strong>of</strong> 1520 and 1567 are the first to register the settlements<br />
systematically, and from 1610 there are annual lists. In Finnmark the<br />
total population <strong>of</strong> the fishing villages has been estimated at between<br />
2,000 and 2,500 persons in 1520—in the 1590s it reached its peak with a<br />
population <strong>of</strong> about 3,000. 275 <strong>The</strong> reduction in the stockfish price in the<br />
sixteenth century was therefore not large enough to stop the positive<br />
settlement development in the coastal districts. In the L<strong>of</strong>oten area, as<br />
well as in many other combined farming and fishing areas, the<br />
population continued to increase up to the 1620s, while a negative<br />
tendency at that time had emerged in the more specialized fishing areas.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re were many immigrants from South Norway and also from<br />
abroad to the fishery districts in the sixteenth century. <strong>The</strong> surnames <strong>of</strong><br />
the fishermen tell us that there were Danes (especially from Jylland),<br />
Swedes, Germans, Scots, Dutchmen and many from the Faroes and<br />
Shetland. It follows that the fishing villages were cosmopolitan in<br />
character. Some fishermen stayed only for a short period, but many<br />
stayed for good. <strong>The</strong> typical fisherman <strong>of</strong> the north had a wife and<br />
children and had settled permanently. Either he had his own fishing boat,<br />
or he was a crew member on a boat owned by the neighbour. <strong>The</strong> small<br />
fishing boats which were used all along the coast, were manned by 4-6<br />
men. <strong>The</strong> fisherman and his wife would normally also be the owners <strong>of</strong><br />
one or two cows and some sheep and goats for the supply <strong>of</strong> milk<br />
products and meat, and hides and wool as raw materials for clothes. In<br />
275 Nielssen 1994: 27.<br />
153
general the sixteenth century seems to have been a favourable period for<br />
the fishermen and their families, in spite <strong>of</strong> the reduction in the stockfish<br />
price during the period.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are also many indications that the volume <strong>of</strong> the fishery and the<br />
fish trade increased towards the end <strong>of</strong> the sixteenth century. <strong>The</strong> class <strong>of</strong><br />
national merchants was growing, and their intermediate role between the<br />
fishery districts and Bergen increased again. 276 In the second part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
sixteenth century larger ships than before, owned by Norwegian<br />
merchants, took over much <strong>of</strong> the transport between Finnmark and<br />
Bergen.<br />
Growth and Depression, 1600-1750<br />
<strong>The</strong> Traditional Stockfish Production<br />
In the seventeenth century there are many signs <strong>of</strong> depression in the<br />
coastal settlements. One <strong>of</strong> the most manifest is the crisis which occurred<br />
in the late 1620s. <strong>The</strong> crisis was caused by the general rise in the prices <strong>of</strong><br />
cereals during the Thirty Years War and the temporary cessation in the<br />
trade connection between Bergen and the continent due to the<br />
involvement <strong>of</strong> the Danish-Norwegian king in the war. One can detect a<br />
dramatic reduction <strong>of</strong> the population in almost all the fishing<br />
villages—many <strong>of</strong> them were laid waste during these years. In the<br />
combined farming-fishing districts the demographic consequences were<br />
not so far-reaching, but a state <strong>of</strong> economic depression is also evident.<br />
During the 1630s conditions were more normal, with two exceptions:<br />
<strong>The</strong> stockfish price as compared with cereals permanently stayed at a<br />
lower level than before, and the position <strong>of</strong> the fishing villages was<br />
reduced for good. In Finnmark, for instance, a large part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Norwegian settlement moved from fishing villages to the fiords and<br />
more emphasis was put on animal husbandry than before. Others gave up<br />
fishing and moved to the south.<br />
While the blame for the negative population growth in the fishing<br />
villages traditionally has been attributed to the effect <strong>of</strong> the local trade<br />
monopolies, historians today seem to agree that the causes <strong>of</strong> the<br />
depression were mainly <strong>of</strong> an international character, partly due to the<br />
lowered demand for stockfish after the Reformation and partly due to<br />
276 Nilsen 1966.<br />
154
heavier competition on the fish market, especially from English and<br />
Dutch production <strong>of</strong> klipfish. 277<br />
But even if stockfish prices fell and fishing villages were abandoned,<br />
the population in the combined farming-fishing areas increased. <strong>The</strong><br />
volume <strong>of</strong> the total stockfish production also increased at least up to the<br />
1650s. Figures <strong>of</strong> production are still uncertain in this period, but a<br />
redoubling <strong>of</strong> the volume has been assumed from the 1570s to c1600 and<br />
another redoubling from 1600 to 1650. Tveite has assumed that the<br />
increase was larger in Mid- and West-Norway than in the north in this<br />
period. 278 To be able to explain the ambiguity <strong>of</strong> the development,<br />
Norwegian historians have assumed that the price fall made it necessary<br />
for the fishermen to increase their efforts in the seasonal fisheries, to<br />
keep their income at a normal level. <strong>The</strong> production increase was<br />
therefore mainly <strong>of</strong> an extensive character. <strong>The</strong> population growth in the<br />
farming-fishing districts was in itself a cause, and it was strengthened by<br />
the increased energy and longer periods <strong>of</strong> activity in the seasonal<br />
fisheries.<br />
But after 1670 there was a marked drop in output, and the volume fell<br />
back to about the same size as c1600. 279 <strong>The</strong> central fishery in L<strong>of</strong>oten<br />
seems to have gone through the largest setback—there were also<br />
negative tendencies in the cod fisheries further south. International<br />
competition from the klipfish was one important cause—another seems<br />
to have been initiated by Mother Nature herself—the occurrence <strong>of</strong> cod<br />
in close waters declined, probably due to a reduction in the sea<br />
temperature during the Little Ice Age. <strong>The</strong> negative trend in the cod<br />
fisheries continued till about 1750.<br />
Herring<br />
Herring had been the most important fish on the European market since<br />
the Middle Ages. On the Norwegian coasts herring had been caught in<br />
some quantity since at least the Viking Age, but only to be used in the<br />
household. It was usually caught by seines. Because <strong>of</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> salt, it was<br />
usually conserved by drying or smoking. In the sixteenth and<br />
seventeenth centuries there was an increase in herring fishing for the<br />
277 Nedkvitne 1984; see also Holm’s paper in this volume.<br />
278 Dyrvik, Fossen, Grønlie, Hovland, Nordvik, Tveite 1979: 39.<br />
279 Dyrvik etc. 1979: 39-40.<br />
155
home market, and herring became an important object <strong>of</strong> exchange<br />
between the coast and inland. 280<br />
It was not until the sixteenth century that Norwegian herring became<br />
a commodity on the international market. It had commenced in the<br />
southwestern parts <strong>of</strong> the country in the early 1520s and moved north to<br />
the Bergen area around 1550. But after 1570 the herring had disappeared<br />
from West Norway again. <strong>The</strong>n in the period 1556-1590 the great herring<br />
fisheries in Båhuslen took place. From 1614 there was a herring period at<br />
the coast <strong>of</strong> Trøndelag (Bjugn-Stjørna), ending in 1641. And in the<br />
second half <strong>of</strong> the century the herring returned again to the coasts <strong>of</strong><br />
West Norway. 281<br />
In the 1600s the annual export volume was about 25,000 barrels. In<br />
the 1700s there was a very large increase in the average figure to about<br />
250,000 barrels a year. This was caused by the boom in the herring<br />
fisheries especially in the period 1740-60. 282 But another important<br />
factor was the new organization <strong>of</strong> the herring production and trade. As<br />
compared with stockfish production, the production <strong>of</strong> herring was more<br />
capital intensive, as salt and barrels had to be provided. 283 It could not be<br />
done by the fishermen themselves, but had to be organized by merchants,<br />
and in the eighteenth century the class <strong>of</strong> native merchants was<br />
developing rapidly in Norway. <strong>The</strong> basis was the merchants <strong>of</strong> the old<br />
towns <strong>of</strong> Bergen and Trondheim, but a merchant class developed also in<br />
Stavanger, Kristiansund and Ålesund. After 1760, and especially after<br />
1780, the herring disappeared again, not returning until 1808. But after<br />
then there was a strong resurgence in the herring fisheries, increasing the<br />
annual export volume to 1.2 million barrels a year. 284<br />
Dried salt cod (klipfish)<br />
<strong>The</strong> negative situation in the cod fisheries seems to have ended around<br />
1730. In this decade there was a marked increase in output in the<br />
southern part <strong>of</strong> the codfishing area—that is Møre and Trøndelag. <strong>The</strong><br />
rise came some decades later in the north—in L<strong>of</strong>oten from the 1760s. At<br />
the end <strong>of</strong> the century cod fishing was greatly reduced in the south again,<br />
280 Nedkvitne 1988: 470-504.<br />
281 Nedkvitne 1988: 473-74.<br />
282 Nedkvitne 1988: 475-6.<br />
283 Nedkvitne 1988: 477-87.<br />
284 Nedkvitne 1988: 470.<br />
156
and L<strong>of</strong>oten reclaimed its pre-eminent position. From 1750 to 1800 the<br />
total export <strong>of</strong> Norwegian cod almost doubled. In this period qualitative<br />
changes both in the fishing and in the production process were<br />
responsible for the growth (in contrast to the increase before 1650).<br />
Klipfish, which for several hundred years had been produced by<br />
Englishmen and Dutchmen, was introduced as a new export product<br />
from Norway in the 1740s. In the 1750s klipfish was produced in most <strong>of</strong><br />
West Norway, and from the 1780s there was a breakthrough for this<br />
product in <strong>North</strong> Norway as well. In the 1750s about 1/10 <strong>of</strong> the cod was<br />
produced as klipfish, while the share had been increased to 1/4 around<br />
1800. 285 <strong>The</strong> salt to be used in klipfish production was provided by the<br />
same merchants who were central in the development <strong>of</strong> the herring<br />
fisheries in the same period. It was natural for them to participate in<br />
klipfish production as well when the cod occurred in large numbers at the<br />
coasts <strong>of</strong> Møre and Trøndelag at the middle <strong>of</strong> the 1700s. And when<br />
L<strong>of</strong>oten took over towards the end <strong>of</strong> the century, the merchants <strong>of</strong> the<br />
same southern towns began to send their ships to the north to buy the raw<br />
fish and have it salted aboard.<br />
Technology<br />
<strong>The</strong> handline had dominated cod fishing all along the coast in the earlier<br />
period. Longlines were introduced in Finnmark in the 1500s by<br />
Englishmen and Dutchmen, and in the 1570-80s they were commonly in<br />
use among the local fishermen. Further south, in West Norway, longlines<br />
and nets came into use in the cod fisheries during the 1600s. <strong>The</strong>y were<br />
not only used in the inshore fisheries, but also in the open sea as<br />
fishermen from Sunnmøre in the 1700s developed a cod fishery in the<br />
open sea at the fishing ground called Storegga. 286<br />
In the most important cod fishing area, L<strong>of</strong>oten, longlines and nets<br />
were not really introduced until the 1760s. Inventories from the early<br />
1700s show almost a total absence <strong>of</strong> these fishing tools, while they had<br />
become very common in the second part <strong>of</strong> the century. 287 But prolonged<br />
conflict about the legality <strong>of</strong> nets and longlines immediately began, and<br />
as a result their use was restricted to specific waters and specific periods<br />
<strong>of</strong> the year.<br />
285 Dyrvik etc. 1979: 158-9.<br />
286 Nedkvitne 1988: 435-6.<br />
287 Nielssen 1994b: 63.<br />
157
<strong>The</strong> question <strong>of</strong> why there were such great chronological differences<br />
in the introduction <strong>of</strong> new fishing techniques between geographical<br />
areas, has not been fully examined yet, but factors such as the influence<br />
<strong>of</strong> foreign fishermen, the adequacy <strong>of</strong> the local fisheries, and a<br />
conservatism among the fishermen because <strong>of</strong> their fear <strong>of</strong> big capital in<br />
the industry, have been emphasized.<br />
Trade Liberalization and Increasing Fish Markets<br />
Growth in Catch and Production, 1750-1900<br />
With the exception <strong>of</strong> a temporary setback during the Napoleonic Wars,<br />
the period 1750-1900 was characterized by prosperity for the Norwegian<br />
fishing industry, especially with regard to the cod fishing sector.<br />
From the last part <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth century major changes began to<br />
take place in the fishing communities, especially in <strong>North</strong>ern Norway.<br />
<strong>The</strong> trade system was gradually liberalized, first by legalizing the<br />
establishment <strong>of</strong> local tradesmen from 1762, secondly by the founding <strong>of</strong><br />
the first modern towns late in the century (Hammerfest and Vardø in<br />
1789, Tromsø in 1794). 288<br />
Fish production increased, partly due to a growing population and an<br />
increased number <strong>of</strong> fishermen, partly as a consequence <strong>of</strong> a change in<br />
fishing technology. For many fishermen more effective fishing gear,<br />
longlines and nets, replaced the older handlines.<br />
Market conditions also improved with increasing demand for fish on<br />
the European markets and high prices. New opportunities were opened<br />
up for the local fishermen in the north. <strong>The</strong>ir close connection with and<br />
dependency on the merchants <strong>of</strong> Bergen was loosened. <strong>The</strong>y gradually<br />
became more able to choose between different market<br />
alternatives—drying their fish for sale to Bergen in the traditional way,<br />
selling it directly to sailing producers <strong>of</strong> salted and dried fish, or selling it<br />
to local tradesmen. With increased demand in the markets these different<br />
groups competed against each other when buying the fish. Of course, this<br />
competition proved to be an advantage to the fishermen, as it resulted in<br />
higher prices in the first hand.<br />
<strong>The</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> the so-called Pomor trade was another<br />
important change which took place in the north in this period. 289 This<br />
was a kind <strong>of</strong> barter between local Norwegian small scale fishermen and<br />
288 Knudsen 1973, Hartvigsen 1979, Solhaug <strong>1976</strong> og Knutsen (ed.) 1988.<br />
289 Solhaug <strong>1976</strong>, 245-264. Niemi (ed.) 1992 has a comprehensive bibliography.<br />
158
Russian sailing merchants from the White Sea area. <strong>The</strong> Russians<br />
brought grain, cereals and other goods. <strong>The</strong>se products were exchanged<br />
for raw fish which was salted directly aboard the ships. In the beginning,<br />
this barter was unlicensed and difficult for the local authorities to control.<br />
Gradually, however, some kind <strong>of</strong> trade between Russians and<br />
Norwegians was allowed for specific commodities, but only in a limited<br />
geographical area and also chronologically limited to a part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
summer.<br />
From the point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong> Norwegian coastal inhabitants<br />
this exchange <strong>of</strong> cereals for fish had several advantages. First they got a<br />
new channel <strong>of</strong> grain delivery and were therefore not so vulnerable to<br />
obstacles in the transport system as before. This advantage was <strong>of</strong> special<br />
importance during the Napoleonic Wars. Second the Russian demand for<br />
fish was strongest during the summer when the quality <strong>of</strong> dried fish was<br />
poor and when it was particularly difficult to sell it in regular markets. In<br />
the summer time the drying process was a hazardous undertaking<br />
because flies easily damaged the fish by placing their eggs in the fish<br />
meat. Besides, there was a very low demand for salted summer fish on<br />
the other foreign markets and prices here were consequently very low. A<br />
third advantage was that the direct barter between the small-scale<br />
fishermen and the Russian sailing tradesmen gave a kind <strong>of</strong><br />
independence to the first group with regard to their relationship to<br />
domestic tradesmen, whether they were local or distant ones.<br />
Participation in the most important regional fisheries was also<br />
increasing during the nineteenth century. At L<strong>of</strong>oten, the number <strong>of</strong><br />
fishermen <strong>of</strong> the great cod fishery in the winter reached its peak in the<br />
years 1888-1897. 290 In eight <strong>of</strong> these ten years more than 30,000<br />
fishermen were participating. At Finnmark another great cod fishery was<br />
developing from the middle <strong>of</strong> the century. It took place in the spring,<br />
when the cod was seeking the coast for food purposes, following the<br />
capelin, a small salmon fish. An average <strong>of</strong> 15,000 fishermen were<br />
taking part in this fishery in the second part <strong>of</strong> the century. Many <strong>of</strong> them<br />
came from other regions, especially from the other counties <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong>ern<br />
Norway, Nordland and Troms. In Western Norway, herring fishery was<br />
still the most important. <strong>The</strong> great herring period <strong>of</strong> the century started in<br />
1808 and lasted for more than 60 years. When participation was at its<br />
290 Solhaug <strong>1976</strong>, 169.<br />
159
maximum, between 30,000 and 40,000 fishermen were taking part in this<br />
fishery.<br />
Organizational Efforts, State Intervention and Technological<br />
Modernization in the Fishing Industry, 1900-1970<br />
Compared to other groups <strong>of</strong> workers, fishermen had difficulties in<br />
organizing themselves in trade unions. 291 This was mainly due to<br />
specific features in the occupation itself. <strong>The</strong> fishermen’s way <strong>of</strong> life<br />
varied a lot along the coast and between different types <strong>of</strong> fisheries. <strong>The</strong>ir<br />
diversified problems asked for many kinds <strong>of</strong> solutions. It was not easy<br />
to define a framework <strong>of</strong> common interests which most Norwegian<br />
fishermen could agree upon. While the industrial workers and the<br />
farmers formed their organizations in the late nineteenth century, the<br />
fishermen had to wait about 30 years before they could complete the<br />
same process. <strong>The</strong> union was not realized until 1926 when <strong>The</strong><br />
Norwegian Association <strong>of</strong> Fishermen—Norges Fiskarlag—was founded<br />
at a meeting in the town <strong>of</strong> Bodø.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Norwegian state was involved in the process leading to the<br />
establishment in Bodø, supporting it with money and in other ways. <strong>The</strong><br />
fishermen were not strong enough as a group to manage the task<br />
themselves. Similar kinds <strong>of</strong> government support were activated when<br />
the herring fishermen <strong>of</strong> Western Norway formed the first sales<br />
organizations only a few years later (Storsildlaget 1927, Stor- og<br />
Vårsildlaget 1928). 292<br />
But this initial help soon proved insufficient. If a sales organization<br />
was to run effectively, it was necessary for all fishermen to support it.<br />
Outsiders threatened the whole idea <strong>of</strong> selling in common. <strong>The</strong><br />
fishermen's organizations therefore asked the central authorities for a<br />
more effective weapon to compel outsiders to sell their fish under terms<br />
decided by the co-operative. <strong>The</strong> government listened to the claim and<br />
the first law <strong>of</strong> regulation came in 1930, confined to the herring sector. It<br />
was followed by the common Raw Fish Act in 1938 and the<br />
establishment <strong>of</strong> the Raw Fish Association—Norges Råfisklag—in the<br />
cod fisheries <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong>ern Norway in the same year.<br />
What was the reason for this state intervention in the Norwegian<br />
fishing industry in the interwar period? Mainly it represented a kind <strong>of</strong><br />
291 Hallenstvedt & Dynna <strong>1976</strong> and Hallenstvedt 1982.<br />
292 Fasting 1960. Naastad 1982. Christensen & Hallenstvedt 1990.<br />
160
experiment during a deep economic crisis. Fish prices were falling<br />
heavily after 1920 and the fishermen could not keep up their incomes and<br />
pay back their loans. Exports <strong>of</strong> fish was also <strong>of</strong> great importance to the<br />
total Norwegian economy. Social and political reasons also came into<br />
consideration. <strong>The</strong> fishermen in general were one <strong>of</strong> the weakest groups<br />
among the workers <strong>of</strong> Norway at this time. <strong>The</strong>ir income, education and<br />
standard <strong>of</strong> living were at a pretty low level. State intervention gave them<br />
a kind <strong>of</strong> protection against still deeper deterioration. At the same time<br />
they numerically represented a rather significant group in the elections.<br />
<strong>The</strong> political parties therefore competed against each other to get their<br />
votes.<br />
Technologically the fishing industry has gone through an enormous<br />
developement in the last century. Looking upon the Norwegian part <strong>of</strong><br />
this general picture, some specific features may be pointed out. While the<br />
steam engine was successfully integrated in the fleet <strong>of</strong> fishing vessels in<br />
several other countries in Western Europe around 1900, this happened<br />
only to a small degree in Norway. 293 <strong>The</strong> Norwegian fishermen in fact<br />
heavily resisted the introduction <strong>of</strong> large steam ships and their use <strong>of</strong><br />
modern purse seine equipment in the L<strong>of</strong>oten fishery. <strong>The</strong> main<br />
confrontation came at the famous battle <strong>of</strong> Trollfjorden in 1890. <strong>The</strong><br />
fishermen feared a structural development away from the small scale<br />
system where they could take part as free individual owners <strong>of</strong> boats and<br />
fishing gear, to a large scale system where they only could participate as<br />
employees. <strong>The</strong> central government listened to the protest and a few<br />
years later the use <strong>of</strong> purse seine was prohibited in the L<strong>of</strong>oten fishery.<br />
This prohibition still exists. 294<br />
Introduction <strong>of</strong> the combustion engine in the Norwegian fleet <strong>of</strong><br />
fishing vessels, however, did not meet problems <strong>of</strong> the same kind. This<br />
fundamental change in technology started a few years later and took<br />
place at an astonishing pace. 295 <strong>The</strong> county <strong>of</strong> Møre and Romsdal on the<br />
western coast was at the head <strong>of</strong> the development right after 1900,<br />
followed by Nordland and Troms around 1910. By 1920 the first phase<br />
<strong>of</strong> the motorizing process had come to an end. <strong>The</strong> combustion engine<br />
was much easier to integrate into the Norwegian fishing industry because<br />
293 Brandal 1983.<br />
294 <strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> purse seine in L<strong>of</strong>oten was allowed for a short period after World War II.<br />
See Glomseth 1969 for a survey <strong>of</strong> the topic.<br />
295 Thorsvik 1972, Mathisen 1982, Christensen and Pedersen 1995.<br />
161
this could be done without changing the small scale structure <strong>of</strong> the fleet<br />
and the structure <strong>of</strong> ownership; at least such changes were not necessary<br />
to take the new technology into use in the first phase. A combustion<br />
engine could easily be placed in the existing fishing boats at prices that<br />
many <strong>of</strong> the fishermen themselves could afford with some financial<br />
support from other fishermen in their neighbourhood, local banks, or<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficial funds.<br />
One important result <strong>of</strong> the motorizing process was a kind <strong>of</strong><br />
specializing in the existing diversified fish-farming economy. Fishermen<br />
who had invested their own money and borrowed the rest to buy the new<br />
technology had to use their boats more effectively during the year in<br />
order to secure their income. This meant that they could not work as<br />
much at their farms as before. <strong>The</strong> farming activities in the combined<br />
farming-fishing districts continued to be undertaken by the women even<br />
more so than in earlier periods. In the long run this specializing process<br />
created a division <strong>of</strong> the fishing-farming economy. Some became<br />
specialized fishermen, some became specialized farmers and a great<br />
number left both occupations and moved to the urban areas. <strong>The</strong> pace<br />
and more detailed characteristics <strong>of</strong> this process have not yet been fully<br />
examined and are still being debated, 296 but it is obvious that it went on<br />
for many years and varied in different parts <strong>of</strong> the country. Although this<br />
fundamental change started right after 1900 it did not end until well after<br />
World War II.<br />
While the introduction <strong>of</strong> the combustion engine in Norwegian<br />
fishing industry went on rapidly and was inhibited by very few<br />
controversies, this was not the case with two other major changes in<br />
fishing technology in the decades after 1900. In the herring fisheries<br />
increasing use <strong>of</strong> the purse seine equipment in narrow waters on the coast<br />
was heavily opposed by many fishermen who still used ordinary nets or<br />
the older seines anchored on shore. <strong>The</strong>y argued that the purse seine<br />
caught too much <strong>of</strong> the herring stock, that it scared the herring and that<br />
their own fishing operations were disturbed and damaged. But the<br />
Norwegian fishing authorities were not keen on regulation at this<br />
moment. In the herring sector, they wanted the technological<br />
developement to be as free as possible without state intervention.<br />
296 Brox 1984, Drivenes 1982, Fulsås 1987.<br />
162
In the cod fisheries, conflict was focused on the introduction <strong>of</strong><br />
Norwegian trawling in the decade before World War II. 297 Foreign<br />
trawlers, primarly from England and Germany, had visited Norwegian<br />
waters from 1905 onwards. <strong>The</strong>ir fishing operations had resulted in some<br />
disputes with Norwegian fishermen, but these problems did not have a<br />
wide scope before c1925. Later on foreign trawlfishing operations in<br />
Norwegian waters heavily increased and so did the confrontations at sea<br />
between the trawlers and Norwegian fishermen, as long lines and fishing<br />
nets suffered damage or were lost.<br />
This development was caused by several factors. Cod fishing in the<br />
<strong>North</strong> Sea experienced decreasing catches after 1922 and never<br />
recovered its former position. <strong>The</strong> result was increased trawling<br />
activities in other areas, such as the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong>, around Iceland, in the<br />
Barents Sea, in the Norwegian Sea and near Spitsbergen and Bear Island.<br />
This was also possible because improvements in refrigeration<br />
technology facilitated long distance operations on a much wider scale<br />
than before. Norwegian fishermen had at the same time, after their<br />
investment in mechanical machinery, been able to operate more<br />
frequently on the outer banks than before. Both factors increased the<br />
possibility <strong>of</strong> conflicts at sea.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Norwegians tried to introduce high sea trawling on several<br />
occasions after 1900, but for many years without success. <strong>The</strong> traditional<br />
fishermen neither had the ability to invest in great steam trawlers nor<br />
wanted such vessels to take part in the Norwegian fisheries. Business<br />
interests in the domestic fishing industry had on the other hand a more<br />
positive attitude. Buyers and producers <strong>of</strong> fish could secure their supply<br />
<strong>of</strong> raw material by the use <strong>of</strong> steam trawlers. By investing in such<br />
technology, they might be able to improve their control <strong>of</strong> the fish<br />
delivery, which was a very uncertain factor in their business operations.<br />
Some experiments in this field took place in the years until 1933, but<br />
they showed to be definitive failures. Such companies soon got into<br />
trouble and had to give up after a while. <strong>The</strong>y did not prove pr<strong>of</strong>itable for<br />
the investors. One main reason must have been that the firms had great<br />
problems in competing in the European markets. <strong>The</strong> trawling steamers<br />
in countries like England and Germany were delivering their catch at<br />
home in order to supply their own population with fresh fish. <strong>The</strong><br />
domestic market for fresh fish in Norway was probably too small to<br />
297 <strong>The</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> the trawling controversies is based upon Christensen 1991 a.<br />
163
sustain pr<strong>of</strong>its partly because <strong>of</strong> the small population and partly because<br />
<strong>of</strong> a large supply from the ordinary domestic fishing industry. Norwegian<br />
trawling companies therefore primarily had to base their business on<br />
exports. But this was difficult indeed in the fresh fish market. Newly<br />
established and economically weak, such firms had to compete with big<br />
English and German trawling companies in their home markets.<br />
After 1933, however, the first successful Norwegian large-scale<br />
steam trawling companies were established. <strong>The</strong> main change compared<br />
to earlier failures was a shift in production strategy from fresh fish to<br />
salting the fish at sea. <strong>The</strong> dried and salted fish industry onshore stood<br />
behind these investments, and in 1936 Norway had a fleet <strong>of</strong> 11<br />
large-scale steam trawlers. One can talk about a kind <strong>of</strong> vertical<br />
combination in this case, between the fishing, production and export<br />
sectors <strong>of</strong> the fishing industry.<br />
But successful investment in large-scale steam trawling in the<br />
Norwegian saltfish production and trade soon made the alarm bells ring<br />
among the traditional small-scale fishermen. <strong>The</strong> alarm bells were also<br />
set <strong>of</strong>f in the political system, resulting in the Trawler Acts <strong>of</strong> 1936 and<br />
1939. <strong>The</strong>se acts made an increase in the number <strong>of</strong> Norwegian trawlers<br />
impossible and laid strict regulations as to the use <strong>of</strong> the existing ones.<br />
Small-scale fishermen partly resisted the trawlers because they<br />
regarded them as a threat to their traditional way <strong>of</strong> life and to the fish<br />
stocks. But the main argument in the thirties both for this small-scale<br />
resistance and for the legislator was the current economic situation. <strong>The</strong><br />
fisheries, like the rest <strong>of</strong> the economy, were in a period <strong>of</strong> great<br />
depression, with decreased demand and low prices. A transition from the<br />
traditional fisheries to the more effective big trawlers would in this<br />
situation lead to unemployment for many fishermen. After World War II<br />
the situation changed, with work being a limited factor, combined with a<br />
high demand for fish in the markets. <strong>The</strong> restrictions in Norwegian<br />
trawling were modified, although many small-scale fishermen continued<br />
to fight against them. Even today the trawl net is under debate, but now<br />
the struggle is mainly concentrated on the question <strong>of</strong> trawling and its<br />
impact on the diminishing stocks <strong>of</strong> fish.<br />
In general, the technological modernization process <strong>of</strong> the fishing<br />
industry has made possible an enormous increase in catching capacity<br />
and effectiveness. 298 While Norway had c100,000 fishermen at the turn<br />
298 Pharo 1983, 71f.<br />
164
<strong>of</strong> the century, the number fell rapidly after 1945 and was just 30,000<br />
around 1970. At this time the fish-farming economy hardly existed any<br />
more. Most <strong>of</strong> the employees <strong>of</strong> this sector were specialized fulltime<br />
fishermen. <strong>The</strong>ir modern equipment gave them a production capacity<br />
which was nearly unlimited. For the first time in history they were able to<br />
deplete the fish stocks. In the herring fishery <strong>of</strong> Western Norway this<br />
nearly happened in the years before 1970, a development which<br />
represented a foretaste <strong>of</strong> what was going to happen in the fishing<br />
industry as a whole in the years to come. <strong>The</strong> natural resource proved to<br />
be finite and had to be protected by management systems.<br />
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eller hadde de gode grunner til å motarbeide den?’ Historisk Tidsskrift<br />
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168
<strong>Fisheries</strong> in Western Sweden<br />
c1650-1950<br />
A Short Historical, Bibliographical<br />
and Statistical Survey<br />
Bertil Andersson<br />
Introduction and historical background<br />
During the latter part <strong>of</strong> the Middle Ages and the early modern period<br />
Sweden’s emerging great-power aspirations were almost entirely<br />
oriented eastward towards the Baltic region. Sweden’s fishing interests<br />
were concentrated in the Baltic and in the great lakes and rivers with<br />
fishing largely a matter <strong>of</strong> meeting domestic demand. Around 1650 the<br />
situation changed radically. In peace treaties with Denmark the former<br />
Danish/Norwegian counties—Bohuslän, Halland, Skåne and<br />
Blekinge—became Swedish territory, and new fishing possibilities were<br />
opened for Sweden. Of great importance was the herring-fishing inside<br />
the skerries.<br />
<strong>The</strong> periodicity in the herring fishery has been much discussed and<br />
many explanations have been <strong>of</strong>fered from sun-spots, changes in the tide<br />
and market conditions in Europe. Nevertheless some periods <strong>of</strong> good and<br />
very good herring fishing can be identified: 1556-1589, 1657-1713,<br />
1747-1808 and 1877-1896. <strong>The</strong> great herring period <strong>of</strong> the sixteenth<br />
century created an economic boom in Bohuslän, partly due to the decline<br />
in the Netherland’s herring fisheries in the <strong>North</strong> Sea. As a result <strong>of</strong> the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> herring fisheries in the latter part <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth<br />
century, a specialized class <strong>of</strong> fishermen emerged.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fisheries in Bohuslän and the periodicity in the fishing also<br />
affected population growth. During the latter part <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth<br />
century the population in Bohuslän grew rapidly, the number <strong>of</strong><br />
fishermen rising from about 800 to more than 2,000 before declining. In<br />
the 1880/90s the number <strong>of</strong> fishermen again exceeded the 2,000 level.<br />
<strong>The</strong> total fishing population in the county <strong>of</strong> Göteborg och Bohus län<br />
was 7,600 in 1870, 14,300 in 1900, 14,300 in 1930 and 13,900 in 1950.<br />
For more figures concerning population <strong>of</strong> fishermen see the statistical<br />
section below.<br />
169
Up to about 1850 the fishing was performed by small boats and<br />
simple tools such as fish-spear, hand line, and long line (backefiske), but<br />
in the second half <strong>of</strong> the century new equipment was tested. First the<br />
purse seine and then in the early twentieth century, the Danish seine and<br />
the trawl. <strong>The</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> bigger vessels and steam-power made<br />
fishermen on the Swedish west coast able to go out on the high seas and<br />
to fish for other species than herring. For a long time, however, herring<br />
dominated the catches. <strong>The</strong> catches in Bohuslän in 1918 can be used as<br />
an example; they amounted to 94 million kg, <strong>of</strong> which herring accounted<br />
for 70 million kg, mackerel 7.5, haddock 5.1, cod 3.3, whiting 2.0, ling<br />
1.7, saithe 1.2 and sprat 1.1 million kg.<br />
This survey deals with the period 1650-1950. <strong>The</strong> postwar period<br />
witnessed a host <strong>of</strong> new problems, for instance new limits for territorial<br />
waters, catch quotas and market fluctuations, issues which are best dealt<br />
with in a separate paper.<br />
West Coast <strong>Fisheries</strong> in the Literature<br />
Literature, especially scientific literature, concerning fisheries both on<br />
and from the Swedish west coast is rather limited. <strong>The</strong> works presented<br />
in this section are selected, some <strong>of</strong> them as examples <strong>of</strong> contemporary<br />
writing, others as modern scientific works with very good<br />
bibliographies. In a further section other sources, including <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
printing and statistical material will be considered.<br />
Government encouraged fishing in the <strong>North</strong> Sea, on the English<br />
and Scottish banks, around Iceland and even <strong>of</strong>f Greenland to some<br />
degree even during the eighteenth century. <strong>The</strong> so-called<br />
Fiskerisocieteten in Stockholm was granted privileges in 1745 for<br />
fishing and whaling on the high seas, i.e. the <strong>North</strong> Sea and Greenland<br />
waters (Privilegium den 12 aug. 1745 på Sill- och Torsk-Fiskeri, samt<br />
hwalfiske- och Skäl-fång för Handelsmännerne Abraham och Jacob<br />
Arfwedson & Compagnie) and so was the Greenland Company in<br />
Gothenburg. <strong>The</strong>se enterprises were, however, <strong>of</strong> minor value during the<br />
eighteenth and part <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth centuries. From c1850 there was an<br />
obvious interest in high seas fishing. Two special companies were<br />
founded in 1858 for promoting this kind <strong>of</strong> fishing and more modern<br />
methods, for instance salting the catches at sea—dry salting.<br />
However, not until around 1900 was there a real breakthrough <strong>of</strong> a<br />
modern high seas fishing. In the literature listed below this development<br />
and these kind <strong>of</strong> fisheries are described and evaluated.<br />
170
From the older, printed and non-printed material the following<br />
examples are worthy <strong>of</strong> note:<br />
Trangrums-Acten (concerning problems with waste products in<br />
train-oil production) (Stockholm, 1784)<br />
S. af Forselles, Berättelser om bohuslänska sillfiskerierna av år<br />
1792 (Fiske 2, RA, National Archives) och år 1796. (MS. X 984:1-2,<br />
KB, Royal Library)<br />
P. Bagge, Om sillens infångande, 1773 (Fiske 2, RA), and<br />
Rörande det ifrågawarande projektet at inrätta ett bolag til bestyrande<br />
af sillfiske i hafvet. o. 1800-1810 (Statistiska samlingar, fasc. 1, RA)<br />
Handlingar och protokoller rörande Kongl. Maj:ts i nåder<br />
förordnade beredning öfwer sillfiskeri-hanteringens närmare<br />
reglerande 1788 (Göteborg, 1789)<br />
P. Dubb, Anteckningar om sillfisket i Bohuslän. VAH 1817<br />
P. König, Om trankokningen i Bohuslän jemte beskrivning på ett<br />
trankokeri. VAH (Documents <strong>of</strong> the Swedish Scientific Academy) 1817<br />
P.A. Granberg, Staden Göteborgs historia och beskrivning, 1-2<br />
(Göteborg, 1814-15)<br />
As mentioned before there are few modern historical works concerning<br />
fishing on the Swedish west-coast. Half a dozen works from various<br />
disciplines are quite enough to illustrate the situation and outline the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> the fisheries. With a few exceptions the authors strongly<br />
focus on the great herring fishery <strong>of</strong> 1747-1808.<br />
J. Sjöstrand, Anteckningar rörande den bohuslänska<br />
sillfiskeperioden 1747-1808 (Göteborg, 1917). Sjöstrand describes this<br />
period and the development <strong>of</strong> the fishing from an<br />
economic-geographical perspective, just as<br />
L. Dalén, Den bohuslänska fiskelägesbygden (<strong>The</strong> Bohuslän<br />
Fishing Villages) (Göteborg, 1941). Geographic and demographical<br />
aspects are treated in full. Dalén is very good in mapping the fishing<br />
villages, and the book has a good section on modern conditions up to<br />
c1930.<br />
O. Hasslöf, Svenska västkustfiskarna. Studier i en yrkesgrupps<br />
näringsliv och sociala kultur (Stockholm, 1949). Hasslöf is an<br />
ethnologist and has a social and cultural interest in the fishing population<br />
in Bohuslän.<br />
171
V. Haneson & K. Rencke, Bohusfisket. Göteborgs<br />
jubileumspublikationer 19 (Göteborg 1923) contains a short historical<br />
survey from the foundation <strong>of</strong> Gothenburg including legal and<br />
govermnental matters relating to fishing. Coverage <strong>of</strong> the period after<br />
1809 is thin and <strong>of</strong> little interest. Much <strong>of</strong> the book is a technical<br />
description <strong>of</strong> equipment, boats and processing. This section is very<br />
richly illustrated. In another context the west-coast fisheries are<br />
observed, namely in a very broad description <strong>of</strong> agricultural workers in<br />
Sweden,<br />
G. Utterström, Jordbrukets arbetare. levnadsvillkor och arbetsliv<br />
på landsbygden från frihetstiden till mitten av 1800-talet 1-2<br />
(Stockholm, 1947). Less than fifty pages are devoted to fishing, but the<br />
notes on sources and literature are excellent. See also G. Utterström,<br />
‘Migratory Labour and the Herring <strong>Fisheries</strong> <strong>of</strong> Western Sweden in the<br />
18th century’. Scandinavian Economic History Review 1959.<br />
In 1963 a history <strong>of</strong> Bohuslän was published. In a broad sense it is a<br />
political history, but one <strong>of</strong> the authors is an economic historian and he<br />
has written a part about the herring-fishery: L. Nilsson, ‘Det stora<br />
sillfisket 1752-1808’, Bohusläns historia (Uppsala 1963). In this book<br />
there are also short sections by Å. Holmberg and S. Boberg concerning<br />
fishing before 1752 and between 1808 and c1960.<br />
One aspect <strong>of</strong> herring fishing is the production <strong>of</strong> train-oil. All the<br />
works presented above discuss that topic, but one author who<br />
concentrates on it can be mentioned: A. Lindroth, ‘Om trankokerierna i<br />
Göteborgs och Bohus län under sillfiskeperioden 1747-1809’. Bohusläns<br />
fornminnes- och hembygdsförbunds årsbok. Vikarvet 1933.<br />
Other Sources and Statistical Material<br />
Source materials concerning fishing during earlier periods are very <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
connected with trade. From Kommerskollegium (the Swedish National<br />
Board <strong>of</strong> Trade) there are statistical series for exports and imports,<br />
Årsberättelser för utrikeshandeln, serie 2 (RA), but also other material<br />
Ämnesserier, Fiske (RA). In Göteborgs landsarkiv (the Provincial<br />
Record Office) there is similar material Göteborgs och Bohus läns<br />
länsstyrelse (County Administrative Board), Handlingar ordnade efter<br />
ämne: Fiske (GLA). At least one <strong>of</strong> the old trading houses has material<br />
on fishing: Ekman & Co’s arkiv, Handlingar rörande sillsalterierna,<br />
Diverse räkenskaper rörande silllsalterierna (GLA). Another<br />
collection <strong>of</strong> important material in the Swedish Riksarkivet RA<br />
172
(National Archives) is the so called Kommittéarkiv for both earlier and<br />
modern times, for instance Äldre kommittéarkiv: 502, Kommissionen i<br />
Göteborg ang sillsalterier och trankokerier (salting houses and train-oil<br />
factories) and 503, Kommitterade "till beredande av ett bolag för<br />
sillfiskets idkande på djupet" (herring fishing in the deep seas).<br />
Figures on domestic consumption for earlier periods are almost<br />
always estimates. Demographic material can give information about the<br />
fishing population. For instance, the Swedish Tabellverket gives yearly<br />
data on individuals and occupations from c1750 for the parishes, for the<br />
counties and for the whole nation.<br />
From the older sources statistical data has been collected and<br />
published in printed form. Most valuable are the volumes <strong>of</strong> Historisk<br />
statistik för Sverige (Historical statistics for Sweden), Del 1. Befolkning<br />
1720-1967 (Population), Del 2. Väderlek, lantmäteri, jordbruk,<br />
skogsbruk, fiske t.o.m. 1955 (Climate, land surveying, agriculture,<br />
forestry, fisheries -1955, Del 3. Utrikeshandel 1732-1970 (Foreign<br />
trade 1732-1970) and Statistiska översiktstabeller (Statistical survey).<br />
Exclusively for Gothenburg statistics on trade and shipping is found in I.<br />
Lind, Göteborgs handel och sjöfart 1637-1920. Göteborgs<br />
jubiléumspublikationer X. Göteborg 1923.<br />
Primary statistical material is found in several series: for the<br />
nineteenth century Commerce collegii underdåniga berättelse om<br />
Sveriges utrikes handel och sjöfart 1828-1857 (Foreign trade and<br />
shipping), Bidrag till Sveriges <strong>of</strong>ficiella statistik: A. Befolkning<br />
(Population), E. Inrikes sjöfart och handel 1858-1910 (Domestic trade<br />
and shipping), F. Utrikes handel och sjöfart 1858-1910 (Foreign trade<br />
and shipping).<br />
For the twentieth century statistical material is collected in Sveriges<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficiella statistik SOS (Official statistics <strong>of</strong> Sweden): Befolkning<br />
(Population), Handel 1911- (Foreign trade), Fiske 1914-1969<br />
(<strong>Fisheries</strong>), Fiskestatistisk årsbok 1971- 1982 (Yearbook <strong>of</strong> Fishery<br />
Statistics), after that on fisheries Statistiska meddelanden , J Jordbruk,<br />
skogsbruk och fiske (Statistical Reports, J Agriculture, Forestry and<br />
Fishery).<br />
Information on the fisheries can also be extracted from associations<br />
and unions, for instance Göteborg och Bohusläns havsfiskeförening<br />
(published yearbooks from 1900) and Sveriges Fiskares Riksförbund. In<br />
this context yet another book can be mentioned, I. Gerhard,<br />
173
Västkustfisket. Dess organisationer och ekonomi (organization and<br />
economy) (Göteborg, 1960).<br />
Concluding Remarks on Literature and Sources<br />
<strong>The</strong> references above to literature and sources are examples from a wide<br />
range <strong>of</strong> both primary and secondary material. A more complete register<br />
is available in printed form as a result <strong>of</strong> the work done within the<br />
research project ‘Sydsvenska kustmiljöer’ in the Department <strong>of</strong><br />
Ethnology and Economic History, <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Lund: T.<br />
Hedlund-Nyström, Svenskt havsfiske. En bibliografi, (Swedish Salt<br />
Water Fishery. A Bibliography) I, II (Lund, 1982). <strong>The</strong> collection is<br />
national, but all titles are labelled with a county mark—O for the county<br />
<strong>of</strong> Göteborg and Bohuslän. <strong>The</strong> bibliography includes material up to<br />
c1980.<br />
Finally, one modern study is worth mentioning because <strong>of</strong> its<br />
topic—Swedish whaling. K. Awebro, En lång väg till Arktis - forskning<br />
kring svensk valfångst, a paper presented at a seminar ‘Nye studier i<br />
Svalbards historie’ on June 17 1994, the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Trondheim,<br />
Centre for Environment and Development. Unit - SMU. Rapport nr 2/95.<br />
Proposals for further research<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is not a comprehensive ‘History <strong>of</strong> Swedish <strong>Fisheries</strong>’ nor even a<br />
history <strong>of</strong> the fisheries on the west coast <strong>of</strong> Sweden. <strong>The</strong> eighteenth<br />
century herring fishery has had its interpreters, but still there is a lot to<br />
do. How was the catching organized? What was the real character <strong>of</strong> the<br />
units in work? How were the labour force in the salting houses and<br />
train-oil factories recruited and paid? Who were the merchants who<br />
organized and financed production and trade? Where did the money<br />
come from?<br />
For more modern periods there are wide fields for research.<br />
Important themes are: studies <strong>of</strong> catches, boats and equipments over<br />
time, effects <strong>of</strong> regulations <strong>of</strong> fishing waters and size <strong>of</strong> catches, access<br />
to capital, governmental control, regulation and support <strong>of</strong> the fishing<br />
industry, the causes and consequences <strong>of</strong> west coast fishermen going into<br />
the Baltic, the market for fish—domestic and international, Preserving<br />
the products—the modern factories and canneries, studies <strong>of</strong> consumer<br />
habits, etc.<br />
174
Statistics - some examples<br />
Table I. Export <strong>of</strong> salted herring 1755-1805 (barrels)<br />
Year Göteborg Marstrand Kungälv Uddevalla Strömstad Whole county<br />
1755 404 811 - 229 93 1 537<br />
1760 40 795 1 170 - 1 680 284 43 317<br />
1765 99 709 21 012 5 326 16 205 882 143 034<br />
1770 73 677 15 649 2 282 15 518 27 107 153<br />
1775 75 508 31 457 1 115 14 334 976 123 390<br />
1780 77 906 20 162 2 710 14 395 4 132 119 305<br />
1785 117 227 30 159 14 003 25 744 1 922 189 055<br />
1790 164 781 71 590 9 021 26 917 - 272 309<br />
1795 131 078 42 078 15 910 15 367 705 205 138<br />
1801 191 461 45 619 5 197 16 392 1 840 260 509<br />
1806 169 626 22 686 4 090 7 211 120 203 733<br />
Exports in 1800 and 1805 were disturbed due to the political situation in Europe.<br />
Source: Kommerskollegium, Årsberättelser för utrikeshandeln, serie 2 (RA).<br />
Table II. <strong>Fisheries</strong> in Göteborg och Bohus län (county) 1915-1950<br />
1915 1925 1935 1945 1950<br />
Catches (millj ton) 72.3 41.6 65.2 91.5 125.2<br />
% <strong>of</strong> national catches 70.3 57.8 61.0 60.0 67.1<br />
Numbers <strong>of</strong>:<br />
Fishermen 5 572 5 874 6 044 6 664 6 463<br />
Seine 1 257 2 118 3 331 4 801 5 659<br />
Net 19 526 36 656 22 755 35 531 26 613<br />
Hoop net, fish trap 21 190 12 339 16 017 10 308 12 746<br />
Decked boat with<br />
motor 27 44 351 750 825<br />
Decked boat without<br />
motor 378 107 11 9 2<br />
Open boat with<br />
motor 27 44 351 750 825<br />
Open boat without<br />
motor 2 369 2 263 2 059 2 322 2 311<br />
In the last example the most striking development is the increasing use <strong>of</strong><br />
motorized fishing-vessels and better equipment - the breakthrough for<br />
the seine.<br />
175
Table III. Numbers <strong>of</strong> fishermen (F) and individuals in spare-time<br />
occupation (ST), Göteborgs och Bohus län (county) and Sweden<br />
1915-1950<br />
Year G o B Sweden G o B as % <strong>of</strong><br />
Sweden<br />
F ST F ST F<br />
1915 5 572 1 906 12 608 9 872 44<br />
1920 5 781 1 531 13 403 10 053 43<br />
1925 5 874 1 437 12 913 9 272 45<br />
1930 5 774 1 217 12 923 9 214 45<br />
1935 6 044 1 317 13 519 10 279 45<br />
1940 5 806 1 119 13 306 9 608 44<br />
1945 6 664 1 017 16 034 9 068 42<br />
1950 6 463 1 094 13 809 8 317 47<br />
Source: Tables II and III: Sveriges <strong>of</strong>ficiella statistik (SOS), Fiske<br />
<strong>The</strong> stability through the years is the most characteristic feature. <strong>The</strong><br />
numbers are high even through the years <strong>of</strong> war.<br />
<strong>The</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> these three examples is to show the potential <strong>of</strong> the statistical<br />
material.<br />
176
Catches and Manpower<br />
in the Danish <strong>Fisheries</strong>,<br />
c1200-1995<br />
Poul Holm<br />
Introduction<br />
<strong>The</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Danish fisheries is little known, and text book<br />
assumptions are rarely founded on research. 299 A prime objective <strong>of</strong> this<br />
overview is to establish an analytical framework, involving the<br />
quantitative assessment <strong>of</strong> variables such as catches and manpower, and<br />
to a lesser extent demand and distribution. <strong>The</strong> paper does not treat<br />
ecological parameters in any depth. Future research will require the<br />
coordinated effort <strong>of</strong> historians and biologists, involving a critical<br />
evalution <strong>of</strong> key source material. A secondary aim <strong>of</strong> the paper is to<br />
relate the Danish evidence both to international developments in the<br />
fishing industry and to general Danish social, economic and political<br />
history. It is concluded that Danish medieval and early modern fisheries<br />
were <strong>of</strong> crucial importance to the national economy and that Danish<br />
historians have grossly underestimated the significance <strong>of</strong> this sector.<br />
<strong>The</strong> eighteenth century witnessed a trough in the fisheries, but in the<br />
period 1880-1950 Danish fisheries made an important contribution to<br />
economic growth and technological innovation.<br />
THE MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE FISHERIES, 1200-1590<br />
<strong>The</strong> Herring <strong>Fisheries</strong> in the Sound and the Baltic<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sound fisheries were <strong>of</strong> great importance from the thirteenth to the<br />
fifteenth century. <strong>The</strong>re were numerous fishing booths by the beach<br />
already in the twelfth century according to Saxo, 300 and archaeological<br />
299 This essay does not delve into the historiography <strong>of</strong> the subject as the substance <strong>of</strong><br />
most previous research is so thin. On Danish historiography, see my review <strong>of</strong> Danish<br />
maritime history to be published in Research in Maritime History 9 (1995).<br />
300 Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum (c1200), chapter 15.<br />
177
evidence suggests the early development <strong>of</strong> the fishery. 301 Arnold <strong>of</strong><br />
Lübeck (c1200) ascribed Denmark’s wealth to the herring. 302 By the<br />
thirteenth century the fish market was an international fair, serving as an<br />
exchange link for Baltic and West European commodities. Fish<br />
continued to play an important role even as the significance <strong>of</strong> the<br />
general fair diminished by the latter half <strong>of</strong> the fourteenth century. <strong>The</strong><br />
fishermen came not only from Scania and Zealand but from all the towns<br />
‘inside the Scaw’, i.e. the Danish Baltic waters as distinct from the <strong>North</strong><br />
Sea coast <strong>of</strong> Jutland, ‘past the Scaw’. But there is evidence that German,<br />
Dutch and English fishermen participated as well, certainly in the<br />
fourteenth century. 303 A small resident population carried out fishing<br />
through the year, but the season for the great herring shoals was more or<br />
less consistent with the <strong>of</strong>ficial Scanian market from 15 August to 9<br />
October.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fish trade was in the hands <strong>of</strong> Hanseatic merchants whose power<br />
rested on their control <strong>of</strong> the essential salt supplies from the Lüneburg<br />
salt mines. <strong>The</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> the Scanian fisheries to Lübeck is evident<br />
from the fact that this trade counted for more than the rest <strong>of</strong> the town’s<br />
trade to Scandinavia, and was six times the trade <strong>of</strong> the town with Bergen<br />
(which supplied the town with cod). <strong>The</strong> Lübeck evidence makes it clear<br />
that the herring fisheries were not only taking place in the Sound, but<br />
were spread over the whole West Baltic area from the Sound to the island<br />
<strong>of</strong> Bornholm. In 1368 Lübeck imported around 85,000 barrels from these<br />
fisheries (one barrel containing approximately 900 herrings in salt brine),<br />
and in 1398-1400 the town imported almost 70,000 barrels a year. 304<br />
Curt Weibull linked the 1368 figure to another source, the pound toll,<br />
which the Baltic Hanse towns paid towards their common defence. <strong>The</strong><br />
pound toll indicates that the total imports <strong>of</strong> herring to the Baltic towns<br />
from the Scanian market was three times the amount <strong>of</strong> the Lübeck<br />
imports, or perhaps around 250,000 barrels. To this amount should be<br />
added the unknown exports to the <strong>North</strong> Sea Hanse towns, probably not<br />
less than 50,000 barrels. 305 Total exports may therefore have been<br />
301 Ersgård, Vår marknad i Skåne.<br />
302 Arnold af Lybeks Slavekrønike, transl. P. Kierkegaard (Copenhagen, 1885) 92.<br />
303 Hørby, ‘Øresundstolden’, 245-72. Ibid., ‘Skånemarkedet’, 68-77. Tuck, ‘Some<br />
Evidence...’, 75-88.<br />
304 Weibull, Lübeck och Skånemarknaden; Lechner, Die hansischen Pfundzollisten...<br />
305 <strong>The</strong> Flemish port <strong>of</strong> Sluis handled an annual average <strong>of</strong> 20,280 barrels from 1374 to<br />
178
300,000 barrels from the Sound and the Danish Baltic by the late<br />
fourteenth century. 306<br />
Catches seem to have been decreasing through the fifteenth century.<br />
Certainly, the King’s revenues from the market (including jurisdictional<br />
and other income) fell from around 3,500 Lübeck marks in the 1370s<br />
(and possibly 5,000 around 1400) to 2,274 Danish marks in 1494. <strong>The</strong><br />
fourteenth-century revenues must have been one <strong>of</strong> the most important<br />
sources <strong>of</strong> income <strong>of</strong> the Danish kings, 307 whereas the importance <strong>of</strong> the<br />
market was very much reduced by the fifteenth century—considering<br />
125 years <strong>of</strong> inflation and the lower value <strong>of</strong> the Danish against the<br />
Lübeck mark. In 1494, Lübeck’s imports <strong>of</strong> herring from Denmark (not<br />
only from the Sound and the Baltic) amounted to no more than 20,364<br />
barrels, and that was even a high point as the years 1492 to 1495<br />
averaged only 14,373 barrels. By then the Sound fisheries were<br />
supplemented by catches in the Limfiord and in the <strong>North</strong> Sea, as will be<br />
related below.<br />
Lübeck’s import accounts <strong>of</strong> 1494 may be matched by the unique<br />
accounts <strong>of</strong> the Danish bailiff at Falsterbo from the same year. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
indicate that 762 vessels were present at Falsterbo and Skanør, catching<br />
around 60,000 barrels <strong>of</strong> herring. 308 From the German bailiff’s account<br />
in the 1520s 309 we know that the average vessel had a crew <strong>of</strong> five men,<br />
so there would have been perhaps 3,800 fishermen in 1494. In addition, a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> other sites were in use. Unfortunately, we have no evidence <strong>of</strong><br />
the relative importance <strong>of</strong> other fishing settlements in the Sound and the<br />
Baltic. Ole Ventegodt, working from Christensen’s estimate <strong>of</strong> a total<br />
catch <strong>of</strong> 300,000 barrels a century earlier, calculates that there was a<br />
total <strong>of</strong> around 17,000 fishermen. 310 In fact, we have no evidence as to<br />
the size <strong>of</strong> other fishing settlements, and Ventegodt’s retrospective<br />
1380. An equally important staple was at Damme (R. Degryse, ‘De Vlaamse westvart en<br />
de Engelse represailles omstreeks 1378’. Handelingen der Maatschappij voor<br />
Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent 27 (1973) 202-6).<br />
306 Weibull’s and Lechner’s calculations need a critical reexamination. For a short,<br />
generally positive evaluation, see Christensen, ‘Danmark’.<br />
307 Schäfer, Das Buch..., cxlii.<br />
308 Schäfer, Das Buch... 109, 116.<br />
309 Published in Schäfer, Das Buch...<br />
310 Ventegodt, ‘Skånemarkedets sild’, 17.<br />
179
calculation must be rejected. If any guess should be made as to the size <strong>of</strong><br />
the fisheries, we may as well assume that Lübeck’s imports relative to<br />
other Baltic ports in 1494 were proportionate to those a hundred years<br />
before. We might then calculate that minimum Danish exports would<br />
have been only around 100,000 barrels a year, and the minimum total<br />
herring fisher population around 6,000 men; the Sound fisheries would<br />
have constituted only a part <strong>of</strong> these totals.<br />
In the 1520s and 1530s, the Danish fisheries seem to have recovered<br />
briefly. Weibull accepts the claim by the Lübeck bailiff that the<br />
astounding number <strong>of</strong> 7,515 boats or 37,500 fishermen participated in<br />
one year’s fishery in the 1520s. Another Lübeck bailiff claimed in 1537<br />
that the output <strong>of</strong> the Falsterbo fisheries amounted to 96,000 barrels<br />
while that <strong>of</strong> the Danish fisheries as a whole—from the Limfiord to<br />
Bornholm—amounted to no less than 360,000 barrels. However, he had<br />
an axe to grind as Lübeck was on the losing side <strong>of</strong> the Danish<br />
Reformation struggles and he may have boosted catch figures in order to<br />
picture Lübeck’s share <strong>of</strong> the trade as trifling. 311 Lacking specific<br />
accounts we should not make too much <strong>of</strong> these claims; on the other hand<br />
a fourfold increase in the fisheries is not inconsistent with the generally<br />
fluctuating pattern <strong>of</strong> the herring fisheries. Interestingly, by this time the<br />
Danish nobility invested heavily in the fisheries and began trading<br />
independently. 312 Not only did they provide capital but also manpower<br />
as their peasants participated in the fisheries. <strong>The</strong> Sound fisheries were<br />
widespread, involving the entire South Zealand countryside in addition<br />
to a number <strong>of</strong> East Danish towns. 313<br />
<strong>The</strong> West Coast and Limfiord Herring <strong>Fisheries</strong>, 1300-1520<br />
In a well-researched, popular book on medieval food, Erik Kjærsgaard<br />
pointed to the richness <strong>of</strong> supplies <strong>of</strong> saltwater fish from other sources<br />
than the Sound, but no-one has carried his research further to evaluate the<br />
relative importance <strong>of</strong> the various fisheries. 314 However, there can be no<br />
doubt that the fisheries from the west coast <strong>of</strong> Jutland and in the Limfiord<br />
became increasingly important during the fifteenth century.<br />
311 Schäfer, Das Buch... 126-7.<br />
312 Erik Arup, Danmarks Historie II (Copenhagen, 1932) 417.<br />
313 Stoklund, ‘Bonde og fisker’, 101-22.<br />
314 Kjærsgaard, Mad og øl, 57-68.<br />
180
<strong>The</strong> wealth <strong>of</strong> monasteries around the Limfiord was based on a<br />
combination <strong>of</strong> rich pastures and good fishing. Likewise the town <strong>of</strong><br />
Ribe on the west coast prospered from the trades in livestock and fish.<br />
Whereas the Jutland bullock trade has been keenly studied, very little is<br />
known <strong>of</strong> the fisheries. Kjærsgaard believed that for the supply <strong>of</strong> fish to<br />
the Danish population the Jutland fisheries were perhaps <strong>of</strong> as much<br />
importance as the Sound fisheries, as the latter were controlled by<br />
Hanseatic merchants who salted the herring to the best standards and<br />
thus got very high prices on export markets. In contrast, the Jutland<br />
fisheries were largely controlled by Danish merchants, and if quality was<br />
lower so were the prices, thus making their fish affordable to the<br />
domestic consumer. 315<br />
We know that the exports <strong>of</strong> salted herring from the main commercial<br />
town in the Limfiord, Aalborg, ranged between 5,000 and 50,000 barrels<br />
per year in the eighteenth century (table 2 below). We have no<br />
information on sixteenth-century production, but we do know that the<br />
basic fishing technology was the same, and therefore output may well<br />
have been at a similar or higher level. <strong>The</strong> Aalborg merchants succeeded<br />
in securing the herring trade for themselves during the sixteenth century.<br />
Membership lists <strong>of</strong> the parrot guild in Aalborg show an important<br />
German contingent by 1500, but by the middle <strong>of</strong> the century the local<br />
merchants were almost totally dominant. Royal privileges further<br />
enhanced the role <strong>of</strong> local interests at the expense <strong>of</strong> foreign merchants<br />
who were only allowed to trade on certain days and might not own<br />
fishing gear themselves. If, by 1550, the Sound fisheries had declined,<br />
the fiord fishery compensated part <strong>of</strong> the loss, certainly as far as domestic<br />
consumption was concerned. 316<br />
In southwest Jutland, fish merchants exported herring to King’s Lynn<br />
in England by the early fourteenth century, but we do not know if this<br />
was local produce or if the merchants were selling Sound products. 317<br />
When the skippers <strong>of</strong> Ribe organised their guild in 1478, their fisheries<br />
were conducted both locally and <strong>of</strong>f the island <strong>of</strong> Heligoland. <strong>The</strong><br />
Heligoland fishery was for herring, and the island attracted many<br />
315 Kjærsgaard, 61.<br />
316 Rasmussen, Limfjordsfiskeriet før 1825, 33-45.<br />
317 See papers by Per Kristian Madsen and Wendy Childs forthcoming in Ellen<br />
Damgaard et al. (ed.), Facing the <strong>North</strong> Sea, II. West Jutland and the World. Lemvig,<br />
April 1995 (Esbjerg, 1996).<br />
181
fishermen from German and Danish coasts by the early fifteenth century.<br />
In 1513 sources permit us to assess the numbers. <strong>The</strong>re were 116 vessels<br />
and 1,500 men, 400 <strong>of</strong> whom were Danes, mainly coming from the estate<br />
<strong>of</strong> Riberhus. <strong>The</strong> Danish boats sailed the longer distance, which was<br />
probably why they were the larger, averaging nine men while the average<br />
German crew was six strong. Fishing culminated in 1520 with 2,580<br />
participants. Soon after catches declined dramatically, and the fishermen<br />
no longer came in large numbers. 318<br />
<strong>The</strong> West Coast Cod, Haddock and Plaice <strong>Fisheries</strong>, 1450-1590<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ribe skippers’ local resources <strong>of</strong>f southwest Jutland were cod,<br />
haddock and plaice, which were caught by handline and nets. <strong>The</strong><br />
fisheries were established already before the middle <strong>of</strong> the fourteenth<br />
century, and when, sometime in the fifteenth century, the longline was<br />
introduced they seem to have grown considerably. By 1585 the village <strong>of</strong><br />
Sønderside had the largest fishery <strong>of</strong> all Jutland according to the Dutch<br />
cartographer Waghenaer (“is de grootste Visserye op gheheel<br />
Judtlandt”). <strong>The</strong> local historian H. K. Kristensen has collected a lot <strong>of</strong><br />
evidence on this fishery; unfortunately, an unsystematic presentation <strong>of</strong><br />
the evidence and the lack <strong>of</strong> a comparative approach have meant that<br />
historians have failed to grasp the importance <strong>of</strong> his findings. Ongoing<br />
work by Bjørn Poulsen and the present writer will bring out the wider<br />
significance <strong>of</strong> this fishery. 319<br />
By 1581 there were 151 fishing boats according to the accounts <strong>of</strong> the<br />
estate <strong>of</strong> Riberhus; the largest boats (‘everter’) had a crew <strong>of</strong> twelve,<br />
while small boats probably had no more than five, six or seven men. If an<br />
average crew consisted <strong>of</strong> eight men, 320 the total fishing population <strong>of</strong><br />
the estate <strong>of</strong> Riberhus would have been around 1,200 men. <strong>The</strong> fishing<br />
season lasted from late February-early March through June and possibly<br />
for one or two months in the autumn. Each fisherman would have needed<br />
at least one helper on shore (a bait girl). In addition there would have<br />
been fishmongers, innkeepers and other tradesmen. Further north, on the<br />
estate <strong>of</strong> Bøvling, there may have been another 600 to 800 fishermen,<br />
judging from the relative size <strong>of</strong> the dues to the King.<br />
318 Kristensen, Gamle sydvestjyske fiskerlejer, 21.<br />
319 Poulsen, Bondens penge. Holm, ‘South Scandinavian <strong>Fisheries</strong>’.<br />
320 <strong>The</strong> average seems corroborated by the evidence presented by Kinch, Ribe Bys<br />
Historie II, 863-4.<br />
182
In order to assess the magnitude <strong>of</strong> the west coast fishery, we need,<br />
however, direct evidence for the trade. In view <strong>of</strong> the poor state <strong>of</strong><br />
research, any assessment must be tentative. <strong>The</strong> best available data are<br />
the Ribe harbour dues which state that a total <strong>of</strong> 1.2 million dried fish<br />
were exported in 1602; eight years later the figure was as high as 1.8<br />
million. By 1640 the figure seems much reduced, probably not exceeding<br />
350,000 fish. 321 We have no evidence for the amount <strong>of</strong> fish sold from<br />
other towns and harbours. <strong>The</strong>re is, however, no doubt about the<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> Ribe. <strong>The</strong> town normally provided four times as many<br />
mariners for the Danish navy as did Varde and Ringkøbing together, and<br />
if this is anything to go by, the figure for the seaward fish trade <strong>of</strong> all<br />
three towns may have been around 2.2 million fish in 1610. Even worse<br />
we have no figures for the fish traded overland. In the cattle trade we<br />
know that well over half <strong>of</strong> the cattle went over land, but this was<br />
destined for Hamburg and Amsterdam. <strong>The</strong> fish trade was much more<br />
related to the domestic market; in addition to the royal dues, all the towns<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Kingdom and Slesvig-Holsten probably got their fish over land. If<br />
the importance <strong>of</strong> the landward route was double the seaward route, total<br />
trade was 6.6 million fish in 1610. Prices paid by the lord lieutenant’s<br />
bailiff to fish merchants indicate a level <strong>of</strong> seven daler per thousand<br />
dried haddock and three daler for one thousand dried plaice. Prices for<br />
salted fish were about fifty percent higher, and cod, ray and other fish<br />
fetched much higher prices. 322 By this time the tax on fishing operations,<br />
known as the Sand Toll, was dominated by plaice which constituted three<br />
quarters, while haddock was only one quarter <strong>of</strong> the total. 323 If this ratio<br />
reflected actual fishing practise—which it should do unless there was<br />
widespread fraud—we may estimate an average price <strong>of</strong> four daler per<br />
thousand fish. <strong>The</strong> total value <strong>of</strong> the West Coast fisheries was therefore<br />
some 26,400 daler in 1610.<br />
This figure is easily compared to the herring trade; the merchant’s<br />
price <strong>of</strong> one barrel <strong>of</strong> herring was usually around one daler, and total<br />
output <strong>of</strong> the West Coast fishery in 1610 may thus be expressed as well<br />
above 25,000 barrels worth <strong>of</strong> herring. About 1560, when the West<br />
321 Kinch, Ribe Bys Historie II, 832, 837.<br />
322 Kristensen, Gamle sydvestjyske fiskerlejer, 173.<br />
323 Kristensen, Gamle sydvestjyske fiskerlejer, 40.<br />
183
Jutland fisheries were at their height, the total output <strong>of</strong> the west coast<br />
fisheries may have been worth around 60,000 barrels <strong>of</strong> herrings.<br />
However speculative these calculations are, they seem to correspond<br />
well with the (no less speculative) figures for the Sound. As a means <strong>of</strong><br />
control, we may compare the productivity <strong>of</strong> the fisheries: in 1494, 3,800<br />
fishermen caught 60,000 barrels <strong>of</strong> herring in the Sound, while 1,800<br />
fishermen caught around 60,000 barrels worth <strong>of</strong>f the county <strong>of</strong><br />
Riberhus. One fisherman in the Sound thus caught on average 15.8<br />
barrels, while his West Jutland colleague caught 33 barrels; however, the<br />
West Coast fishermen would have needed as many bait-girls onshore,<br />
thus reducing their productivity, while the related onshore labour force in<br />
the Sound was only 174 gill-girls. More work needs to be done on these<br />
figures, but as they stand they point out some rough measures.<br />
In addition there was a large-scale fishery from Skagen (the Scaw),<br />
though, unfortunately, there is a total lack <strong>of</strong> research into the history <strong>of</strong><br />
this major town which was almost wholly dependent on the fish trade.<br />
By the time <strong>of</strong> the Nordic Seven Years War (1563-70) we know that<br />
the cod fisheries were actively stimulated throughout the Kingdom in<br />
order to provide cheap and nourishing food for naval crews.<br />
Archaeological and archival evidence <strong>of</strong> fishing settlements like<br />
Sandhagen and Gilleleje show that they grew rapidly at this time in<br />
response to increased demand. <strong>The</strong>y were, however, relatively small<br />
settlements <strong>of</strong> no more than a couple <strong>of</strong> hundred inhabitants.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Båhuslen <strong>Fisheries</strong>, 1560-1590<br />
<strong>The</strong>re was one other main source <strong>of</strong> fish. Danish economic historians<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten ignore the fact that Denmark and Norway were united under the<br />
Crown, and Danish fishermen eagerly exploited the opportunity to work<br />
in Norwegian waters. In the 1560s, fishermen from the town <strong>of</strong><br />
Helsingør (Elsinore) gathered at the traditional time <strong>of</strong> the Sound autumn<br />
fisheries and set sail for Norway instead. Along with them came<br />
fishermen from practically all other towns in East Denmark. Quite<br />
possibly, the Sound fisheries by this time were so poor that the fishermen<br />
sought new grounds.<br />
When, from 1562, the Sound Toll Registers allow a quantification <strong>of</strong><br />
the goods being sent into the Baltic, they show clearances <strong>of</strong> 30,000<br />
barrels <strong>of</strong> herring per year in the 1560s from Dutch ports. Evidently the<br />
Dutch had by then taken over a market which had earlier been filled by<br />
exports from the Sound. But soon the Dutch domination <strong>of</strong> the Baltic<br />
184
herring trade was to be challenged. <strong>The</strong>ir fisheries in the <strong>North</strong> Sea<br />
faltered during the 1570s, and Dutch herring exports into the Baltic fell<br />
to an average <strong>of</strong> 5,700 barrels per year. At this juncture Norwegian<br />
exports took over the Baltic market. <strong>The</strong> Norwegian fishery was<br />
prosecuted <strong>of</strong>f the coast <strong>of</strong> Båhuslen, the area just north <strong>of</strong> present-day<br />
Gothenburg, which was only later to become Swedish territory. <strong>The</strong><br />
herring shoals seem to have started to come close inshore in 1556, but<br />
only in 1560 was the first Lübeck tradesman recorded in the Sound Toll<br />
Registers as returning from the area, probably having bought herring.<br />
For the next two decades, Båhuslen was the main provider <strong>of</strong> herring<br />
for the Baltic market. In the 1560s Båhuslen clearances were less than a<br />
third <strong>of</strong> the Dutch (8,400 barrels per year), but in the 1570s Båhuslen<br />
exported 34,800 barrels, six times the Dutch figure, which was by then<br />
heavily reduced by war and piracy in the <strong>North</strong> Sea. <strong>The</strong> Dutch traders<br />
tried to compensate for the loss <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong> Sea fisheries by calling at<br />
Båhuslen to fill their empty holds. In the 1580s, Båhuslen exported<br />
39,180 barrels, while the Dutch were slowly improving their <strong>North</strong> Sea<br />
fisheries, which supplied 13,080 barrels cleared from Dutch ports. 324<br />
Exports peaked in 1585 at 75,600 barrels.<br />
<strong>The</strong> actual fishery took place from a number <strong>of</strong> more or less<br />
permanent settlements in the Båhuslen archipelago, which attracted<br />
thousands <strong>of</strong> people from inland; the Danish merchants also brought<br />
their own fishermen. A taxlist <strong>of</strong> 1589 shows that merchants from towns<br />
like Fredrikstad, Aalborg, Flensborg, Sønderborg and Copenhagen<br />
owned booths in almost every major fishing settlement. Other booths<br />
were owned by local merchants from Marstrand, and also merchants<br />
from Oslo and Tønsberg to the north, Lödöse and Varberg to the east<br />
and Helsingør, Kalundborg, Odense, Kerteminde and Skælskør to the<br />
south. 325 Even from Ribe, fishermen went all the way round the Scaw to<br />
participate in the Norwegian fisheries. 326 <strong>The</strong> Crown provided naval<br />
vessels to protect fishermen and merchants travelling from Denmark to<br />
Norway during the Nordic Seven Years War (1563-70), and so<br />
demonstrated the importance attached to the new fisheries. 327 While<br />
324 Calculated from Nina Ellinger Bang, Tabeller over Skibsfart og Varetransport<br />
gennem Øresund 1497-1660, II:A (Copenhagen, 1922).<br />
325 Pettersson, Den svenska skagerrakkustens fiskebebyggelse, 115-16.<br />
326 Kinch, Ribe Bys Historie II, 870-1.<br />
327 Kancelliets Brevbøger 1564 6/9, 13/10, 18/11.<br />
185
dried cod and haddock from the Jutland west coast was reserved for the<br />
navy as cheap and durable food, the herring fisheries were granted a<br />
general export licence during the war to provide the Kingdom with<br />
much-needed foreign currency. 328<br />
<strong>The</strong> Fresh-Water <strong>Fisheries</strong><br />
Traditionally, historians have neglected evidence for a widespread<br />
medieval Danish fresh-water fishery associated with monastic and<br />
manorial demand for a sophisticated supply <strong>of</strong> protein. <strong>The</strong>re is no<br />
Danish analysis to match Christopher Dyer’s study <strong>of</strong> medieval English<br />
fresh-water fisheries, 329 but it seems likely that similar conditions<br />
prevailed. In the sixteenth century there is recurrent evidence <strong>of</strong> the<br />
building <strong>of</strong> fresh-water ponds, and indeed they seem to have been in use<br />
certainly around Copenhagen until the early nineteenth century. <strong>The</strong><br />
ponds provided fresh, but expensive, fish for the dinner-tables <strong>of</strong> the<br />
wealthy.<br />
Summary<br />
Danish medieval sources bring out the overwhelming importance <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Sound fisheries, which were undoubtedly the largest fishing operation in<br />
Europe during the late middle ages. Future research, however, should<br />
throw more light on the fresh-water fisheries. As regards the salt-water<br />
fisheries the sources do not permit us to assess the extent <strong>of</strong> the fisheries<br />
outside the Sound. By the early sixteenth century the evidence for the<br />
Jutland fisheries improves while the Sound fisheries become obscure in<br />
the latter half <strong>of</strong> the century.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sound fishery culminated around 1400 with as much as 300,000<br />
barrels and declined severely through the fifteenth century. By 1500 total<br />
Danish herring exports, including the Limfiord, were only 100,000<br />
barrels. <strong>The</strong> Sound fishery seems to have reached another high level in<br />
the 1520s and 1530s and then to have contracted. Crude calculations<br />
indicate that the total exports from the three fisheries <strong>of</strong>f Båhuslen, West<br />
Jutland and in the Limfiord together accounted for perhaps 60,000<br />
barrels each in the 1580s, or a total <strong>of</strong> 180,000 barrels; in addition, the<br />
328 Kancelliets Brevbøger 1563 5/4, 9/8, 16/10; 1564 3/9.<br />
329 ‘<strong>The</strong> consumption <strong>of</strong> fresh-water fish in medieval England’. Medieval Fish,<br />
<strong>Fisheries</strong> and Fishponds in England, ed. M. Aston, I (BAR British Series 182) (Oxford,<br />
1988) 27-38). <strong>The</strong> only Danish treatment <strong>of</strong> the subject is Kjærsgaard’s Mad og øl.<br />
186
fisheries <strong>of</strong>f the Scaw and other smaller fisheries in the Baltic produced<br />
unknown quantities. While the Sound fishery was probably less<br />
productive by the late sixteenth century, the total output <strong>of</strong> the Danish<br />
fisheries had perhaps stabilised. <strong>The</strong> fisheries had dispersed away from<br />
the Sound, and the decline <strong>of</strong> one fishery might be compensated by<br />
growth in another.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Hanseatic merchants had tight control over the medieval Sound<br />
fisheries, but they lost their grip on this important sector <strong>of</strong> the economy<br />
in the sixteenth century. <strong>The</strong>ir demise was probably triggered by the fact<br />
that they lost the power struggle in the Danish reformation wars. In<br />
addition, other sources <strong>of</strong> salt were opened up by the growing trade with<br />
France and Spain. Danish provincial merchants both in the Sound and in<br />
Jutland prospered in the mid-sixteenth century by combining the cattle<br />
and fish trades. Indeed it seems that the relative importance <strong>of</strong> the fish<br />
sector has been grossly underestimated in previous research which has<br />
been almost exclusively preoccupied with the cattle trade.<br />
THE DECLINE OF THE DANISH FISHERIES, 1550-1650<br />
We have no precise information on the size <strong>of</strong> the Sound fishery proper<br />
after 1540, but the general impression from the sources on Lübeck’s<br />
trade is that the herring was caught in much smaller quantities. This was<br />
only the beginning <strong>of</strong> a serious decline in the fisheries, both in the short<br />
and the long terms. In the 1590s, average exports from Båhuslen dropped<br />
suddenly to a mere one hundred lasts per year, never to recover. <strong>The</strong><br />
herring trade through the Sound immediately returned into the hands <strong>of</strong><br />
the Dutch, who had by now reorganised their trade and were able to flood<br />
the Baltic markets with herring through the next century. We know that<br />
one <strong>of</strong> the fishing hamlets in <strong>North</strong> Zealand, Gilleleje, experienced a<br />
severe decline in tax revenues from fishing boats. 330 <strong>The</strong> villagers who<br />
were pr<strong>of</strong>essional fishermen paid an average <strong>of</strong> 340 shillings in the<br />
decade 1585-94 (when conceivably they participated in the Båhuslen<br />
fishery); in 1610-19 they paid an average <strong>of</strong> only 35 shillings, rising<br />
again to 218 shillings in 1620-26 (these dues may reflect a temporary rise<br />
in the Sound fishery); but after that revenues averaged no more than<br />
between 20 and 60 shillings throughout the seventeenth century.<br />
In West Jutland, the available data indicate a long-term decline. <strong>The</strong><br />
data come from the revenues <strong>of</strong> the King’s sand toll which was paid in<br />
330 Frandsen & Jarrum, ‘Sæsonfiskelejer, åresild...’, 105-39.<br />
187
haddock and flatfish (flounder). <strong>The</strong> average due was 1,000 fish <strong>of</strong> prime<br />
quality per boat; the toll thus reflected fishing effort and not actual<br />
catches. Table 1 lists the revenue <strong>of</strong> the sand toll <strong>of</strong> Riberhus in selected<br />
years 1563-1643. I have translated the toll into an expression <strong>of</strong> fishing<br />
effort by rating the worth <strong>of</strong> one haddock as that <strong>of</strong> two plaice. This ratio<br />
corresponds roughly with the nutritional value <strong>of</strong> the two species, and<br />
with the value relation given above (7 and 3 daler for haddock and plaice<br />
respectively).<br />
Table 1.<br />
Revenue <strong>of</strong> the Sand Toll, Riberhus, 1563-1655<br />
Year haddock plaice calculated<br />
‘standard’ fish<br />
1562-63* 64500 104400 116700<br />
1581-82‡ 58890 49500 83640<br />
1585† 41400 54266 68533<br />
1598† 20622 73757 57500<br />
1612† 17370 73291 54016<br />
1622† 15564 88026 59577<br />
1626-27‡ 17460 45852 40386<br />
1630-31* 7512 21500 18262<br />
1631-32* 6456 24870 18891<br />
1635† 4824 5094 7371<br />
1642-43‡ 8640 19920 18600<br />
1645† 16524 16368 24708<br />
1655† 10050 12250 16175<br />
* Data kindly provided by Erik A. Jarrum.<br />
† Data from H. K. Kristensen, Gamle sydvestjyske fiskerlejer (Varde, 1965)<br />
‡ Data from Ole Degn, Rig og fattig i Ribe, I (Aarhus, 1980)<br />
<strong>The</strong> flood <strong>of</strong> 1634 literally washed parts <strong>of</strong> the big fishing village <strong>of</strong><br />
Sønderside into the sea, and furthered the decline <strong>of</strong> the site. But decline<br />
was already well under way by the time <strong>of</strong> the catastrophe.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are many more cases. Archaeological evidence tells a story <strong>of</strong><br />
economic decline and vanishing villages. <strong>The</strong> village <strong>of</strong> Sandhagen,<br />
188
which had been founded on a forbidding promontory at the island <strong>of</strong><br />
Langeland in the 1560s to provide cod for the King’s navy and others<br />
willing to pay, went into decline soon after 1600 and the last inhabitant<br />
left it sometime around 1620. Albuen on Lolland (part <strong>of</strong> the Great Belt<br />
herring fishery) was abandoned around the same time. 331 In the<br />
Limfiord, we do not have comparable sixteenth century evidence to<br />
match the very good sources for the seventeenth century. When we do<br />
get information, it suggests that meagre years early in the century were<br />
followed by extremely good fishing seasons from 1610 to 1620. A slump<br />
then occurred between 1630 and 1650 before a period <strong>of</strong> some stability,<br />
at average yields, which lasted on for the rest <strong>of</strong> the century. <strong>The</strong>re seems<br />
to be no doubt that what had been a thriving fishing economy in the early<br />
seventeenth century was rapidly shrinking.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is probably no single explanation for the overall contraction <strong>of</strong><br />
Danish fisheries in the latter half <strong>of</strong> the sixteenth and early part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
seventeenth century. Rather we should look for a combination <strong>of</strong> factors,<br />
for both acute and chronic causes as well as ecological and economic<br />
forces.<br />
<strong>The</strong> sudden and almost complete cessation <strong>of</strong> the Norwegian fisheries<br />
by 1590 implies that there was a biological explanation. Possibly the<br />
herring shoals preferred spawning grounds outside the reach <strong>of</strong> the<br />
inshore fishermen. If, because <strong>of</strong> a slight change in currents or salt<br />
concentration, spawning suddenly took place in the middle <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Skagerrak rather than in the sheltered archipelago <strong>of</strong> Båhuslen, the<br />
Danish and Norwegian fishermen may have found it impossible to catch<br />
the herring. Contrary to the shore-bound Danish fishermen, the Dutch<br />
herring drifters had developed a special technology which enabled them<br />
to conduct the required open-sea operations. <strong>The</strong> problem for the Danes<br />
and the Norwegians was that they lacked both the capital and the skills to<br />
acquire these vessels which would have enabled them to pursue the fish<br />
at sea.<br />
In the Limfiord, ecological factors played a decisive role. <strong>The</strong> barrier<br />
between the fiord and the <strong>North</strong> Sea in the west was breached by a flood<br />
in 1624, and the stock <strong>of</strong> herring which was accustomed to the bracken<br />
water died when the salt water came in. Only a decade later, the dune<br />
barrier was built up by the natural sand drift along the <strong>North</strong> Sea coast,<br />
and the herring stock regained strength.<br />
331 Berg et al., Sandhagen.<br />
189
Whereas herring is a notoriously volatile resource, cod and haddock<br />
are much more stable. Nevertheless, by the turn <strong>of</strong> the century, these<br />
fisheries were in serious decline and remained at a low level after 1620.<br />
<strong>The</strong> decline was not abrupt but in the long term the revenues were halved<br />
between 1562/3 and c1600, and cut to one third again by 1630. This trend<br />
does not correspond with any simple explanation. After all, the Dutch<br />
fisheries in the <strong>North</strong> Sea were thriving while the West Jutland fisheries<br />
in the same sea were abandoned. <strong>The</strong> long-term pattern was also<br />
mirrored in the Baltic cod fisheries and in the fact that none <strong>of</strong> the Danish<br />
herring fisheries ever recovered.<br />
Both ecological and economic factors may explain the long-term<br />
stagnation. <strong>The</strong> cool and stormy weather prevailing in the period<br />
1500-1850, 332 may conceivably have altered the marine habitat and<br />
caused a long-term decline in inshore fisheries. However, there is no<br />
study to substantiate this possibility, and as the evidence stands there is<br />
no immediate correlation to be found.<br />
Turning to economic explanations, problems <strong>of</strong> prices, capital and<br />
demand seem relevant. We know that after a peak around 1450, fish<br />
prices fell through the sixteenth century relative to agricultural prices.<br />
Arnved Nedkvitne has published three series <strong>of</strong> data relating the<br />
purchasing power <strong>of</strong> dried cod to grain on the Dutch, English and<br />
Norwegian markets, which throw light on the decline. 333 Whereas one<br />
kilogramme <strong>of</strong> dried fish would have bought fourteen kg <strong>of</strong> wheat on the<br />
London market around 1400, at the end <strong>of</strong> the sixteenth century it bought<br />
only six kg. Similar evidence from Holland shows that dried cod lost<br />
almost half its purchasing power relative to rye during the sixteenth<br />
century, and on the Bergen market the purchasing power was more than<br />
halved between 1400 and 1500 and halved again in the next hundred<br />
years. A similar development concerning herring may be calculated from<br />
the German evidence presented by Bauernfeind; between 1450 and 1550<br />
herring lost half <strong>of</strong> its value relative to rye at the Nuremburg market, and<br />
continued declining in the seventeenth century, except for some very<br />
332 <strong>The</strong> period is known as the ‘Little Ice Age’ (see Encyclopedia Britannica (1994<br />
CD-ROM edition) for an updated discussion). <strong>The</strong> worst weather seems to have<br />
occurred in the latter part <strong>of</strong> the seventeenth century. An international climatological<br />
project will produce new evidence on these phenomena in the next few years<br />
(information from the Danish Meteorological Institute).<br />
333 Arnved Nedkvitne, “Mens Bønderne seilte og Jægterne for.” Nordnorsk og vestnorsk<br />
kystøkonomi 1500-1730 (Oslo, 1988).<br />
190
good years around 1617-22. 334 Evidence from the neighbouring <strong>North</strong><br />
European countries concerning both cod and herring thus shows a<br />
significant drop in the price <strong>of</strong> fish relative to agricultural products from<br />
the late medieval to the early modern ages. In the Netherlands, the<br />
relative price fall was counterbalanced by expanding deep-sea catches<br />
from larger and more productive ships. In Denmark, fishermen were<br />
apparently unable to afford larger ships and were pushed out <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fishing sector by poor prices.<br />
On the capital side, we know that the noblemen withdrew their<br />
maritime investments to concentrate on agriculture and stockraising. 335<br />
<strong>The</strong>y also began a political battle to restrict the freedom <strong>of</strong> their peasants<br />
to fish and trade; while the King occasionally supported the freedom <strong>of</strong><br />
the peasants to leave their soil, the towns supported the noblemen. In<br />
South Zealand, the towns suffered because <strong>of</strong> the decline in the fish<br />
trade; in Stege, the citizens had their taxes redeemed in 1582, while their<br />
dues to the Crown were almost halved “because the fishery is so poor”. 336<br />
<strong>The</strong> town wanted to reduce peasant sailing in order to keep the transport<br />
<strong>of</strong> goods for themselves. <strong>The</strong> combined efforts <strong>of</strong> nobles and towns<br />
succeeded by a series <strong>of</strong> royal commands. 337 <strong>The</strong> prohibitions meant,<br />
however, that the peasants lost interest in keeping a boat altogether; they<br />
not only stopped trading but also fishing. Before 1600 they had been<br />
effectively bound to the land, and a strictly agricultural system had<br />
developed. <strong>The</strong> late-sixteenth century development <strong>of</strong> domain manors<br />
needed lots <strong>of</strong> manpower, and could not tolerate a haphazard loss <strong>of</strong> the<br />
workforce for two or three months in the harvesting period. If, or when,<br />
the herring returned in great numbers, there was only a small group <strong>of</strong><br />
pr<strong>of</strong>essional fishermen to catch it. <strong>The</strong> custom <strong>of</strong> recruiting crews from<br />
the surrounding agricultural areas had stopped, and economic interest<br />
had turned effectively away from the sea.<br />
Finally, we should consider the change in consumption habits which<br />
took place after the Reformation when ‘catholic practices’ such as the<br />
334 W. Bauernfeind, Materielle Grundstrukturen im Spätmittelalter und der Frühen<br />
Neuzeit: Preisentwicklung und Agrarkonjunktur am Nürnberger Getreidemarkt von<br />
1339 bis 1670 (Neustadt/Aisch, BRD: Schmidt Gmbh, 1993).<br />
335 Ladewig Petersen, Danmarks historie 2:2, 409.<br />
336 Stoklund, ‘Bonde og fisker’, 107.<br />
337 F. Martensen-Larsen, Hav, fjord og handel. En studie i handelsveje i Nordjylland i<br />
tiden indtil 1850 (Herning, 1986) 151 note 10.<br />
191
eating <strong>of</strong> fish at stipulated times were given up. When fasting regulations<br />
were abolished, the wealthy turned to a meat diet even on traditional ‘fish<br />
days’. This is a general factor which helps to explain the development <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> fisheries. Of course, demand remained for the provision<br />
<strong>of</strong> cheap protein for the labouring poor, especially the expanding<br />
numbers <strong>of</strong> seafarers who needed nutritious and well-preserved food for<br />
long voyages, but the demand for well-preserved, high-quality fish<br />
contracted. Unfortunately, very little work has been done on Danish food<br />
consumption patterns; the indication is, however, that the change in diet<br />
did not follow immediately upon the reformation but rather occurred<br />
during the first half <strong>of</strong> the seventeenth century. 338<br />
<strong>The</strong> fact that Danish fisheries crumbled while the Dutch succeeded<br />
reminds us that the Danes concentrated on inshore, lightly salted<br />
products (and in the case <strong>of</strong> the Sound for the top end <strong>of</strong> the market),<br />
while the Dutch went deep-sea for large quantities <strong>of</strong> heavily-salted fish.<br />
<strong>The</strong> superiority <strong>of</strong> the Dutch made them corner the remaining up-market<br />
in good-quality herring. <strong>The</strong> result <strong>of</strong> Dutch dominance was the<br />
abandonment <strong>of</strong> the Danish-Norwegian coasts by people in their<br />
thousands, and the loss <strong>of</strong> a valuable export to the Danish-Norwegian<br />
realm. <strong>The</strong> Dutch had returned to supply the Baltic and in the face <strong>of</strong><br />
their plentiful, high-quality supplies, the Danish-Norwegian fishing<br />
industry succumbed. Dutch fisheries peaked in the first half <strong>of</strong> the<br />
seventeenth century when 5-600 busses, each <strong>of</strong> 50 to 60 tons burthen,<br />
worked with a total labour force <strong>of</strong> 7,000 fishermen, brought home a<br />
total <strong>of</strong> 20,000 lasts or 240,000 barrels per year. 339<br />
To sum up, by the beginning <strong>of</strong> the seventeenth century, Danish<br />
fisheries were in serious decline and remained depressed after 1620. <strong>The</strong><br />
decline may have been triggered by ecological changes, but economic<br />
factors must explain the long-term stagnation. <strong>The</strong> underlying factor<br />
throughout <strong>North</strong>ern Europe was the change in consumption habits when<br />
‘catholic practices’ such as the eating <strong>of</strong> fish at stipulated times were<br />
given up and the wealthy turned to meat courses. But the fact that the<br />
Danish fisheries crumbled may be explained by powerful Dutch<br />
competition. Most seriously, merchants and noblemen withdrew capital<br />
338 Lilli Friis, ‘Æde og drikke’, 419-23.<br />
339 See Jaap Bruijn’s paper in this volume. Also Jan de Vries & Ad van der Woude,<br />
Nederland 1500-1815. De eerste ronde van moderne economische groei (Amsterdam,<br />
1995) 301-2.<br />
192
from the fish trade to concentrate on agricultural products, thus causing a<br />
structural barrier to inhibit future fishing. 340 Again this is a field in need<br />
<strong>of</strong> further research.<br />
TWO CENTURIES OF STAGNATION, 1650-1850<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is even less historical analysis <strong>of</strong> the Danish fisheries in the next<br />
two centuries, although the source material is better. <strong>The</strong> royal cadasters<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1664 and 1688 do contain evidence on the fisheries, but these sources<br />
have not been systematically tapped. In the eighteenth century, various<br />
Financial Committees collected information on the fisheries, but there<br />
has been no systematic attempt to use this material. 341 Further, the<br />
Copenhagen prices for foodstuffs, which are published in a readily<br />
accessible form, contain invaluable evidence for fish prices from the<br />
1720s onwards. 342 In addition we can draw on customs accounts which,<br />
though very incomplete, <strong>of</strong>fer interesting glimpses into the fish trade.<br />
<strong>The</strong> only evidence for sustained high catches is from the Limfiord<br />
where exports reached high points in the 1650s and 1750s <strong>of</strong> around<br />
50,000 barrels. In most years, exports were very much lower (table 2).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Limfiord herring was important to the Danish economy, more<br />
extensive even than the West Norwegian herring exports which reached<br />
a high <strong>of</strong> 18,000 barrels in 1642. 343 More than half the exports went to<br />
Norway in the seventeenth century. 344 <strong>The</strong> stock <strong>of</strong> herring in the<br />
Limfiord seems to have followed 15-20 year cycles. After the good years<br />
at the beginning <strong>of</strong> the century, by 1626 there were 72 deserted houses in<br />
the main fishing town <strong>of</strong> Nibe out <strong>of</strong> a total <strong>of</strong> 200 houses. In the 1640s<br />
340 This is a line <strong>of</strong> thinking reflected in the writings <strong>of</strong> Lybecker, the most knowledgable<br />
Danish analyst <strong>of</strong> the fishing industry in the eighteenth century. In a report to Chancellor<br />
Oeder in 1771 (see the following footnote) he observed that the lack <strong>of</strong> fishermen was a<br />
structural impediment to the resurgence <strong>of</strong> the fisheries, as a few fishermen would have<br />
difficulty in locating the shoals and therefore did not benefit from the lack <strong>of</strong><br />
competition. Likewise modern fishing practices favour the collaborative efforts <strong>of</strong><br />
fishermen rather than the individualist who fishes in the dark.<br />
341 For the purpose <strong>of</strong> this paper I have had access to Holger Rasmussen’s transcript <strong>of</strong><br />
the reports to secretary <strong>of</strong> state G. F. C. Oeder in 1771, (Danish National Archives, R.K.<br />
C.A.a.V) deposited with the Fiskeri- og Søfartsmuseet, Esbjerg.<br />
342 Friis & Glamann, A History <strong>of</strong> Prices and Wages.<br />
343 K. Lunden, Fisket og norsk økonomi på 1500- og 1600-tallet. Heimen 17 (<strong>1976</strong>)<br />
147-8.<br />
344 Poulsen, Aalborg Bys Historie III, 251<br />
193
the King’s salter was able to buy large amounts <strong>of</strong> herring, and probably<br />
the fishery was thriving, but around 1655 the market was depressed<br />
again. 345 In addition to the main export from Aalborg the direct sales<br />
from small towns and villages like Nibe, Mou and Hals possibly meant<br />
that the Limfiord in the best years around 1650 had a total export <strong>of</strong><br />
60,000 barrels.<br />
Table 2. Exports from Aalborg <strong>of</strong> barrels <strong>of</strong><br />
spring herring (recorded years, 1652-1769)<br />
1652 54,900 1706 47,072<br />
1662 6,480 1754 17,696<br />
1667 2,800 1755 36,176<br />
1670 8,586 1756 12,992<br />
1671 8,954 1757 21,584<br />
1672 11,013<br />
1673 18,843 1769 5,696<br />
1674 15,497<br />
1675 19,904<br />
1676 18,556<br />
1677 12,523<br />
1678 14,216<br />
Source: Poulsen, Aalborg Bys Historie III and Lybecker, Forsøg til nogle...<br />
From 1690, the fisheries picked up again. 346 In 1706 48% <strong>of</strong> a total <strong>of</strong><br />
53,000 barrels <strong>of</strong> salted herring went to the domestic market, only 9% to<br />
345 Poulsen, Aalborg Bys Historie, 248-49.<br />
346 E. Ladewig Petersen, Dansk social historie III, 150-4.<br />
194
Norway and 43% abroad, mainly to Lübeck and Gothenburg. Later,<br />
when the Swedish government imposed a tax <strong>of</strong> 4 rix-dollars per<br />
barrel, 347 the Swedish trade suffered. Dried herring, about 1,800 barrels,<br />
went exclusively for the domestic market, while uncured fresh herring<br />
was sold exclusively to Sweden. <strong>The</strong> latter trade was very small, only<br />
amounting to 153 rix-dollars or about 120 barrels. Nevertheless, the trade<br />
became the object <strong>of</strong> considerable friction. 348 <strong>The</strong> buyers <strong>of</strong> uncured<br />
herring arrived in ballast in March every year from south Halland and<br />
north Scania. <strong>The</strong> customs accounts for 1732-34 show that the boats<br />
were a very conspicuous element in the harbour, even though they<br />
accounted for no more than 8-9 % <strong>of</strong> total exporting tonnage. As the<br />
boats were quite small, every sixth arrival was Swedish. 349 <strong>The</strong> Aalborg<br />
merchants tried to prohibit the trade in an effort to force the Swedes to<br />
buy cured fish. When the Swedish herring fishery <strong>of</strong>f the coast <strong>of</strong><br />
Bohuslän (formerly Båhuslen) developed after 1756, the Aalborg trade<br />
stopped. 350 Even worse, the Limfiord herring catches dropped, so that by<br />
the last quarter <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth century Danish writers much deplored<br />
the state <strong>of</strong> the Danish herring fisheries. <strong>The</strong>y could only watch with<br />
envy as the herring fisheries <strong>of</strong> Bohuslän experienced an unprecedented<br />
boom.<br />
<strong>The</strong> other Danish fisheries <strong>of</strong> the period are hardly worth mentioning.<br />
<strong>The</strong> once thriving fishing town <strong>of</strong> Skagen reached its low water mark<br />
with a much reduced population living in absolute poverty. <strong>The</strong> West<br />
Jutland fisheries now exported little to Hamburg and <strong>North</strong> Germany,<br />
and the few hundred fishermen fished mainly for barter with the<br />
surrounding countryside. 351 <strong>Fisheries</strong> in <strong>North</strong> Zealand were not much<br />
better; the fishermen complained bitterly <strong>of</strong> Swedish competition when<br />
the Bohuslän fisheries began, and certainly the number <strong>of</strong> boats in<br />
Gilleleje declined from eighteen to seven between 1760 and 1785. <strong>The</strong><br />
reports to Chancellor Oeder in 1771 bristle with suggestions as to how to<br />
counter Swedish competition, the main obstacle to progress in the<br />
fisheries. Only in 1774 did the government issue a protectionist measure<br />
347 Chr. M. Olrik, Afhandling om Aalborgs Handel (Copenhagen, 1773) 156.<br />
348 Olrik, Afhandling, 237.<br />
349 A. Monrad Møller, Fra galeoth til galease (Esbjerg, 1981) 105, 116.<br />
350 C. Klitgaard, Aalborg Købmænd gennem 500 Aar (Aalborg, 1931) 113-14.<br />
351 Holm, Hjerting.<br />
195
against the Swedish imports with the declaration <strong>of</strong> 14 March that salted<br />
and dried fish should normally be imported from Norway only. <strong>The</strong><br />
privilege had immediate effect, and Gothenburg’s accounts for 1776<br />
show no exports to Denmark; its salted herring went first and foremost to<br />
England, Germany and Russia. But the privilege did not affect the trade<br />
in uncured herring. In 1778 the Swedish authorities assessed Bohuslän’s<br />
export to Denmark and Norway at 30,000 barrels. 352 <strong>The</strong> trade only<br />
stopped when the Swedish King banned the export <strong>of</strong> uncured<br />
herring—probably in an effort to secure herring for the curers. 353 <strong>The</strong><br />
problems <strong>of</strong> the Swedish uncured trade were parallel to the former trade<br />
from Aalborg—the small fish merchants stood to gain by it, while the<br />
owners <strong>of</strong> the salt works lost supplies.<br />
<strong>The</strong> price series from the Copenhagen fish market (table 3, fig. 1)<br />
shows that herring became cheaper as compared to the price <strong>of</strong> bread<br />
through the eighteenth century, thus worsening the purchasing power <strong>of</strong><br />
fishermen relative to peasants, provided there was no change in the social<br />
organisation <strong>of</strong> the market (and we have no reason to believe there was).<br />
<strong>The</strong> spring herring came from the Limfiord, while the autumn herring<br />
most probably came from the Sound and <strong>North</strong> Zealand fisheries. <strong>The</strong><br />
only notable exception to the decline occurred in the 1740s. <strong>The</strong><br />
fishermen must then have experienced a time <strong>of</strong> rare and welcome<br />
prosperity—and we seem to find reminiscences <strong>of</strong> the good times in the<br />
reports to chancellor Oeder some thirty years later, which generally<br />
lament the present and long for the good old days; they also specifically<br />
record data which seem to corroborate a decline within the past<br />
generation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> latter half <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth century saw the most drastic decline<br />
in the fisherman’s lot. This was a time when mercantile shipping<br />
flourished, and lots <strong>of</strong> new jobs opened up for the able-bodied seaman in<br />
world-wide trades. While no firm documentation is provided, we have no<br />
reason to disbelieve early-nineteenth century statements that the fisheries<br />
provided the sailors for the growing merchant marine and conversely that<br />
the fisheries were a shrinking business by that time. Only in the last<br />
352 O. Hasslöf, Västkustfiskarna (Göteborg, 1949) 170.<br />
353 Lybecker, Forsøg til nogle Betragtninger over Fiskene og Fiskerierne i<br />
Almindelighed, samt til en physisk - historisk - oeconomisk - og politisk Afhandling om<br />
Silde-Fiskerierne i Særdeleshed og fornemmelig det, som drives i Limfiorden, etc.<br />
(København, 1792) 303.<br />
196
decade <strong>of</strong> the century did fishermen experience some progress in<br />
purchasing power relative to bread prices.<br />
Table 3. Prices and Price Relations, Herring and Bread.<br />
Copenhagen, 1721-1800. Skilling per skippund<br />
bread autumn<br />
herring<br />
fish/bread<br />
ratio<br />
spring<br />
herring<br />
fish/breadratio<br />
1721-30 260 568 218 320 123<br />
1731-40 272 554 204 301 110<br />
1741-50 148 638 432 374 253<br />
1751-60 251 530 210 261 104<br />
1761-70 234 554 237 301 129<br />
1771-80 413 570 138 294 71<br />
1781-90 615 672 109 377 61<br />
1791-1800 401 713 177 462 115<br />
Source: Calculations based on tables by Friis & Glamann, A History <strong>of</strong> Prices.<br />
197
Fig. 1<br />
<strong>The</strong> reports to chancellor Oeder were collected within a few months<br />
during the summer <strong>of</strong> 1771 and are <strong>of</strong> very varying quality. <strong>The</strong> main<br />
problem with Oeder’s questionnaire was that the questions were<br />
unspecific and the answers therefore too loose and <strong>of</strong>ten unquantified.<br />
However, question no. 9 ‘How many fishermen are there?’ got<br />
reasonably good answers. In the bigger fishing ports the numbers seem to<br />
be based on well-informed observations, whereas the numbers <strong>of</strong><br />
agricultural workers who perhaps fished for two or three months are<br />
necessarily given in vague terms such as ‘a few’, ‘a handful’. If we<br />
content ourselves with the numbers <strong>of</strong> what seem to be full-time or more<br />
than half-time fishermen we get a fairly accurate impression <strong>of</strong> the<br />
industry (table 4).<br />
Table 4. <strong>The</strong> Male Fisher Population <strong>of</strong> Denmark<br />
1771, and the Number <strong>of</strong> Fisher Families 1873<br />
Dioceses Fishermen,<br />
1773<br />
per cent <strong>of</strong><br />
total<br />
Fisher<br />
families<br />
1873<br />
per cent <strong>of</strong><br />
total<br />
Aalborg 2108 46.8 3632 31.9<br />
Viborg 225 5 609 5.4<br />
Århus 61 1.4 652 5.7<br />
Ribe 839 18.6 1272 11.2<br />
Sjælland 784 17.4 2838 25<br />
Bornholm 300 6.7 607 5.3<br />
Lolland-Fal<br />
ster<br />
37 0.8 523 4.6<br />
Fyn 154 3.4 1235 10.9<br />
Total 4508 11368<br />
Source: ‘Indberetninger til Finansråd Oeder, 1771’. Danish<br />
National Archives, R.K. C.A.a. For 1873 V. Falbe-Hansen<br />
& Scharling, Danmarks Statistik, I, 361.<br />
<strong>The</strong> table shows that <strong>North</strong> Jutland (the dioceses <strong>of</strong> Aalborg and Viborg)<br />
had half the total fisher population <strong>of</strong> Denmark by 1771. Unfortunately,<br />
the sources do not distinguish between the Limfiord fishermen and those<br />
fishing from the open coast (the figures for the Thy and Kær-Hvetbo<br />
198
districts are rounded sums). However, it does appear that the number <strong>of</strong><br />
participants in the herring fisheries at the core <strong>of</strong> the fiord (Nibe-Sebber)<br />
was no more than a few hundred and therefore the majority <strong>of</strong> fishermen<br />
were located on the open coast (between the western mouth <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Limfiord and the Skaw). <strong>The</strong> largest Danish fishing settlement was<br />
Skagen which had about 400 persons participating in the fisheries plus<br />
children. On the coast <strong>of</strong> Thy there were also several hundred fishermen,<br />
and we know that cod fishing was increasing from this part <strong>of</strong> the coast<br />
(possibly the only place in Denmark to experience a real expansion in<br />
fisheries in the latter half <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth century). <strong>The</strong> other regions <strong>of</strong><br />
importance were West Jutland (Ribe) and (<strong>North</strong>) Zealand. 354<br />
While the Danish government had little or no interest in the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> the home fisheries, it took some far-reaching initiatives<br />
towards the fisheries in Norway and in the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> dependencies<br />
<strong>of</strong> Iceland and Greenland. A few Danish fishermen were involved in<br />
these operations and much <strong>of</strong> the capital came from merchants and<br />
noblemen based in Copenhagen and Altona. However, the longterm<br />
effects on the Danish fisheries proper were negligible. 355<br />
THE ORGANISATION OF A DANISH FISH MARKET<br />
AND THE GROWTH OF BALTIC POUND NETTING<br />
In the next hundred years there was some growth in the fisheries. Table 4<br />
indicates the regional number <strong>of</strong> fisher families in 1873 as recorded in<br />
the first systematic effort to describe the fishing industry statistically (as<br />
a preparatory to the 1888 <strong>Fisheries</strong> Law). In 1771 the male fisher<br />
population had accounted for around 2% <strong>of</strong> adult males; by 1873 the<br />
figure had increased slightly to around 2.5%. Shipping had continued to<br />
absorb an increasing part <strong>of</strong> the maritime population. More importantly,<br />
the regional distribution <strong>of</strong> the fisheries had changed markedly. <strong>North</strong><br />
Jutland was still in the lead, but now accounted for only a third <strong>of</strong> the<br />
total fishing population. West Jutland was similarly declining. No doubt<br />
the reason was that in spite <strong>of</strong> a few remarkable attempts at modernising<br />
the fisheries on a foreign pattern, there had been little change in fishing<br />
technology, which was still based on long-lining and ground-seining for<br />
cod and plaice. Surprisingly, the growth areas were to be found in the<br />
Baltic areas <strong>of</strong> the Kingdom, in Fyn (Funen), South Zealand and<br />
354 Holm, Kystfolk.<br />
355 Poul Holm, ‘European and Native Ways’.<br />
199
Lolland-Falster. In 1771, fishing in these areas had been negligible, but<br />
in 1873 every fourth fisher family was located by these shores. <strong>The</strong> main<br />
fishing tackle <strong>of</strong> these fishermen was the pound net, used for plaice and<br />
cod.<br />
We know the broad outlines <strong>of</strong> the success <strong>of</strong> the pound net. In the<br />
1790s and early 1800s private sponsors and state <strong>of</strong>ficials had<br />
encouraged a number <strong>of</strong> Zealand fishermen to adopt the herring pound<br />
net as used in the Limfiord, and they seem to have won some support.<br />
<strong>The</strong>n by 1825 the Limfiord fisheries experienced an ecological disaster<br />
when the sand barrier to the west once again succumbed to a <strong>North</strong> Sea<br />
storm, and the incoming salt water killed the stock <strong>of</strong> fiord herring. In<br />
the 1830s and 1840s there was a veritable diaspora <strong>of</strong> Limfiord<br />
fishermen who brought their nets to all the inner nooks <strong>of</strong> the Kattegat<br />
and the Baltic. <strong>The</strong>y were the ones mainly responsible for the success <strong>of</strong><br />
the pound net when they discovered that the technology might also, with<br />
slight modifications, be used for catching cod and plaice. However, the<br />
success would never have occurred unless a new market organisation had<br />
developed.<br />
Already by 1750, Bornholm fishmongers were carrying live cod in<br />
special well-boats to the Copenhagen fish market to obtain good prices.<br />
After 1814, they began buying live fish from <strong>North</strong> Jutland to<br />
supplement their own catches, but they soon discovered that the pound<br />
netters were able to serve them. From around 1840, South Funen<br />
skippers also participated in this trade which may be considered the first<br />
truly national fish marketing organisation. <strong>The</strong> live transportation <strong>of</strong> the<br />
fish secured the best prices for the fishermen, and thus was the first step<br />
taken in the modernisation <strong>of</strong> the fisheries. For the first time in centuries,<br />
fishermen were earning good money and a century <strong>of</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong><br />
Danish fishing could begin.<br />
THE BREAKTHROUGH OF THE DANISH SEINE FISHERY, 1850-1950<br />
In 1848, farmer-fisherman Jens Laursen Væver first deployed the anchor<br />
seine from a boat. Using his method, fishermen in the Limfiord<br />
recovered from the loss <strong>of</strong> the fresh-water herring stock when they<br />
discovered a plentiful stock <strong>of</strong> plaice had settled in the by now salty<br />
water <strong>of</strong> the fiord. Government <strong>of</strong>ficials were concerned that the gear<br />
was too efficient and restricted its use by the first fisheries act passed by<br />
Danish parliament in 1857. By 1870 most <strong>of</strong>ficials agreed that the culling<br />
<strong>of</strong> stocks increased the productivity <strong>of</strong> the sea, and in the next two<br />
200
decades the anchor seine was allowed and spread along the Danish coast,<br />
first in the Kattegat; by 1887 the gear was introduced in the <strong>North</strong> Sea<br />
town <strong>of</strong> Esbjerg. From 1880, government loans helped finance the<br />
building <strong>of</strong> numerous sailing vessels <strong>of</strong> 20-40 tons which were ideally<br />
suited to the inner waters <strong>of</strong> Denmark. 356<br />
When the railway system linked up with the new fish auction<br />
established in Hamburg in 1887, the framework for the Danish fish trade<br />
had been established. <strong>The</strong> west coast fishermen soon invested in<br />
sea-going seiners which became the hall-mark <strong>of</strong> late nineteenth- and<br />
twentieth-century Danish fishing. Already by 1900, Esbjerg boasted 71<br />
seiners and pionereed the adaptation <strong>of</strong> the hot-bulb engine to fishing<br />
craft. <strong>The</strong> first motor was installed in 1896, and in the next five years<br />
most Danish <strong>North</strong> Sea vessels turned from sail to motor. 357<br />
<strong>The</strong> development <strong>of</strong> the Danish fisheries differed markedly from the<br />
British which was characterised by steam-powered steel trawlers. <strong>The</strong><br />
capital required to build a trawler was so high that almost all Britsh<br />
vessels were owned by limited liability joint stock companies, while the<br />
Danish wooden cutter was obtainable for many young fishermen who<br />
became independent skippers even in their twenties. Earnings in the<br />
Danish fishing industry were higher than in most other markets for<br />
semi-skilled labour. 358 Around 1900, a large-scale project to imitate the<br />
British-style fisheries in the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> failed when the owners found<br />
that they were not able to pay a competitive wage relative to the home<br />
fisheries. 359 In the next fifty years the mainstream <strong>of</strong> the fishing industry<br />
therefore was made up <strong>of</strong> small and medium-sized wooden seiners<br />
owned by single skippers. Sales were handled through a fine mesh <strong>of</strong> fish<br />
auctions and fishmongers and exports were efficiently organised using<br />
first railways and by the 1930s lorries to take the fish to the German<br />
market and elsewhere. Most fish was sold fresh. From 1900 to 1950 total<br />
full-time employment in the fishing fleet grew from 11,233 to 14,260<br />
men. 360<br />
356 Poul Holm, Kystfolk.<br />
357 <strong>The</strong>re is a vast literature on this subject. For an introduction, see Alan Hjorth<br />
Rasmussen, Vejen til Nordsøen...<br />
358 Hahn-Pedersen & Holm, ‘<strong>The</strong> Danish Maritime Labour Market’.<br />
359 Holm, Technology Transfer and Social Setting’, 113-57.<br />
360 Fiskeri-beretning for Året 1950 (Copenhagen, 1951) 78.<br />
201
TRAWLING, 1950-1995<br />
After the Second World War, the Danish fish-processing industry took<br />
shape. A filleting industry developed in most harbours, serving the new<br />
market for refrigerated food. Until the 1970s, the industry relied upon<br />
home producers, but in the 1980s the fish processing industry has<br />
increasingly relied upon European and even third world suppliers. In the<br />
1990s, most <strong>of</strong> the small and medium-sized concerns have succumbed to<br />
the competition <strong>of</strong> large companies, and a growing proportion <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Danish fish market is served by imports from European plants. <strong>The</strong><br />
traditional seiners have fared badly in this process. Since 1970, most <strong>of</strong><br />
the wooden seiners have been scrapped and the future for the few<br />
remaining seems bleak. Small trawlers and netters and very large<br />
purse-seine netters dominate the catches <strong>of</strong> fresh fish today.<br />
In the 1960s catches grew from 0.7 to 1.4 million tons, but in the<br />
1980s and the first half <strong>of</strong> the 1990s catches have stagnated at around 1.8<br />
million tons <strong>of</strong> fish. <strong>The</strong> catches seem to have reached a biological<br />
maximum, and future growth in the sector will be related not to more but<br />
to higher-quality catches.<br />
<strong>The</strong> expanding element <strong>of</strong> the Danish fisheries through the last half<br />
century was to be found in the fish-meal and fish-oil industry. Introduced<br />
around 1950 to the harbour <strong>of</strong> Esbjerg, the industry grew incessantly<br />
until the mid-1970s. While the fishermen at first converted their old<br />
wooden seiners to trawling, the building <strong>of</strong> steel-trawlers began in 1957<br />
and in the 1960s the import <strong>of</strong> large German trawlers transformed the<br />
harbours by exerting a demand for deep docks. In the next decade,<br />
fishermen ordered many more new home-built trawlers, only to be struck<br />
by the repercussions <strong>of</strong> the oil crisis which made the medium-sized<br />
150-250 GRT vessels uneconomical. In addition, catch statistics<br />
revealed signs <strong>of</strong> over-capacity in the fleet. In the 1980s a few<br />
supertrawlers <strong>of</strong> 400-700 GRT were built, but under the auspices <strong>of</strong> the<br />
European Common <strong>Fisheries</strong> Policy most money directed to the fishing<br />
industry went into scrapping even relatively new trawlers in order to<br />
reduce catching capacity. <strong>The</strong> fish-meal sector remained confident,<br />
mainly due to the conglomeration <strong>of</strong> three plants in Esbjerg which now<br />
make up the largest plant <strong>of</strong> its kind in the world. 361<br />
361 While there is a large body <strong>of</strong> biological and economic studies <strong>of</strong> recent fisheries<br />
issues, there are few historical analyses. For an overview <strong>of</strong> the field, see Poul Holm<br />
(ed.), Fiskere og Farvande.<br />
202
By 1995, the fishing industry seems to be at the end <strong>of</strong> the decline.<br />
<strong>The</strong> hope is that reduction will slow down, and a new equilibrium will be<br />
established between catch capacity and fish resources. Employment on<br />
board has been drastically reduced. In 1995, it is estimated that there are<br />
fewer than 5,000 pr<strong>of</strong>essional fishermen, or no more than 1 per thousand<br />
<strong>of</strong> the total population. <strong>The</strong>y have overcome the acute structural<br />
problems <strong>of</strong> the 1980s, but while reduced there seems to be no new<br />
formula to carry the industry into the next millennium. <strong>The</strong> major change<br />
over the past two decades is that the traditionally liberal fisheries have<br />
turned into a highly regulated and politically sensitive industry.<br />
CONCLUSION<br />
In the development <strong>of</strong> Danish fisheries, we have discerned five main<br />
stages. In the medieval period, the drift net for catching herring was the<br />
main fishing tackle; the Hanseatic organisation <strong>of</strong> the fish trade meant<br />
that the quality <strong>of</strong> the fish cure was consistent and secured a high-priced<br />
market throughout Europe for the Sound herring; fishermen in their<br />
thousands from all over Denmark took part in the fishery. By the end <strong>of</strong><br />
the Middle Ages, Danish merchants and gentry had taken over parts <strong>of</strong><br />
the trade, and the royal policy <strong>of</strong> confronting Hanseatic interests was<br />
relatively successful; Danish merchants played an important part in the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> the new fisheries <strong>of</strong>f West Jutland, in the Limfiord and<br />
<strong>of</strong>f Båhuslen.<br />
Secondly, by the 1620s, the Danish fisheries entered a phase <strong>of</strong><br />
drastic decline, not to rise again for the next two-and-a-half centuries.<br />
<strong>The</strong> decline is not fully explained in this paper, but several possible<br />
causes are discussed. An ecological explanation may be relevant, but at<br />
the current state <strong>of</strong> research cannot be properly assessed. Economic<br />
factors are better known; they include Dutch competition and a shift <strong>of</strong><br />
Danish economic interests away from a maritime to a manorial economy<br />
following a relative price decline for fish. <strong>The</strong> main fishery to survive the<br />
crisis <strong>of</strong> the seventeenth century was the Limfiord herring fishery.<br />
However, by the middle <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth century even this fishery was<br />
severely challenged by the herring industry <strong>of</strong> the by now Swedish<br />
Bohuslän, and protective trade measures were not enough to reinvigorate<br />
the fisheries. By the second half <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth century, fishermen<br />
were considered mainly as a labour reserve for the shipping industry and<br />
as the merchant marine needed more and more men, the fisheries<br />
declined.<br />
203
After 1820, a third phase <strong>of</strong> real economic growth began, related to<br />
the introduction <strong>of</strong> the pound net for a new fishery in the West Baltic for<br />
cod and plaice and the establishment <strong>of</strong> sailing fish merchants who<br />
brought live fish directly from the fisherman to the new urban<br />
middle-class which developed a taste for fresh fish and were willing to<br />
pay for good quality.<br />
By 1870, the national fish market came into existence. All that was<br />
left was to utilise the new railway system which brought good<br />
communications even to the west coast <strong>of</strong> Jutland within the next decade.<br />
When the railway system linked up with the new fish auction established<br />
in Hamburg in 1887, the framework for the Danish fish trade had been<br />
established. <strong>The</strong> west coast fisherman soon invested in sea-going seiners<br />
which became the hallmark <strong>of</strong> late-nineteenth and twentieth-century<br />
Danish fishing. By 1950, Danish seiners dominated the <strong>North</strong> Sea, and<br />
skipper ownership stood out in contrast to the highly-centralised British<br />
ownership structure.<br />
In the past fifty years, Danish fisheries have experienced the full force<br />
<strong>of</strong> a global fish market. In the process, thousands <strong>of</strong> jobs have been lost,<br />
skipper ownership, while still significant, is much reduced compared to<br />
company ownership, and many fishing communities have turned their<br />
backs to the sea as industrial jobs on land have attracted young men who<br />
would traditionally have gone to sea.<br />
Selected Sources and Literature<br />
Statistics for catch and manpower in the Danish fisheries are available in<br />
the annual Fiskeri-Beretning (Copenhagen, 1889-1977). <strong>The</strong> statistics<br />
have not been published since 1978, but comprehensive data on a wide<br />
range <strong>of</strong> parameters are available upon requests from the Danish<br />
Ministry for Agriculture and <strong>Fisheries</strong>. V. Falbe-Hansen and W.<br />
Scharling, Danmarks Statistik I (Copenhagen, 1885) 358-71 summarize<br />
the data collected by various commissions in the 1870s and 1880s. A. J.<br />
Smidth, At vove for at vinde (Grenaa, 1987) is an edition <strong>of</strong> the first<br />
fisheries consultant’s extensive travel notes 1859-63. <strong>The</strong>re is a wealth<br />
<strong>of</strong> archival material in the deposits <strong>of</strong> the various committees on fishery<br />
affairs in the State Department <strong>of</strong> Finance from the early eighteenth<br />
century onwards. This material is as yet unsorted, but will soon become<br />
available in an online electronic catalogue, which should be <strong>of</strong> great<br />
potential use to all areas within the Dano-Norwegian Realm. Maibritt<br />
Bager’s ongoing study and proposed edition <strong>of</strong> the reports to secretary <strong>of</strong><br />
204
state G.F.C. Oeder will eventually provide a first national overview <strong>of</strong><br />
the state <strong>of</strong> the fisheries around 1770. Prior to 1700, data will have to be<br />
gleaned from disparate sources, in particular customs and excise<br />
accounts. <strong>The</strong> copy-books <strong>of</strong> the State Department <strong>of</strong> the Kingdom <strong>of</strong><br />
Denmark are a particularly valuable source, published as Kancelliets<br />
Brevbøger vedrørende Danmarks indre Forhold, ed. C. F. Bricka et al.<br />
(Copenhagen, 1885ff.) <strong>The</strong> series runs into numerous volumes covering<br />
the years from 1551 onwards, the most recent for the year 1648. For the<br />
medieval Sound fisheries the publications by Weibull and Lechner<br />
referred to below provide the standard editions <strong>of</strong> the Lübeck accounts,<br />
and Schäfer provides the accounts <strong>of</strong> the German commissioner on the<br />
Scanian market.<br />
H. Berg, L. Bender Jørgensen & O. Mortensøn, Sandhagen. Et<br />
langelandsk fiskerleje fra renaissancen (Rudkøbing, 1981)<br />
A. E. Christensen, ‘Danmark’. Det nordiske syn på forbindelsen mellem<br />
Hansestæderne og Norden (Aarhus 1972)<br />
Lars Ersgård, Vår marknad i Skåne (Lund, 1989)<br />
Søren Frandsen & Erik A. Jarrum, ‘Sæsonfiskelejer, åresild og<br />
helårsfiskerlejer ved Sjællands nordkyst’. Gilleleje Museum 29<br />
(1992) 105-39<br />
Astrid Friis & Krist<strong>of</strong> Glamann, A History <strong>of</strong> Prices and Wages in<br />
Denmark, 1660-1800. 1 (Copenhagen, 1958)<br />
Lilli Friis, Æde og drikke. Dagligliv i Danmark, ed. A. Steensberg<br />
(Copenhagen, 1969) 419-23<br />
Morten Hahn-Pedersen & Poul Holm, ‘<strong>The</strong> Danish Maritime Labour<br />
Market, 1880-1900’. Research in Maritime History 7 (1994), 141-66<br />
Alan Hjorth Rasmussen, Vejen til Nordsøen... Det søgående<br />
snurrevodfiskeris gennembrud i Nordsøen og Skagerrak 1884-1903<br />
(Hirtshals, 1984)<br />
Poul Holm, Kystfolk. Kontakter over Kattegat og Skagerrak, 1550-1914<br />
(Esbjerg, 1991)<br />
Poul Holm, Hjerting, et maritimt lokalsamfund midt i verden (Esbjerg,<br />
1992)<br />
Poul Holm (ed.), Fiskere og Farvande—tværsnit af moderne dansk<br />
fiskeri (Esbjerg, 1994)<br />
Poul Holm, ‘Technology Transfer and Social Setting. <strong>The</strong> Experience<br />
<strong>of</strong> Danish Steam Trawlers in the <strong>North</strong> Sea and <strong>of</strong>f Iceland,<br />
1879-1903’. <strong>North</strong>ern Seas Yearbook 1994 (Esbjerg, 1994) 113-57<br />
205
Poul Holm, ‘European and Native Ways. Fishing, Whaling and Sealing<br />
in the Danish <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> Empire, c. 1750-1807’. <strong>North</strong>ern Seas<br />
Yearbook 1995 (Esbjerg, 1995)<br />
Poul Holm, ‘South Scandinavian <strong>Fisheries</strong> in the Sixteenth Century—the<br />
Dutch Connection’. R. Dettingmeijer, L. Heerma van Voss & J.<br />
Roding eds., <strong>The</strong> <strong>North</strong> Sea and Culture 1550-1800 (Verloren,<br />
Hilversum 1996)<br />
Kai Hørby, Øresundstolden og den skånske skibstold.<br />
Middelalderstudier, ed. Tage E. Christiansen et al. (Copenhagen,<br />
1966) 245-272<br />
Kai Hørby, ‘Skånemarkedet’. Kulturhistorisk Leksikon for Nordisk<br />
Middelalder 16, 68-77<br />
J. Kinch, Ribe Bys Historie og Beskrivelse I-II (Odder, 1884)<br />
Erik Kjærsgaard, Mad og øl i Danmarks middelalder (Copenhagen,<br />
1978)<br />
H. K. Kristensen, Gamle sydvestjyske fiskerlejer Varde, 1965)<br />
E. Ladewig Petersen, Dansk social historie III (Viborg, 1980)<br />
G. Lechner, Die hansischen Pfundzollisten des Jahres 1368 (Lübeck,<br />
1935)<br />
J. Pettersson, Den svenska skagerrakkustens fiskebebyggelse (Lund,<br />
1953)<br />
Bjørn Poulsen, Bondens penge (Viborg, 1988)<br />
G. Poulsen, Aalborg Bys Historie III (Aalborg, 1988)<br />
Holger Rasmussen, Limfjordsfiskeriet før 1825. Sædvane og<br />
centraldirigering (Copenhagen, 1968)<br />
D. Schäfer, Das Buch des lübeckischen Vogts auf Schonen (Halle, 1887)<br />
Bjarne Stoklund, ‘Bonde og fisker. Lidt om det middelalderlige<br />
sildefiskeri og dets udøvere’. Handels- og Søfartsmuseets Årbog<br />
1959<br />
Anthony Tuck, ‘Some Evidence for Anglo-Scandinavian relations at the<br />
End <strong>of</strong> the Fourteenth Century’, Mediaeval Scandinavia 5 (1972)<br />
75-88<br />
Ole Ventegodt, ‘Skånemarkedets sild’. Maritim kontakt 14 (1990)<br />
C. Weibull, Lübeck och Skånemarknaden (Lund, 1922)<br />
206
Contributors<br />
Bertil Andersson, PhD, is Senior Lecturer in the Department <strong>of</strong><br />
Economic History, Göteborg <strong>University</strong>. His main research interest is<br />
urban history. He has written several books and articles on economic and<br />
social conditions in Göteborg, mainly during the seventeenth and<br />
eighteenth centuries.<br />
Dorethe Bloch is Head <strong>of</strong> the Faroese Museum <strong>of</strong> Natural History and its<br />
Zoological Department. She lectures in zoology at the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Faroe Islands. She was awarded a PhD in zooecology by the <strong>University</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> Lund, Sweden, in 1994. She is the author or co-author <strong>of</strong> several<br />
books.<br />
Jaap R. Bruijn is Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> Maritime History at the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
Leiden, the Netherlands. He has published on the history <strong>of</strong> the Dutch<br />
navy, privateering, the whaling industry, the East India Company and on<br />
seamen.<br />
Pål Christensen is Associate Pr<strong>of</strong>essor at the Norwegian College <strong>of</strong><br />
Fishery Science, <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Tromsø. He is the author <strong>of</strong> several books<br />
and articles on the history <strong>of</strong> the Norwegian fishing industry and on<br />
twentieth-century local history in northern Norway.<br />
Poul Holm is Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> Nordic Maritime History at the Centre for<br />
Maritime and Regional History, Esbjerg, Denmark. His main research<br />
interests are <strong>North</strong> Sea/Baltic maritime history from the medieval to the<br />
modern age and <strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> fisheries in the early modern period.<br />
Alf R. Nielssen is Associate Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> History at the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
Tromsø. Most <strong>of</strong> his publications concern the coastal settlement history<br />
<strong>of</strong> northern Norway, especially from the late medieval period to the<br />
seventeenth century.<br />
Robb Robinson was awarded a PhD by the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Hull</strong> in 1985.<br />
He is the author <strong>of</strong> two books and several articles on the British and<br />
207
European fishing industries. From a <strong>Hull</strong> trawling family, he currently<br />
works as principal lecturer at <strong>Hull</strong> College.<br />
David J. Starkey was awarded a PhD by the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Exeter in 1985.<br />
He has written widely on Britain’s shipping, trading, shipbuilding and<br />
privateering interests in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. He is<br />
employed as Wilson Family Lecturer in Maritime History at the<br />
<strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Hull</strong>.<br />
Axel Kjær Sørensen is Associate Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> History at the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
Aarhus. He has published a book and several articles on the history <strong>of</strong><br />
modern Greenland, in addition to articles on historical statistics.<br />
Jón Th. Thór is Head <strong>of</strong> the Icelandic Centre for <strong>Fisheries</strong> History<br />
Research. He is the author <strong>of</strong> several books and articles on Icelandic<br />
local history and the history <strong>of</strong> the Icelandic fishing industry. He also<br />
lectures at the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Iceland.<br />
Vagn Wåhlin is docent (reader) in Nordic Cultural History, Aarhus<br />
<strong>University</strong>, and affiliated to its Center for Nordatlantiske Studier. He is<br />
the editor and author <strong>of</strong> several books and many articles on Danish and<br />
<strong>North</strong> <strong>Atlantic</strong> cultural and social history.<br />
208
Statistical data on Dutch<br />
fishery: an overview<br />
by Dr. Jan P. van de Voort (Vlaardingen)<br />
This overview is based on two sources:<br />
– <strong>The</strong> library <strong>of</strong> the Dutch Fishery Museum, Westhavenkade 53, 3131 AG<br />
Vlaardingen<br />
– A.C. de Vooys en J.M.G. Kleinpenning, Bronnen voor het regionale onderzoek in<br />
Nederland (Groningen, Wolters, 1963), 134-148. <strong>The</strong> chapter on ‘Visserij’ (Fishery)<br />
contains a detailed description <strong>of</strong> the most important statistical sources on Dutch<br />
fishery (<strong>North</strong> Sea, Zuiderzee, Waddenzee, Zeeuwse Stromen, inland fishery<br />
01 Verslag over de zeevisscherijen, uitgebragt door de Commissie<br />
benoemd bij K.B. van 9 Febr. 1854, no. 57 (‘s-Gravenhage, 1854)<br />
1750-1794: the number <strong>of</strong> herring busses per municipality for the salt<br />
herring fishery.<br />
1753-1756: idem for the ‘steur’herring fishery (pinks and<br />
‘bomschuiten’).<br />
1823-1853: idem for Scheveningen, Katwijk en Noordwijk and the<br />
landings <strong>of</strong> ‘steur’herring.<br />
1824-1848: idem for Katwijk and the number <strong>of</strong> ‘steur’herrings<br />
catched.<br />
1834-1853: landings <strong>of</strong> ‘pan’herring in Monnickedam.<br />
1847-1853: idem for anchovy<br />
02 Verslag (1857-1864: omtrent den staat der; 1865-1866: omtrent den<br />
toestand van de; van 1867 af: van den staat der Nederlandsche)<br />
Zeevisscherijen, 1857-1910 (‘s-Gravenhage, College voor de<br />
Zeevisscherijen, 1857-1911)<br />
Statistical data for all branches <strong>of</strong> fishery (herring fishery, hook line<br />
fishery, trawl fishery, Zuiderzee fishery, coastal fishery, inland<br />
fishery. In many cases specification <strong>of</strong> type <strong>of</strong> vessels.<br />
Verslag 1857-1910: number <strong>of</strong> vessels, catch and landings <strong>of</strong> fish,<br />
and data on the crew per municipality (‘gemeente’).<br />
Verslag 1891-1910: number <strong>of</strong> fishing companies and their number<br />
<strong>of</strong> vessels per fishing place (‘rederijplaats’).<br />
Verslag 1894-1910: domiciles <strong>of</strong> the crew <strong>of</strong> fishing vessels <strong>of</strong><br />
Vlaardingen.<br />
209
Verslag 1907, 1909 and 1910: situation (economic and social) <strong>of</strong><br />
fishermen in the fishing places (descriptive).<br />
Verslag 1889-1910: number <strong>of</strong> pupils per fishery school; since 1907<br />
the number <strong>of</strong> examinees and passes<br />
03 Mededeelingen over visscherij. Maandblad met gebruikmaking van<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficiële bescheiden, uitgegeven door H.C. Redeke 1 (1894-22 (1915))<br />
Monthly fish landings and prices per fishing port <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong> Sea<br />
coast, Zuyder Zee, Wadden Zee, Scheldt delta and rivers<br />
04 Jaarverslag der Visscherijinspectie betreffende den Dienst der<br />
Inspectie, de werking van het toezicht en den staat der verschillende<br />
takken van visscherij, 1911-1920 (= Mededeelingen en verslagen van de<br />
Visscherijinspectie, different numbers, ‘s-Gravenhage 1912-1921<br />
Verslag 1911-1920: number <strong>of</strong> vessels and capacity registered by<br />
type <strong>of</strong> vessel and per municipality. Number <strong>of</strong> fisherman per type <strong>of</strong><br />
fishing vessel and per fishing place and domicily. Number <strong>of</strong> fishing<br />
companies per fishing place. For most years the results <strong>of</strong> the fishing<br />
ports and fish markets <strong>of</strong> IJmuiden, Vlaardingen, Scheveningen,<br />
Katwijk en Maassluis. Fish catch and landings per municipality<br />
specified for the different fisheries. Number <strong>of</strong> pupils per fishery<br />
school, number <strong>of</strong> examinees and passes<br />
05 Verslag over de visscherij gedurende het jaar 1921-1938 (=<br />
Verslagen en mededeelingen van de afdeeling Visscherijen, different<br />
numbers; 1921: departement van Landbouw, Nijverheid en Handel,<br />
1922-1930: departement van Binnenlandsche Zaken en Landbouw,<br />
1931: departement van Binnenlandsche Zaken en Arbeid, 1932-1933 en<br />
1937-1938: departement van Economische Zaken en 1934-1936:<br />
departement van Landbouw en Visscherij, ‘s-Gravenhage 1922-1939).<br />
From 1932 the statistical tables were published separately as ‘Jaarcijfers’<br />
(see nr. 05)<br />
Number and capacity in tons <strong>of</strong> registered fishing vessels, specified<br />
per type. Fish catch and landings (per species and total) per fishing<br />
port (quantity and value). Number <strong>of</strong> pupils per fishery school,<br />
number <strong>of</strong> examinees and passes<br />
06 Jaarcijfers over de visserij gedurende het jaar 1932-1939, 1946-1988<br />
(= Verslagen en Mededeelingen van de afdeeling, vanaf 1946 Directie<br />
van de (Viss(ch)erijen, different numbers; 1932: departement van<br />
210
Economische Zaken en Arbeid, 1933-1934: departement van<br />
Economische Zaken, 1935-1936: departement van Landbouw en<br />
Visscherij, 1937-1939: departement van Economische Zaken,<br />
1946-1960: ministerie van Landbouw, Visserij en Voedselvoorziening,<br />
‘s-Gravenhage 1933-1961; ministerie van Landbouw en Visserij)<br />
Number and capacity in tons <strong>of</strong> registered fishing vessels, specified<br />
per type, since 1946 per municipality. Fish catch and landings (per<br />
species and total) per fishing port (quantity and value)<br />
07 Naamlijst der Nederlandsche reederijen en haringscheepen en van de<br />
sloepen en stoomtrawlers welke de visscherij op de Noordzee uitoefenen.<br />
Jubileumuitgave (Vlaardingen, Dorsman en Odé, 1913)<br />
Statistics on various types <strong>of</strong> fishing vessels and ports 1750-1912 and<br />
names <strong>of</strong> fishing companies (first year - last year)<br />
08 Uitkomsten der Bedrijfstelling 1930. Zeevisscherij (C.B.S., Statistiek<br />
van Nederland, ‘s-Gravenhage 1931)<br />
Per August 15th, 1930, for 15 municipalities the number <strong>of</strong> fishing<br />
companies and its personel. Number <strong>of</strong> different types <strong>of</strong> fishing<br />
vessels. Age <strong>of</strong> fishing vessels<br />
09 Statistiek van de visserij 1950-1961 (Utrecht 1951-1956, Zeist<br />
1957-1962)<br />
Fish landings for 8-16 places<br />
10 Statistische gegevens over de Nederlandsche visserij, 1930-1948<br />
(C.B.S., ‘s-Gravenhage 1949)<br />
For IJmuiden, Scheveningen and Vlaardingen the number and<br />
capacity in tons <strong>of</strong> the different types <strong>of</strong> fishing vessels in 1930, 1935,<br />
1939, 1947 and 1948<br />
11 De voorziening met arbeidskrachten in de visserij 1948-1950 (C.B.S.,<br />
Utrecht 1952)<br />
Statistical data on fishermen<br />
12 Arbeidskrachten in de visserij, 1950-1960 (C.B.S., Zeist 1962)<br />
Statistical data on fishermen<br />
211
13 A. Beaujon, Overzicht der geschiedenis van de Nederlandsche<br />
zeevisscherijen (Leiden, 1885)<br />
Statistical data on whale fishery (1670-1795), herring fishery<br />
(1750-1794, 1814-1854)), hookline fishery (1751-1790, 1844-1853),<br />
trawl fishery <strong>of</strong> Katwijk (1821-1850) (vessels, lasts <strong>of</strong> herring,<br />
number <strong>of</strong> whales), export <strong>of</strong> fish (1857-1883)<br />
14 H.A.H. Kranenburg, De zeevisscherij van Holland in den tijd der<br />
Republiek (Amsterdam, 1946)<br />
<strong>The</strong>sis Rotterdam. Number <strong>of</strong> herring busses per year per fishing<br />
place, 1600-1795. Idem fishing hookers <strong>of</strong> Vlaardingen en Maassluis<br />
1771-1795<br />
15 J.P. van de Voort, N.V. Onderlinge Verzekeringsmaatschappij<br />
‘Vlaardingen’ 1900-1975 (Vlaardingen 1975)<br />
Number <strong>of</strong> fishing vessels, assured value, premium, losses, per year,<br />
1900-1925<br />
16 H.A.H. Boelmans Kranenburg and J.P. van de Voort, Een zee te<br />
hoog: scheepsrampen bij de Nederlandse zeevisserij 1860-<strong>1976</strong><br />
(Bussum 1979)<br />
Statistical data on lost fishermen (3245) and vessels (917) per year,<br />
1860-<strong>1976</strong><br />
17 A.P. van Vliet, Vissers en kapers: de zeevisserij vanuit het<br />
Maasmondgebied en de Duinkerker kapers (ca. 1580-1648)<br />
(‘s-Gravenhage 1994). <strong>The</strong>sis Leiden<br />
Number <strong>of</strong> herring busses and lasts <strong>of</strong> herring per year per fishing<br />
place (Brielle, Delfshaven, Maassluis, Rotterdam, Schiedam,<br />
Vlaardingen), 1580-1648. Herring and fish prices, 1580-1648.<br />
Statistical data on lost fishermen and vessels, 1585-1647<br />
212