West Riding – Western Rhineprovince, 1790-1840: Diverse Paths to ...

West Riding – West of the Rhineland, 1780-1840 20
Alfred Reckendrees, University of Cologne reckendrees@wiso.uni-koeln.de
paper indicates a different and more conventional interpretation: In contrast to the organisation
“firm”, the gild regulations were formal rules (institutions). Ignoring these rules was
quite expensive.
The rules defined precisely the qualities of the woollen cloths of Aix-la-Chapelle; they
were compulsory for all producers, and they limited the employment of capital and labour.
However, within these limits the members of the different gilds could dispose independently.
Thereby they maintained their entrepreneurial function what can be recognised by
the vast freedom of contract. However, the master-artisans did not bear a risk; in this system
of production the cloth-merchant carried the commercial risk in the same way as the
merchant in the putting-out system. The work of the master-artisans, in particular that of
the cloth-makers in relation to the cloth-merchants, appears on the one hand as some kind
of “service”; also the fee “against piece wage” points out to this perception. On the other
hand, they were master-artisans working with own means of production (workshops and
tools) employing journeymen and apprentices, and they were able to conclude a free contract.
Nevertheless, the rules and regulations of the gilds bear a relevant potential of conflict.
Again and again the large cloth-makers and other master-artisans tried to enlarge their
control of production; and at the same time the erosion of the gilds endangered the position
of the handicraft gilds where the business of the master-artisans was based on. 75
In the 18 th century the possible entrepreneurial profit was probably directly related to product
quality. Therefore, the cloth-merchants were definitely engaged in a high quality production.
They purchased the wool mostly personally and they personally controlled it’s
sorting and selecting. The second most important stage of production in order to achieve
high quality products was careful and thorough finishing. Because of these reasons the
more successful cloth-merchants looked for possibilities to integrate wool preparation and
finishing into own workshops. These manufactures that were established in the first and
second third of the 18 th century mainly in the gild-free towns of Burtscheid, Eupen, Montjoie,
and Vaals included generally selecting, sorting, washing, and scouring of the wool
and the dressing of the cloth (including shearing and pressing). 76 Spinning and weaving
remained domestic work on putting-out basis. Dyeing and fulling was done by separate
“firms” specialised master-artisans who own their means of production and work for different
cloth merchant-manufacturers. 77 While dyeing required the knowledge of the masterdyer
who never participated a second person in his knowledge, fulling required a fulling
mill that could not be simply erected because it required the respective licence to use the
scarce resource of water power.
The main reason of the cloth-merchants attempt to integrate dressing and shearing was
controlling the work of the shearmen because this was crucial for the quality of the cloth.
75 See regarding the resulting conflicts: Heizmann, Lage (1923), 14p., 42p.; Seidl, Wollenindustrie
(1923), 46p.; Kermann, Manufakturen (1972), 118p.; Winzen, Auseinandersetzungen (1994); Ebeling,
Handwerkswirtschaft (1997), 327pp.; Pfister, Produktionsregimes (2004), 170p., 174p.; Anonym,
[Clermont] Freymüthige Betrachtungen (1788).
76 Seidl, Wollenindustrie (1923), 51p., 60; Kermann, Manufakturen (1972), 121p.
77 See e.g. the description of cloth production in Burtscheid, Schmidt, Burtscheid (1997), 15-18.