Baisakh-20, 2067 the voice of madhesh, 1 - Madhesh Media house

Devoted towards the National Integration, Nationality and Madheshbad 

National Weekly 

Kathmandu / Vol.–1 / Issue–3 / Monday, May 3 rd , 2010, ( 2067 Baishakh 20 th ), Page-6, Price Rs. -7 

Maoist Peace Movement : Events Of The Second Day 

Kathmandu, Baisakh 20 / 

The second day of the 

general strike called by the 

UCPN-Maoist as a part of 

its fourth phase agitation 

against the government has 

further crippled the normal 

life across the country on 

Monday. 

The strike has been 

generally peaceful so far 

with no major incidence of 

violence, but normal life has 

been thrown out of gear due 

to lack of transportation, 

market, offices, 

administrations, factories 

and educational Institution 

continue to remain closed. 

The large number of the 

Maoist Cadres brought from 

the different parts of the 

districts is staging 

demonstration in the streets by 

singing, dancing and chanting 

slogans against the 

government. 

Many people are seen 

walking in the streets to reach 

their destination, while many 

others are staying back at home 

and taking stock of the bandh 

through media. Although the 

major market places are shut, 

smaller shops inside the city 

were opened briefly in the 

morning. Vegetable market had 

only stale and few vegetables 

to sell this morning. Due to the 

lack of transportation, the 

prices of the essential products 

have skyrocketed too. The 

Maoist has allowed vehicles of 

essential use such s press, 

ambulance, garbage collector 

and vehicles of the diplomatic 

There can be the conduction of the Military 

Shankar Pokhrel, Minister of Information and Communication 

1. How have you calculated the 

present political condition of 

the Nation? 

- Today the Nation has moved 

to a very complicated stage due 

to the failure in forming the 

Constitution in a proper time 

period. Hence, we are also 

having a meeting with the 

Maoist on the Matter. There 

has been a challenge now in a 

peace process. On the other 

hand the Maoist is trying to 

implement their work procedure 

against the People’s Movement 

2062/63, the peace agreement 

and the interim Constitution. 

This is the main problem of the 

Nation. 

2. How can you escape by 

blaming only the Maoist? 

- We have failed in the terms of 

changing the Maoist. We need 

to take its moral responsibilities. 

But the Maoist is the main 

factor of the political 

complexities today. Therefore 

by accusing our party there 

won’t be improvement inn them 

either. N.C and the CPN-UML 

are also morally answerable to 

some extent. The Maoist has 

not changed. They are not 

ready to remain within the law 

and the order. 

3. Are they intended to achieve 

the power then? 

- They are themselves admitting 

the things openly. The work that 

is to be done by the Constitutional 

Assembly, they have been doing 

it openly by road. Though they 

happened to fail in their strategy 

of resign of the president, now 

they are trying to fall down the 

government through the road 

movement. They would fail here 

too. 

4. What is the calculation of the 

govt. on the Maoist activities? 

- We are having a discussion 

in the cabinet minister on the 

matter. The home ministry has 

also made necessary 

preparations on how to face 

their activities. The 

agencies. 

Kathmandu, Baisakh 20: A 

three years old child along with 

two others got injured while 

the Maoist Cadre was trying 

to close the medicine shop. 

In the Puspalal park of 

Butwal the demonstrators 

caused destruction in the 

Banijya Bank. 

Biratnagar, Baisakh 20: 

Due to the indefinite strike of 

the UCPN-Maoist, the 

Rickshaws have troubled the 

passengers by taking the 

unnecessary amount in the 

name of the vehicles in the 

strikes. 

Kathmandu, Baisakh 20: 

The Maoist demonstrators fired 

two motorcycles in Devdaha- 

2 Khaireni where later on were 

caught by the police. 

government has also 

appealed the Maoist to stop 

it as soon as possible as it is 

against the Peace process and 

the interim Constitution. The 

govt. is also assured that they 

would come on the 

Agreement. 

5. Will the govt. resign on the 

threat of the Maoist? 

- This is not possible. They are 

trying to remove the president 

from the road. They are 

demanding the Govt. and the 

Constitution from the road. We 

won’t be resigning by such 

threats. The govt. won’t bow 

with any of such powers. 

Despite we will face the moment 

strongly. 

UNMIN did not see the Khukuri and the 

Sticks : PM Nepal 

Kathmandu 18, 

Baisakh: 

The P.M Madhav Kumar 

Nepal had expressed his 

dissatisfaction to the Unmin 

Chief Karin Laungren saying that they failed to go after the 

Maoist demonstration with weapons and sticks. 

In the meeting held at 

Baluwatar on Saturday, he 

expressed his distressed on 

the ineffective role of the 

UNMIN. The UNMIN 

Chief said that the 

Movement should not be 

Violent and they have 

been discussing on the matter with the Maoist. 

The P.M Said that the Maoist are trying to make 

the movement violent whereas the government is also ready 

to face all the problems and the challenges. He further 

said that such activities are 

violating the peace agreement. 

They also had a discussion in 

the extension of the time of the 

UNMIN. The P.M said that this 

can be only decided after meeting 

with other political parties. 

We Support the Maoist 

Movement: Yadav 

KATHMANDU / The Chairman 

of the Madheshi Janadhikar 

Forum, Upendra Yadav said that 

as this movement is for the 

peace, harmony, New 

Constitution, rights of the people 

he fully supports the Movement. 

As the present govt. is in against 

of the Madhesh, failed to 

maintain the peace in the Nation, Murder of the 

Madheshi leadrs in the name of the major security, 

discriminating the Madheshis, he has stood in favor 

of this movement. 

He further said that the govt. in a rule is intending 

to make the movement violence as Maoist has said 

that they would protest only if the Govt. interrupts 

in their work. He also focused on the formation of 

the National govt. by changing the present govt. 

But his party is not in the favor of this movement. 

Hence, he is in the support personally.

2 3 rd April, 2010 2067 Baishakh 20 th National Weekly 

EDITORIAL 

LETTERS madheshvani@gmail.com 

Let us stop the Strike 

A Nation is moving towards the Civil War due to the Political 

Conflict. The present government, the Maoist whoever is the 

responsible, the common people have been suffering from it. 

The Nation is being disturbed due to the intervention of the 

Foreigners in our internal politics. Though they are in a politics 

for people on the other hand they have been troubling the 

people unnecessarily for the power intention. Though the 

2 Madhesh bandh 

(general strike) was called by 

the Madheshi Janadhikar 

Forum (MJF), backed by the 

Terai Jantantrik Mukti 

Morcha (TJMM) of both 

factions (Goait and Jwala 

Singh) and participated in by 

workers of the Nepal 

Sadbhavana Party (NSP). 

schools are open, the school buses are closed; the schools Most of the demonstrators 

are full of the Maoist Cadres. The schools have become the were from the age group of 

accommodation for them. Though the schools are opened, 12-25 and the number of 

the exams have been postponed. How the people from 

International Level might be feeling about the State 

Management who has come to visit Nepal? The hospitals are 

opened but the Ambulances are closed. This strike has become 

a misery for the daily workers and the Laborers. We need to 

stop the strikes which have made the life of the people terrible 

and troubling. We need to make a strong law and order against 

such strikes and Bandhs. The common people should not be 

troubled and suffer for one’s political Interest. 

demonstrators increased 

almost double in every next 

day. Schools along with shops 

were closed; the movement 

of all forms of transportation 

was disallowed and those 

attempting to defy the ban 

were destroyed or burnt. 

Demonstrators carried 

'' Vox-pop '' 

out the sticks and organized 

masal (torch) rally every 

evening. Tyre burning took 

Will there be the change in theGovt. by 

the Maoist Movement? 

1. Niraj Shrestha: 

- I don’t think such soft speeches and voices would touch the 

Government. This is a kind of pressure to the government so that 

the meeting with the Maoist would come to the ground of success. 

Therefore this movement is essential to aware the govt. 

2. Keschandra, Kavre: 

- I don’t think this movement would change the government. The 

others would take the advantage of the movement. This would 

place at every corner of the 

city. Police deployed were 

mostly Madheshis and their 

actions sometimes went to 

the extent of firing but they 

failed to control the situation. 

Instead, the protesters defied 

the curfew and burnt 

government offices, banks 

and some private properties. 

A copy of the Interim 

bring the civil war in the Nation and also create a conflict. Though Constitution was burnt every 

they go a movement, the ultimate way is the meeting and the day. 

negotiation. Without the agreement the govt. won’t be changed. The local leaders of 

3. Laxman Prasad Dangol, Rupendehi: 

each of the Seven Party 

- There can be no change in the govt. through the movement on Alliance (SPA) attempted to 

road. If the 22 parties take back their support then only it can 

change the govt. But as the parties didn’t take the support back 

it’s difficult to change the govt. now. 

4. Bishnu Karki, Maoist: 

-We are in a movement for achieving the power and we would take 

it anyhow. The present govt. is a puppet govt. and is being running 

by remote control. We are not alone. We are fully supported by 

the people. The people are also participating in our movement. We 

are fully convinced that we would change the govt. in the support 

of the people. 

5. Krishna Rimal, Rupendehi: 

- I think that ultimately the P.M would resign and the present govt. 

will fall down. This govt. is becoming weaker and weaker. It is 

counter the protests by 

organizing sadbhav 

(harmony) rallies 

occasionally; but these were 

not effective. Despite being 

Madheshis, they were 

blamed as the stooges of the 

‘hill rulers’. They avoided 

appearing in public places 

whenever street protest 

occurred. When the local 

cadres of the CPN (Maoist) 

moving by the hand of the foreigners. If this govt. cannot make once countered some MJF 

the constitution in time and cannot maintain the peace then it’s cadres with physical 

unnecessary to stat back in the power. 

violence, its office building 

6. Kamal Bahadur Nagarkoti, Maoist: 

was attacked the next day by 

- Our movement is for the sustainable peace and the formation of the protesters of a big rally. 

the Constitution. This is not only for the power and the position. 

We want the Constitution to be made in a proper time. The people 

are also not in favor of the present govt. We are being supported 

by the people. So, we will be success. 

7. Dhaneswor Giri: 

- I think there would be the change in the govt. by this movement. 

This govt. has not been able to do anything good to the Nation. 

The New government should be formed in the representation of 

the Maoist. So, this government should be changed. 

By Dipesh Ray 

The local leaders of all the 

mainstream parties seemed 

to be in a dilemma. On the 

one hand, they suspected the 

role of reactionary elements 

in making the movement 

violent and destructive; on 

the other hand, they endorsed 

almost all the demands of the 

MJF. Consequently, they 

neither resisted nor 

www.madheshvani.com participated in the Madhesh 

P.O. Box No.- 11858 movement. 

Madheshi Nationalism and Restructuring the Nepali State 

Krishna Hachhethu 

‘Pahadis out of 

Madhesh’ and ‘down with hill 

administration’ were the 

main slogans chanted in the 

rally. Some shops and a hotel 

run by Pahadi people were 

destroyed and burnt. None of 

the Pahadis were seen on the 

street (though they constitute 

one-fifth of the Janakpur city 

population) throughout the 

days of Madhesh bandh. In 

a public speech organized at 

the end of the day – which 

was everyday programme – 

speakers stressed the 

following demands: 

abrogation of the Interim 

Constitution, declaration of 

federalism, census before the 

election of Constituent 

Assembly, delimitation of 

electoral constituencies on 

the basis of population, 

inclusion of Madheshis in the 

state apparatus. The 

observation report exhibits 

multiplicity of the Madhesh 

movement. It is a clear sign 

of the rise of the Madheshi 

nationalism associated with 

assertion for the Madheshi 

identity; it is temperamentally 

anti-hills so contributing to 

Pahadi-Madheshi tension; it 

is a manifestation of 

discontent against the 

systematic exclusion of the 

Madhesh by the state and 

also a quest for inclusion of 

the Madheshis in many 

forms, by the establishment 

of federalism in particular. It 

is also a deterrence against 

the emerging trend of left 

dominance in national politics 

in general and against the 

CPN (Maoist)’s aggressive 

campaign of party building in 

particular. 

Rise of the Madheshi 

Nationalism Madhesh and 

Madheshi terms are 

contested simply because the 

administrative divisions of 

the 20 Terai districts include 

a considerable portion of hill 

territory (32%) and the 

Pahadis (people of hill origin) 

constitute 36% in total 

population of the Terai. 

Keshab Dhungel, the Vice 

President of the Nepali 

Congress (NC) Dhanusha 

District Committee, claimed 

“I am also Madheshi, 

speaking Nepali as mother 

tongue”.3 This is a 

representative voice of most 

of the Pahadi (hill- origin) 

people residing in the Terai 

since a long time ago. If the 

term Madhesh and 

Madheshi separate from the 

administrative division of 

Terai districts, these 

terminologies could become 

somehow distinct, 

topographically and 

culturally. Madhesh is plain 

landscape south from Siwalik 

hill range and the Madheshis 

broadly encompass people 

of non-hill origin. Again, such 

ethnic and regional identity is 

contested as there is no pan- 

Madhesh identity, culturally, 

religiously, or linguistically. 

The people of non-hill 

origin are divided into three 

distinct cultural groups: plains 

Hindu castes, plains Janjati 

groups, and Muslims. Plains 

Janjati group like Tharus do 

not consider themselves as 

Madheshis, except for some 

assimilated Tharus of the 

eastern Terai (ICG 2007: 2). 

Cultural differences 

between the plains Janjatis 

and the plains caste groups 

are as large as those 

between the hill castes and 

the hill Janajati groups. 

Muslim identity is 

predominantly associated 

with a religious identity rather 

than a regional identity. 

Culturally speaking, 

Madhesh and Madheshi 

identity is specifically 

associated with the plains 

Hindu castes of Maithaliand 

Bhojpuri-speaking 

populations. Divergence 

among the non-hill origin 

people and distinction of one 

against another group is 

further evident from the fact 

that the recent Madhesh 

agitation was confined to the 

areas – from Morang in the 

east to Bara in the central 

Terai – where plains Hindu 

castes speaking Maithali, 

Bhojpuri, and Bajika 

predominate. 

The epicentre was 

the Mithila belt of five 

districts – Saptari, Siraha, 

Dhanusha, Mahotari, and 

Sarlahi – where the 

proportion of Pahadis in 

the population varies from 

7% in Saptari to 22% in 

Sarlahi. Leadership of all 

the Terai-based regional 

parties and forces have 

come from the Maithalispeaking 

community.

3 3 rd April, 2010 2067 Baishakh 20 th National Weekly 

Madheshi Movement in Defense of Democracy and Madheshi Nationalism 

After the 

emergence of the 

modern centralized state, 

the hill elites, through the 

control of state power 

are virtually in control of 

natural resources such 

as forest and water 

resources. But they have 

badly failed in managing 

these resources for 

economic development. 

It is basically because of 

their “capture and 

seizure” mentality in the 

realm of governance. 

Because they fear that 

development of water 

resources and loosening 

of control over forest to 

local political units 

would empower madhesh 

and madheshi, the 

development of water 

resources is suspended. 

In this scenario, near 

absolute dependency 

upon foreign aid to run 

the state is a need of the 

Hill elites. 

In case of land, they 

have faced resistance of 

Madheshis from the very 

beginning. The rise of 

communist movement 

led by hill elites is a 

response to that. 

Regarding landholding 

congress has not been 

much different from the 

communist parties. 

Madheshi jeemidars or 

landlords participated in 

the political revolution 

led by Nepali congress in 

2007 because they 

wanted to get rid of 

Rana's autocratic control 

over land in Madhesh. It 

was essentially a 

bourgeoisie revolution 

as its success paved the 

way for having private 

property in land for the 

first time in Nepal. But 

the success of the 

revolution did not bring 

freedom and power to 

them. B. P. Koirala 

wanted to pursue radical 

land reform program 

along the principles of 

democratic socialism. 

His targeted was the land 

in madhesh and the 

madhesi elites. His 

whole idea was to 

institutionalize peasant 

economy in Madhesh as 

in the hills. Madheshi 

elites asked the question 

that was B.P. willing to 

have=the same 

egalitarian approach for 

sharing of political 

power? The answer was a 

big no. Thus, Tarai 

congress was formed 

within Nepali congress 

in form of protest. Land 

is the base of existence 

of Madhesis in Nepal. 

Because of their bonds 

with land, Madheshis are 

more nationalist than any 

other hill group. It is not 

only emotional as in case 

of hill people but also 

material as the land 

only has provided 

sustenance and 

nourishment to larger 

mass of madheshis of 

any class against all 

sorts of onslaught of 

the state. When B.P 

was keen on pursuing 

radical land reform, 

the madheshi elites 

were disgruntled. King 

Mahendra and his 

allies understood the 

discontent and 

capitalized on that. The 

royal coup was by and 

large unopposed in the 

Madhesh. But after 

imposing his absolute 

rule he initiated land 

reform programs that 

would essentially 

weaken the madheshi 

elites. King Mahendra 

himself was not 

sympathetic to the 

Madheshi elites, as he 

had become aware of 

rebellion potential of 

madheshi elites in 2007 

revolution. His inner 

attitudes towards them 

were essentially not 

different from 

democratic hill elites. 

He used land reform and 

citizenship act to weaken 

and alienated all 

madheshis. Most of the 

land seized by the state 

has either been given to 

hill migrants known as 

sukumbasi or are with 

the state.Madheshi 

landless people were not 

identified by the state. 

The dual ownership 

ofland wasanother 

severe blow to the 

productive capacity of 

agricultural land. 

B e c a u s e 

ofdualownership, people 

stopped investing in 

agriculture. Land 

disputes arose 

dramatically. 

The citizenship acts 

barred huge number of 

Madheshi peasants and 

tenants to claim for land 

rights in the new regime. 

Over period of time 

agricultural farms in 

The aim behind such an 

agenda is obviously to enhance 

the control of hill centric state 

over madhesh. This is the 

context against, which the 

current Madheshi movement 

and its demands of 

republicanism, autonomy, selfdetermination 

and federalism 

should be understood. It is 

false to call the present 

resistance movement merely as 

regressive movement. 

Madhesh gradually 

turned out to be a means 

of subsistence rather 

than surplus product A 

country which has been 

food exporter earlier 

became a net importer. 

Population as well 

aspoverty increased 

because of wrong land 

management policies. 

Land reform program in 

the past has served no 

other purposes (such as 

industrialization or 

economic growth) than 

weakening the 

Madheshis and 

strangulating Madhesh. 

The worsening 

economic situation 

within the country and 

waves of democracy in 

Eastern Europe towards 

1990 brought political 

awakening in favor of 

democracy in the 

country in 1990. As a 

consequence of 1990 

movement Communists 

(led by hill elites) 

emerged as a formidable 

new force. Revolutionary 

land reform agenda has 

been now their political 

agenda. But it would be 

naive to say that it was no 

more the agenda of 

Nepali Congress.Prime - 

minister Sher Bahadur 

Deuba has agreed to 

reduce the ceiling to 4 to 

5 bighas from 11 bighas 

in Madhesh. It was due to 

the movement led by 

Nepal Sadbhawana Party 

and supported by 

madheshi elites across 

parties that the 

government 

dropped its agenda. 

And now in 

2007 they are the 

Maoists who have 

designed to march 

ahead with their 

agenda of 

revolutionary land 

reform. It has 

explicitly been 

mentioned in the 

I n t e r i m 

Constitution. This 

time too, Nepal 

Sadbhawan Party 

(Anandi Devi) has 

written note of dissent 

against the revolutionary 

land reform program. The 

aim behind such an agenda 

is obviously to enhance 

the control of hill centric 

state over madhesh. This 

is the context against, 

which the current 

Madheshi movement and 

its demands of 

republicanism, 

autonomy, selfdetermination 

and 

federalism should be 

understood. It is false to 

call the present 

resistance movement 

merely as regressive 

movement. Madhesi 

movement has brought 

forth some of the 

essential traits of 

Madhesh. 

Madhesh because of 

its land, culture, 

agricultural economy, and 

entrepreneurship skills 

- Sarita Giri 

has been able to contain 

all forms of extremism, 

be it that of the king or of 

any political ideology. 

And that is something that 

provides the best 

possibilities for success 

of democracy in Nepal, 

in case of madhesh is 

integrated on the basis of 

equality in the New Nepal. 

But the prior condition 

would be that madheshi 

are given political power 

on equal basis. 

The concept of 

class struggle or class 

conflict will not have 

much appeal for 

madheshisas long as 

their nationality is not 

acknowledged within the 

new political framework. 

Madheshis participated 

in large number in the 

Maosit movemet not 

merely due to class 

appeal but because the 

movement gave them new 

hope for emancipation 

and equality. The large 

chunk of cadres and 

leaders of Janatantrik 

Tarai Mukti Morcha and 

Madheshi Janadhikar 

Forum have had linkages 

with Nepal Communist 

Party (Maoist). 

Madheshis are not 

willing to surrender their 

national struggle for the 

sake of class interest. It 

is the call of nationalism 

which is bringing all 

madheshis together. A 

correct approach 

towards the movement 

will keep the country 

intact and pave way for 

economic development 

and sustainable 

democracy. A wrong or 

biased approach might 

lead the country towards 

bloody ethnic conflict.

4 3 rd May, 2010 2067 Baishakh 20 th National Weekly 

History of Terai in Nepal, Nepalese Rule in Terai 

Our beloved motherland 

of Terai is panning through a 

very critical stage of history. 

The facts of history are very 

stringent. The land of Terai, 

presently under control of 

Nepal, is not the owned land 

of king, great king or Nepali. 

Terai is northern part of 

ancient city-states like 

Kaushal, Kashi, Mithila 

(Bideha), and their city states 

were initially under the 

governance of their 

indigenous people. Par age of 

time, Sen Karnatak, Mugel 

emperors, British East India 

Company and at present 

non-resident Nepalese have 

held the governance of Terai 

respectively. 

If we scrutinize the 

history of Nepal, the present 

capital city Kathmandu was 

only a transit point. Outside 

Kathmandu and in the hilly 

region there was regional 

autonomy of each ethnic 

group/cast formed because 

of their socio-cultural 

structure. 

Our history has 

witnessed that different 

groups of the Hindus escaped 

from Indian sub-continent 

and took asylum in western 

hilly region of Nepal to 

protect their life from attacks 

of Muslims. Among these 

groups of refugee, Sen 

Group became the rulers of 

Palpa at first. Mukunda Sen 

of the Sen Rule occupied the 

land and he started his rule 

in the area of Rajpur and 

Tilpur by paying tax to the 

Abadh King (NABAB) of 

Kaushal Janapad. Mahadatta 

Sen had ruled under the larger 

area of western terai by 

paying tax to Abadh Nabab 

Asfudhaula. In Mithila 

Janapad, Chief of the army 

of Chalukya Karnatbanshi, 

Mr. Nanya Dev had 

established Tirhut state in 

1097 A.D. In 1325, in the 

time of Harisinghadev, Sultan 

Gayasudhin Tuglak attacked 

to the capital of Tirhut 

Simaraunagadh and captured 

the land and controlled it. Sen 

Rulers had also ruled the land 

by paying tax to the Muslim 

winners. In the period of 

1513 to 1774 AD, Sen Rulers 

had extended their regime to 

Palpa, Makawanpur, 

Chaudandi, Bijaypur, 

Morang, and others. 

Among the group of 

absconders/fugitives was 

forefather of present so 

called King Gyanendra, 

Bhupal Rao, the king of 

Chitaud with Rajasthani 

origin. He had escaped to 

protect his life from Mugal 

emperor and had taken 

asylum in western region of 

present Nepal. Khamsa Khan 

and Micha Khan were the two 

sons of Bhupal Rao. Both of 

them had changed their title 

from Khan to Shah. At first 

Shah killed the Ghale Magar 

King with conspiracy and 

pretence, and then started 

their rule in Liglig of Lamjung. 

After that they attacked and 

dismissed the Khadka Magar 

king by defeating in unfair 

running competition and 

captured the state of Gorkha. 

Then they unified both the 

states and made one state 

Gorkha. In 1743 AD, Prithvi 

Narayan Shah started to 

extend the Gorkha state by 

bloody army campaign. Step 

by step, he attacked and 

captured various historical 

republics of indigenous 

people. 

In 1768 AD, he attacked 

to the king of Nepal, Jay 

Prakash Malla. In the army of 

Malla king, there were 12000 

Tirhutia armies. Tirhutia 

armies sharply defended 

against the organized army of 

Prithvi Narayan Shah. After 

defeating Jay Prakash Malla, 

Prithvi Narayan Shah 

terminated the Tirhutias from 

army force. After establishing 

Shah Regime in Nepal, army 

campaign had extended to 

eastern terai. In 1774 AD, in 

addition to army force, King 

Prithvi Narayan Shah 

defeated and dismissed to 

army ruler of Makawanpur by 

pretence, fraud and 

conspiracy and captured 

eastern terai. For extending 

their rule over to eastern terai 

like Sen Rulers, Prithvi 

Narayan Shah had also 

committed to pay tax to the 

Muslim emperor. After 

defeating eastern terai and 

control over the land, Prithvi 

Narayan Shah started to 

terminate the Tirhutia soldiers 

from his force. 

Then all the terai people 

were excluded from the 

security force. Prithvi 

Narayan Shah followed an 

undeclared principle to 

exclude the terai not only in 

army force but also from the 

other high-level key posts of 

the government. 

Nevertheless, in his series of 

campaigns to extend the 

Gorkha, Prithvi Narayan Shah 

had included other indigenous 

people of the states situated 

in hilly region that were 

defeated and captured by him, 

such as Maye, Magar, 

Gurung etc. and other people 

of hill areas, to his army 

force as well as other posts 

of government. He had 

started to treat the terai as 

colony and dominated to the 

people of terai as slaves. 

Terai people made the 

land of terai fertile by using 

their blood and sweat, and 

also fighting against terrible 

diseases like malaria and other 

wild animals employees as 

gifts, Birta, Math, Jagir etc 

and terai people, who were 

the real owners of the land, 

were compelled to work as 

land tillers. Like Prithvi 

Narayan Shah, after his 

regime, his successors 

continued the same policy to 

treat terai people. 

After the downfall of 

Mugal regime and rise of 

British power, Shahbanshi 

rulers used to gift elephants 

to British rulers every year as 

tax which was commutated 

by article 7 of the treaty of 

1801. Up to 1804 AD 

Shahbanshi ruler of Nepal had 

extended its territory in Tista 

River in east, Satlaj River in 

west, Mountainous range in 

north and Ganga River in 

south. 

The terai was the major 

financial source to bear the 

cost of Nepali Shah Rulers. 

The fund was supplied from 

terai to maintain the cost of 

war in the time of extension 

of Nepali territory, cost for 

enjoyment and joy of the 

Shah rulers and other 

necessary administrative 

costs. Terai land tillers had 

been suffering from cruelty, 

injustice and inhumane 

behaviour of Shah Rulers and 

subjected to monetary 

exploitation in fulfilling rulers’ 

interests. In 1814, British 

East India Company attacked 

to Nepal from four posts of 

terai. At that time, terai 

people, who were victim of 

exploitation, were preparing 

to revolt against the medieval 

cruelty and injustice 

behaviour of Nepalese rulers. 

By following the general 

principle of people’s 

inalienable right to revolt 

against injustice and 

exploitation, groups of 

unorganized people of east 

terai helped the East India 

Company in the war against 

Shah Rulers in the name of 

revolution. Shahbansi rulers 

of Nepal lost that war against 

East India Company and 

surrendered. After the end of 

war, Nepali ruler requested to 

British East India Company to 

support the living cost of their 

employees. Company 

government agreed to pay 

two hundred thousands 

rupees per year to Shah 

Ruler. Both the party signed 

in Sugauli treaty on 

December 2, 1815 and 

declared the end of war that 

had been running from 1814. 

Through Sugauli Treaty, 

king of Nepal handed over the 

land east to Koshi and west 

to Mahakali. He handed over 

not only his territory but also 

delivered all his power of 

foreign affairs to Company 

government. After that, terai 

people also got relief from 

Shah Ruler’s tyranny. 

Shah King of Nepal 

accepted the semi-colonial 

administration of British East 

India Company but after 

some time, in the name of 

acceptance or approval of 

Sugauli treaty, Company 

government issued a 

memorandum in December 

8, 1816 without any consent 

of the people of terai, who 

were open supporter of 

Company Government in the 

war. By the deceiving 

memorandum, Company 

Government divided the terai 

and provided some part to 

Nepal such as east to Rapti 

River, West to Koshi River 

and north to present Indo- 

Nepal border. After providing 

that land, Company 

government stopped to pay 

two hundreds thousands 

rupees to Nepal. To satisfy 

terai people, Shah King agreed 

to add one clause in article 7 

of the memorandum. 

According to the clause, “No 

legal action will be taken after 

extradition against the people 

of terai, who were supporters 

of the British India Company, 

in the period of war”. Those 

people, who were involved in 

revolution, had always 

expressed their 

dissatisfaction and 

disagreement with the 

decision of British India 

Company, which was against 

the spirit of terai people. After 

getting the territory of terai, 

Nepali government started to 

treat the terai people as 

enemies. In this way, land of 

terai divided into two parts. 

Major parts of terai 

became the colony of British 

India Company and some 

part came under the semi 

colonial state Nepal. In the 

terai land under the British 

rule, the ruler and people 

were from different society. 

Rulers were English and 

people were local terai people. 

The rulers and the people had 

different social and economic 

By: J. K. Goit 

activities. Therefore, there 

were big practical gaps 

between rulers and people. 

The situation was similar 

in extradited part of terai in 

semi-colonial state Nepal. The 

rulers were from different 

economic and social 

background of Nepal and 

people were from different 

background. Therefore, they 

also had big practical, social 

and economic gaps between 

rulers and people and this 

problem still exists. 

The King of Nepal 

agreed to appoint British 

residential representative in 

Kathmandu offered by the 

British Government. 

However, the strong objection 

of majority of royalist had 

raised tension in that issue. In 

June 21, 1840, the Queen 

made an endeavour to 

murder the British 

representative but she could 

not succeed to carry out the 

conspiracy. 

That incident 

displeased the British 

Government. After that 

incident, British 

representatives had been 

trying to end the power of the 

royal palace in Nepal. In 

September 16, 1846, by 

inspiration and support of 

British Government, Jung 

Bahadur Kunwor murdered a 

number of senior officers of 

the royal palace and army 

who were invited in the 

occasion of Baved Parba by 

the Queen. Moreover, he 

declared himself as the Prime 

Minister and chief of the 

army. After that, he captured 

every part of governance in 

his grip, and compelled the 

King to work only as the 

rubber stamp, and started his 

arbitrary rule of his family. 

In 1850 AD, British 

Government invited to Jung 

Bahadur in foreign country 

and was awarded by the 

Queen Victoria. After the 

incident, all Rana rulers 

became the puppet of British 

Government. Jung Bahadur 

had gone to India leading his 

army of three thousand to 

suppress to Indian continued. 

In the nine years of

5 3 rd May, 2010 2067 Baishakh 20 th National Weekly 

Bio-Graphy of Renu Yadav 

Renu Kumari Yadav was 

born to a political family in 

Garurah village of Farbishgunj 

in Bihar on June 20, 1963. Time 

and consequences led her to a 

top position in Nepal’s political 

sphere. Her commitment to the 

people helped her become one 

of very few successful 

Madhesi women politicians. 

Yadav’s was a joint 

family, consisting of her 

father’s family and two 

younger uncles. All had an 

inherent interest in politics and 

wanted to see new 

developments in society. Her 

father, Rameshwar Prasad 

Yadav, had double MA 

degrees, while her mother, 

Chintamani Devi, also 

matriculated. It was an 

educated family and although 

society was conservative her 

family encouraged its girl 

members to attend school, 

never showing any kind of 

discrimination in that respect. 

Yadav studied in 

Kanya High School and 

Bhagwati Devi Girls High 

School in her village. Seeing 

girls in colleges was rare and 

her family was one among the 

first to give their daughters 

permission to undertake higher 

education. She completed her 

bachelor’s degree in history 

from Farbishgunj Collage of 

Mithila University, however 

her education was 

discontinued after her marriage 

as no importance was given to 

study in her groom’s house. 

Yadav married Ashok 

Kumar Yadav by arrangement 

in Nepal’s Saptari district in 

1981. The proposal came from 

the groom’s side and 

fortunately her groom’s family 

was also political. Her 

grandfather-in-law, 

Bindeshwari Prasad Yadav, 

was a politician and a social 

worker, while her father-in-law, 

Indradev Prasad, was a 

parliamentarian during the 

Panchayat period. Yadav’s 

family life was very successful 

and she soon gave birth to a 

son. She was a good housewife 

and found happiness in 

helping the family and the 

family business. 

However, her happy 

conjugal life did not last long. 

After her father-in-law’s 

death, her husband continued 

his political life and was active 

in district-level politics. He 

wanted to contest the election 

of District Panchayat. In 1986, 

two months before the 

election, a dispute took place 

within the family over her 

husband’s nomination for 

election which culminated in 

her husband’s uncle shooting 

him dead. 

For four years or so, 

Yadav kept herself busy with 

household chores, staying 

home in silence and solitude. 

After her husband’s death, she 

lived as part of a small family 

consisting of her mother-in-law, 

her son and herself. Contrary 

to what usually happens in 

Tarai villages, her mother-inlaw 

fully supported her 

entrance into politics. The 

political scene had changed 

after the People’s Movement in 

1990. “I thought I should come 

out of my home and contribute 

to my region and my country 

as much as possible. I decided 

to follow the way of my 

husband,” she said. 

Yadav first joined the 

Nepali Congress (NC) in 1991. 

Because of her sincerity and 

popularity in the local area, she 

quickly became district 

chairperson of the Nepal 

Women’s Association, 

becoming heavily involved in 

gathering local women 

together to discuss political 

issues. It helped her understand 

exactly what people wanted in 

terms of the changing political 

context. 

Yadav’s coming into politics 

and swift popularity was 

almost shocking for locals. 

Indeed, several of her fatherin-law’s 

competitors became 

her rivals and could not accept 

that a daughter-in-law, one 

whose independent identity 

was taboo in the society, was 

more popular than the grayhaired 

male politicians. 

The first 

parliamentary election after the 

political change took place in 

1991. Yadav was quite active in 

the district and wanted to 

contest in the election but her 

party denied her a ticket to 

stand the election. Some NC 

workers in the district were not 

happy with her growing 

influence and provoked her to 

contest as a rebel candidate 

against the formal NC 

candidate, so her defeat would 

terminate her political career. “I 

really did not want to contest 

as a rebel candidate, but out of 

local pressure I gave my 

candidature as an independent 

candidate. Unfortunately, I 

could not win,” she said. 

At the time very few Madeshi 

woman were involved in 

politics. Although she was 

defeated, Yadav proved she 

had political potential and drew 

attention from various political 

parties. Former Panchayat 

leaders Surya Bahadur Thapa 

and Hem Bahadur Malla had 

good relations with her fatherin-law 

and persuaded her to join 

the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party 

(RPP) in 1993. It was even 

dangerous to be identified as a 

RPP member. “Still, I was 

confident that if I worked 

sincerely for the people I could 

be successful, no matter which 

party I was affiliated with,” she 

said in explanation of her 

subsequent joining of the RPP. 

Yadav failed to 

progress within the NC and had 

instead earned enemies in the 

party. She felt the environment 

in the RPP was friendlier and 

she was soon elected a central 

committee member, a huge 

responsibility. She contested in 

the parliamentary election in 

1994. She was again defeated 

but kept working hard for the 

party. Because of her endless 

efforts, she won the election in 

1999 from the Saptari-3 

constituency and became a 

member of the House of 

Representatives. 

Yadav was 

enthusiastic and felt a huge 

sense of responsibility to bring 

the voice of the needy to the 

House. She regularly raised 

issues of relevance in the 

House, brought forward a 

budget for the constituency 

and contributed largely 

towards local development. 

However, the House was 

dissolved in May 2002. 

Yadav possessed a 

great image of Parliament 

before she entered Singha 

Durbar. She had promised 

villagers days would soon be 

brighter only to find all was not 

as she had envisioned there. 

The Nepali Congress had a 

monopoly on everything and 

the voices of other parties were 

just ritual. The people in 

government were more 

concerned about their seats 

and the opposition did all they 

could to topple the 

government. “I had gone 

through a short period of 

frustration. Systems worked 

nowhere in the state. But I 

strongly believed that 

democracy and Parliament were 

the only means to change the 

country.” 

In June 2003 Yadav took the 

portfolio of Minister for 

Women, Children and Social 

Welfare under Surya Bahadur 

Thapa’s premiership for around 

11 months. She said the period 

was full of challenges. Most 

parties, including the Nepali 

Congress and the Communist 

Party of Nepal (Unified 

Marxist-Leninist), took to the 

streets to protest King 

Gyanendra’s move to take 

power and the Maoists were in 

the jungle fighting the armed 

struggle. Even a faction in her 

party, led by Pashupati 

Shamsher Rana, went to the 

streets to join the movement. 

“But the six-member cabinet ran 

the whole country smoothly. 

The overall results were quite 

encouraging and we were 

always above controversies,” 

she explained. 

When the RPP divided 

into two parties and Thapa 

formed the Rastriya Janshakti 

Party (RJP), Yadav also chose 

to join. When the RJP was 

supporting the king’s 

government, she was one 

among a few leaders who spoke 

out against the 

unconstitutional move of the 

king and personally took part 

in the movement against the 

king’s direct rule in Saptari. 

Before the party could take 

action against her, the king 

gave up and Parliament was 

restored in April 2006. 

“I had a chance to 

meet former King Gyanendra 

when I was a parliamentarian 

soon after the royal massacre 

in 2001. He asked me if his time 

(to hold executive power) had 

come. I told him clearly that the 

army was with him but not the 

people,” she remembered. 

The monarchy was 

abolished and Maoist conflict 

ended, but the situation was not 

favorable for all. She saw a 

change in the whole 

parliamentary system after the 

Maoists joined the House. 

Many important things were 

overlooked in the name of 

compromise and those 

politicians with a Panchayat 

background were obviously 

sidelined. 

The interim 

constitution was drafted but it 

failed to take into account the 

rights of ethnic people, women, 

Dalits and Madhesis, so Yadav 

participated in a protest to burn 

copies of the constitution. “It 

is not only the king, I raised my 

voice whenever someone tried 

to show up as an autocrat,” she 

said. 

The Madhesis have 

been undermined for a long 

time. They felt their voices were 

unheard and they needed one 

of their own to be given a strong 

and significant role in the 

political arena. “I was invited to 

join the Madhesi Janaadhikar 

Forum (MJF). I felt only a 

unified and forceful party could 

make the centralized 

government do justice to the 

Madhes,” she said. She was 

then included in the MJF 

Central Committee. 

Representing the MJF 

she contested in the election of 

the Constituent Assembly from 

Saptari-4 in April 2008 and was 

elected. 

According to Yadav, the root of 

today’s problems lies in the 

necessity of making a coalition 

Renu Yadav 

government. Leaders of 

political parties may all sit 

together to enjoy the power but 

they keep opposing one 

another. “Some leaders go to 

the extent of splitting others’ 

parties. The whole country is 

suffering because of the vested 

interests of a handful of 

people,” she said. 

In the House, 

although members from 

different parties showed their 

disapproval of the interim 

constitution, they still 

surrendered to their parties on 

decision-making day. “It was a 

kind of disillusion for me that 

they all have issues but they 

admitted to party-slavery. I 

realized this is the reason some 

genuine issues are not passed 

in the House. If all the big 

parties are in the grips of highcaste 

Hindu Pahadis, how can 

justice for all be possible?” she 

asked. 

Yadav was appointed 

Minister for Education in the 

cabinet, led by Prime Minister 

Pushpa Kamal Dahal in August, 

2008. She faced challenges from 

the outset as her opinions 

clashed with those of Maoist 

Finance Minister Dr Baburam 

Bhattarai, mainly on issues such 

as taxing private schools. “For 

some days it was quite tough. 

The offices were padlocked for 

no good reason and I could not 

find out which factor came to 

protest. But later I managed to 

bring all the forces to a 

compromising point and things 

began to run smoothly,” she 

said. 

Recruitment of 

teachers, the Reservation Bill, 

and the process of opening a 

Martyr’s Academy in five 

development regions were 

some of Yadav’s major 

contributions during her tenure. 

But she had bitter experiences 

with donors and came to realize 

they were influencing Nepal’s 

national program. 

She added that 

achievement naturally follows 

when one works sincerely. “I 

feel that I should work harder. 

Changes can be brought if we 

all work hard, with sincerity. 

And I feel happy thinking that 

at least I’ve never deviated from 

the path of sincerity,” she 

added. 

Written by Razen Manandhar

6 3rd th National Weekly 

May, 2010 2067 Baishakh 20 Reg. No. 53 

The Madhesi Issue in Nepal 

The recent turmoil 

in Madhes (or the Terai 

plains bordering India) was 

a stark reflection of the 

challenges confronting the 

restructuring process in 

Nepal. It was also a 

reminder to the current 

interim government that the 

problems in Nepal are not 

yet over and that there are 

serious socio-economic and 

political issues that need to 

be addressed. 

The Madhesi 

uprising in January was 

marked by bans, protests, 

and violence in some major 

areas of Nepal’s terai 

resulting in the death of over 

thirty people. This has in 

several ways changed the 

interim government’s 

approach to and the 

management of Nepal’s 

political restructuring and 

peace process. It has also 

raised many questions. Why 

was the violence so potent? 

Who was responsible? How 

will it affect the 

restructuring process? And 

so on. 

These questions are 

palpable in the context of 

Nepal’s fragile political 

restructuring process that is 

underway. While exploring 

answers to these questions, 

however, there is a proclivity 

to misinterpret the Madhesi 

issue. Some 

(mis)conceptions that have 

come about in the wake of 

the uprising are not only 

erroneous but also 

dangerous. 

The Madhesi issue 

is not a communal issue. It 

is not one of Madhesis 

(“people of the plains”) vs 

Pahadis (“people of the 

hills”) as some tend to view 

it. This misinterpretation of 

the Madhesi issue commits 

a serious mistake by making 

it a community-based issue 

that could have grave 

implications for the country. 

To view the issue as a 

problem between Madhesis 

and Pahadis reveals a poor 

understanding of Nepal’s 

complex society. 

While one may 

have some facts supporting 

such an argument, it fails to 

explain the real issue of the 

Madhesis. There were also 

K.Yhome 

reports that certain “forces” 

(implicating the “Royal 

agents” and the “right wing” 

elements in India) of allegedly 

instigating the Terai riots to 

create trouble for the interim 

government in a bid to 

salvage the “monarchy” in 

Nepal. Hard evidence to 

ascertain the involvement of 

these forces is difficult to 

unearth, but many in Nepal 

point fingers at these forces 

as being responsible for the 

violence. 

Whatever the 

motive of those behind the 

terai violence, many ordinary 

Madhesis have lost their lives. 

Madhesis out on the streets 

at the risk of their lives were 

there for a different reason. 

For them it was a fight for a 

genuine object – the Madhesi 

cause. 

The Madhesi issue 

did not suddenly emerge in 

January 2007. A long history 

of a sense of discrimination 

is at the root of the Madhesi 

struggle. To explain the 

recent uprising it is necessary 

to understand the issue from 

the correct perspective. The 

issue relates to a movement 

against the state’s 

“discriminatory” politics. It is 

a fight for recognition of 

rights – political, cultural as 

well as economic – and a 

struggle for equal 

representation and 

opportunity. This forms the 

core ingredient of the 

Madhesi issue. 

For over five 

decades, the Madhesis have 

been waging a movement 

against “discriminatory” 

laws of citizenship and 

language, as well as 

recruitment policies to the 

armed forces and 

bureaucracy. The struggle 

can be traced back to 1951 

when a party called the 

Nepal Terai Congress was 

formed under the leadership 

of Vedananda Jha to 

advocate “regional 

autonomy” for the Madhesis. 

Again, in 1983, 

Gajendra Narayan Singh 

established an organization 

called Nepal Sadbhavana 

Council with the aim of 

combat discrimination 

against the Madhesis. In the 

post-1990 era, the 

organization turned into a 

political party called Nepal 

Sadbhavana Party and in the 

general elections of 1991, 

1994, and 1999, the party’s 

manifesto called for a 

federal system of 

government, a liberal policy 

on citizenship and a separate 

Madhesi battalion in the 

army. 

Despite the long 

struggle, however, the 

Madhesi issue has not been 

resolved partly on account 

of Nepal’s five-decade 

history of being under 

autocratic rule – 1960 to 

1990 and 2002 to 2006 – 

where political activities 

were restricted. Even 

during the short-lived 

democratic experiments in 

Nepal – 1950 to 1960 and 

1991 to 2002 – the issue 

remained unresolved 

because of the lack of 

political will on the part of 

the successive 

governments. 

The failure of the 

movement is also partly 

because of the internal 

divisions within the Madhesi 

leadership. The 

Sadbhavana Party has seen 

frequent infighting and splits 

that have further weakened 

the movement. It is in this 

context and in light of the 

predicaments mentioned 

that the Madhesi uprising of 

January needs to be 

understood. 

The resolution of 

the Madhesi issue depends 

on how the interim 

parliament drafts a new 

constitution taking into 

account the various sociopolitical 

issues of the 

country. Should it fail to 

ensure the aspirations of 

the people, the recent 

outburst of violence in the 

terai will only be an 

indication of more chaos to 

follow ? 

Observer Research 

Foundation, New Delhi 

e - m a i l : 

khriezo@gmail.com 

Source::http:// 

www.ipcs.org/ 

Short News 

Bandh affects the normal life in Kapilvastu 

Kapilvastu, April 28 th / Normal life in Kapilvastu was hit hard 

today due to the district shutdown called by the Unified CPN- 

Maoist to protest death of its Cadre, Rajendra Tiwari. Deceased 

Tiwari was a member of Abadh Rajya Committee and central 

member of Madhesh Mukti Morcha. He was allegedly murdered 

on Monday. 

Ycl extend presence in industries 

Birgunj, April 28 th / The Unified CPN-Maoist has formed 

paramilitary units and Companies of Young Communist League 

(YCL) in different industries in Birgunj Pathalaiya Industrial 

Corrider. YCL is also planning to declare YCL Brigade in Kalaiya 

on Tuesday. A 71 member YCL company under the leadership of 

Shibalal Mandal hjas been formed in Saurav Food. 

Siraha under grip of Pneumonia, diarrhea 

Siraha, April 29 th / With the onset of monsoons, number of 

Pneumonia, diarrhea and typhoid patients is on the rise in the 

district. According to District Health Office, Siraha over 200 

patients are visiting various health Centres everyday. The worst 

hit is children below five years of age. They have also cautioned 

on an outbreak of summer diseases if the government did not 

take necessary steps at the earliest. 

Maoist tell civil servants to cough up fixed 

amount 

Rupendehi, April 27 / The Federation of Civil Servant aligned 

to the UCPN-Maoist has intensified its donation drive in the 

government offices here in the run up to their May 1 

demonstration. A team headed by Shovakanta Nepal, Chairman 

of the Federation, has fixed the donation amount according to 

the posts civil servants are holding in different government 

offices in the districts. The federation has set an April 29 deadline 

to contribute. 

Maoist cadres suffering from diarrhea 

KATHMANDU, May 4 th / Many cadres of Unified CPN 

(Maoist) who has come to capital Kathmandu and other cities 

from various districts of the country for the party’s fourth phase 

agitation are suffering from diarrhea, reports say. Hospitals in 

Kathmandu, the Tribhuvan University Teaching Hospital (TUTH), 

Teku Hospital, Bir Hospital, Kathmandu medical college, and 

Kathmandu medical college among others have reported 

increased cases of diarrhea in the past two days. 

Most of those coming to the hospital with diarrhea are Maoist 

cadres who came from various districts to Kathmandu. Doctors 

have said, drinking water used by the Maoist cadres and the 

increasing temperature could be the main causes of diarrhea. 

Nepal Medical Association (NMA) had urged UCPN (Maoist) to 

take special care of hygiene in the food and water supplied to 

Maoist cadres 

EMBASSY OF INDIA UNDERGRADUATE 

PROFESSIONAL COURSES UNDER 

SELF FINANCING AND SCHOLARSHIP 

SCHEME: 2010-11 

NOTICE 

With reference to the said courses and the Examination 

scheduled to be held on 8 th May, 2010 in Kathmandu and 

Birgunj, the e-Admit cards for the eligible candidates have 

been uploaded on website www.examaid.in for the 

convenience of the candidates. 

Those candidates who download/print e-Admit Card will 

be allowed to appear in the Examination. In case of any 

difficulty, the Embassy of India, Kathmandu/ Consulate 

General of India, Birgunj may be contacted from 9.00 

AM to 3.00 PM on three days i.e 5 th , 6 th and 7 th May, 

2010. 

Office : Madhesh Media House, Anamnagar, P.O.Box : 11858, Kathmandu, Phone No : 977-4266142/4266141, Fax : 4255431, 

E-mail id : nepal.madhesh@gmail.com, Website : www.madheshvani.com, Editor : Suraksha Thakur, Executive Editor : Mala Dahal

Baisakh-20, 2067 the voice of madhesh, 1 - Madhesh Media house

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