The Voice of Madhesh - Madhesh Media house

Devoted towards the National Integration, Nationality and Madheshbad 

National Weekly 

Kathmandu / Vol.–1 / Issue–2 / Monday, April 26 st , 2010, ( 2067 Baishakh 13 th ), Page-6, Price Rs. -7 

UCPN-Maoist in opposition of the Peace Agreement 

Kathmandu - In the meeting 

held under the Chairmanship 

of the P.M Madhav K. Nepal 

has appealed to take the 

movement back saying that 

such anarchist activities are 

in against of the peace 

agreement. In the meeting 

there was the participation of 

the ten other parties 

supporting the Govt. In the 

decision of the ten parties it 

is said that despite of taking 

the Constitution forming 

process in conclusion they 

have been spreading terror in 

the name of the Movement. 

The meeting had also decided 

that now they need to 

How have you 

viewed the Madhesh 

Issue? 

I don't want to go 

towards its meaning but 

what I would like to say is 

Terai-Madhesh is a part of 

the Nation. The people 

residing in the Terai- 

Madhesh have given their 

great effort in the formation 

of the New Nepal and the 

Democrats in the Nation. 

These are the only people, 

the exclusive voices who 

have contributed in forming 

the New Structure of the 

Nation. Hence, we need to 

include these voices and 

bring them in the 

mainstream of the Nation. 

What are the 

reasons for the rebel in 

Madhesh and why could 

implement all the past 

commitments, agreements 

honestly, close the temporary 

camps of the Maoist Arms 

Group, return back the land 

grasped by them and come in 

the agreement politics. 

Maoist cadre arrested with 

Grenaid 

Chitawan/ A Maoist was caught in Chitwan on 

Baisakh 14- with the explosive material and weapons. 

The 24 yrs Platon Commander Santosh Rai was 

caught along with Grenaid and Khukuri. He was 

caught while traveling in the night bus. He was found 

with the 36 hand grenaid, an explosive material. In 

the report he said that he was going to kathmandu 

with the party work. He also said that he is the security 

guard of one of the Maoist Leader. 

Terai-Madhesh is a part of the Nation 

Chhabilal Bishwokarma, CPN-UML, Constitutional Assembly Member 

not the Madheshi leaders 

make their place in CPN- 

UML? 

I think that this is due to 

the change of the situation 

and the conditions. 

Yesterday the situation was 

different and today the 

situation may be different. 

We could see the racial 

conflict in the society, the 

movements for the racial 

identity so this can be the 

part of it. Our party has 

always included the people 

of all the races, religions, 

languages and we will always 

be doing it. 

Your party (Cpn-Uml) 

could not be inclusive 

from the Madhesh 

Approach, now where do 

you think is the future of 

your party going on? 

I don't think it's true 

though there are datas on it. 

Our party has always 

addressed the Terai- 

Madhesh since the period of 

its establishment and still we 

are concious on the matter. 

We have always moved for 

the solution of the problems 

of the people politically. 

Hence, not only the word 

inclusion but we have effort 

for the meaningful inclusion. 

Our party has also focused 

on the proportional 

inclusion. 

What the % of the 

Madheshi leaders is as 

included in your party? 

I can't exactly say in a 

number but there are 

numerous number of the 

Madheshi leaders in our 

party. We are trying to 

Protest if tried to stop the 

movement : Prachanda 

The UCPN-Maoist has declared a movement from 

Baisakh 19 th (May 2) for peace and the Constituion. The 

movement is named as a ‘’Third People’s Movement’’ 

where they have prepared for the huge mass on the day 

saying that the Haartal is the compulsion. In the interaction 

with the Journalists he said that, for the protection of the 

Nationality, peace and the Constitution, for the people’s 

supremacy these happened to be necessary and 

important. He also assured that the movement would be 

peaceful but if the GOVT. tries to protest it forcefully 

then the govt. would be responsible for all the 

consequences. 

include in more and more 

number in proportion. 

Why the 

Madheshi leaders could 

not stand in the Cpn-Uml 

Party? 

Actually I don't want to 

use any kind of hurting 

words but it has been a trend 

to blame a party after one 

leaves it. Some of them left 

the party and we really felt 

bad for this whereas there 

are some new friends who 

have entered the party now. 

This might be due to their 

personal reasons. But we 

would always welcome who 

are willing to come to our 

party. As far as possible we 

would try to include all the 

political parties together. 

What might be the 

reasons behind the rising 

of the Madheshi parties 

in Nepal? 

I don't say it's the matter 

of Terai or Madhesh but 

what I would like to say is 

when the State enters in the 

federalism then in the 

process of practicing its 

right the district level 

political party's stood up 

whereas there increases 

their roles and 

responsibilities too. But I 

don't intend to say that the 

Madheshi parties are the 

district level parties.

2 26 th April, 2010 2067 Baishakh 13 th National Weekly 

EDITORIAL 

The dual policy of the Maoist 

The Maoist has made a plan to attack on the Nepali Politics 

and to hand the power by insulting the peace process 

and the demands of the people. Having faith on the 

democracy on one hand but not moving on the democratic 

process has really made us astonished. Though getting 

the majority of the votes but due to the lack of the 

procedure they had to come out of the govt. 

Due to the failure of working on the basis of the 

democratic process, they are to suffer now. They are to 

call for help even to go to a govt. Due to their characters 

like the merge of the arms force, arms group training, 

skeptical character they are bound to go with the fierce 

politics. If they move with the democratic views then 

only they can come up with their motives. 

'' Vox-pop '' 

Biseswor Thakur: This will not only effect the Nation's 

politics but the entire activities of the Nation. The 

condition of the Nation today is in declining situation. In 

such condition if the constitution isn't formed in a proper 

time then there can be a great disaster in the Nation. 

Bharat Timilsina: The situation today shows that it is 

difficult to form constitution in the present time. No any 

task is done for the formation of the constitution in Jestha 

14. This kind of unstable political situation of the Nation 

has also created instability in the Nation. Hence, all the 

political parties need to work on collaborately. 

Omnath Kayestha: I feel that the constitution should be 

formed in a right and a proper time. This would give a 

kind of satisfaction to the people. But the power intensed 

motive of the Leaders has made the people disappointed. 

Therefore if the constitution could not be formed in 

planned time time, then it could create great disturbances 

in the Nation. 

Tinu Khanal: As I feel that the constitution should be 

made in a proper time as it is the most essential matter 

today. If this doesn't happen to be possible then it can 

create a conflict between the people and the political 

leaders. 

Santosh Kirati: These political leaders can't form the 

constitution. Because none of the leaders are honest and 

loyal. All the leaders are running after the post and the 

position. If this is not possible then it can bring any kind 

of accident in the Nation. 

Laxman Regmi: If the constitution is not formed in a right 

and a proper time then the country will be totally 

destroyed and no one will be able to save it again. So, 

all the leaders are suppose to move in the formation of 

the new constitution. 

Haris Pandey: Now the constitution can't be formed in 

any condition. This shows the disrespect and the 

dishonesty of the political leaders towards the Nation. If 

they happen to fail in the formation of the new constitution 

then it can bring a great trouble in a Nation. 

Niraj Poudyel: The leaders don't seem to be trustworthy 

in the formation of the new constitution. If they fail to 

form the constitution in a right and a proper time then 

there will be a great change in the Nation. 

By Dipesh Ray 

LETTERS madheshvani@gmail.com 

www.madheshvani.com 

P.O. Box No.- 11858 

Whole Terai belongs to 

Madhesh : Historical facts 

Historians agree that 

´Madhesh´ is a morphological 

derivative of Madhyadesh 

(Sanskrit for `the Middle 

Country´) or Majjhimadesh 

(Pali for ´the Middle 

Country´) and means the 

same — the Middle Country. 

The region of Madhyadesh 

has been well defined in 

ancient texts. For example, 

Manusmirti (circa 1500 BC, 

2/21) defines Madhyadesh as 

the land between Himvat 

(Himalaya) and Vindhya 

Mountains and to the east of 

the river Vinasana (invisible 

Saraswati) and to the west of 

Prayag. 

Around 500 BC, at 

the time of Buddha, the 

Buddhist texts calls this 

´Middle Country´ 

Majjhimadesh in Pali 

language and defines the 

region in canonical texts 

Vinaya Pitaka as extended “in 

the east to the town of 

Kajangala, beyond which 

was Mahsla; on the southeast 

to the river Salalavat+; 

on the south west to the 

town of Satakannika; on the 

west to the Brahmin village 

of Thkna; on the north to the 

Usiraddhaja Mountain.” At 

the time of Buddha, the 

eastern limit of the Middle 

Country had extended nearly 

400 miles eastward of 

Prayaga which was its 

eastern most point in the 

Manu’s time (Bhandarkar, 

1918). According to Pali 

canon, the Majjhimadesh was 

“three hundred yojanas in 

length, two hundred and fifty 

in breadth, and nine hundred 

in circumference” and it 

contained fourteen out of the 

sixteen Mahjanapadas (Ks+, 

Kosala, Anga, Magadha, Vajji, 

Mall, Cetiya, Vams, Kuru, 

Pañcla, Macch, Skrasena, 

Assaka, Avant+). This land of 

the Middle country was ruled 

by several great dynasties in 

ancient and medieval times. 

Upon the arrival of 

Islamic rulers from the Mid 

East, they also called the 

plains of “undulating former 

marshland” of the Middle 

Country as ´Terai´, a word 

derived from Persian ($ 0 

>/ *1'&Ì ´wetland´ from *1 

´wet´ ), meaning “moist land” 

(Encyclopedia Britannica). 

The British missionaries and 

the East India Company who 

came after Mughals also refer 

this region of Madhyadesh 

with this name or its variants. 

However they also continued 

to use Madhyades as well, 

for example, see Martin 

(1838), Elliot (1849), Muir 

(1873). At the later stage of 

British Raj, the northern part 

Vivaswan Kumar 

of Madhyadesh was ruled by 

Sen and other kingdoms as 

suzerainty states and paid 

taxes to Nawabs and the East 

India Company. 

With the state 

expansion initiated by Gurkha 

ruler Prithvi Narayan Shah in 

the late 18th century, Gurkhas 

got hold of many parts of the 

Madhesh (Madhyadesh) and 

took many from Nawabs and 

the East India Company by 

paying tax or through treaties. 

The part of Madhesh present 

today in Nepal is a result of 

memorandum of 1816 and 

treaty of 1860 with the East 

India Company. 

Through the 

memorandum of 8 December 

1816, the Company 

government handed the 

region between west of Koshi 

and east to Rapti river to Nepal 

instead of paying two 

hundred thousands rupees 

per year as agreed previously 

on Gurkhas´ request for 

supporting living cost of their 

employees. The region west 

of Rapti and east of Mahakali 

came through the treaty of 

1860 as a reward to Gurkhas 

for their support to the East 

India Company for 

suppressing Sepoy Mutiny of 

1857 to 1859 and is also 

called Naya Muluk (New 

Region). 

With this annexation, 

the annexed region continued 

to be called ´Madhesh´. For 

example, a letter written by 

King Prithvi Narayan Shah to 

Bhagavanta Nath mentions, 

“…The boundaries have been 

extended to the Kankai River 

in the Madhesh and the 

Hasabharyakhola and the 

Tamor River in the hills.” 

Similarly, in the royal order 

issued by Prithivi Narayan 

Shah on 23 September 1761 

to Jaisis all over the kingdom 

says: “In Nepal too, all castes 

own Birta lands: in the 

Madhesh region, the Bhot 

region, Jumla, Kumaun and 

Doti too, all castes own Birta 

lands.” 

On the annexed land 

of Madhesh, Gurkhas 

continued to levy tax and 

started “land management” 

and administration by 

establishing administrative 

units like “Madhesh 

Bandobast Adda” (Madhesh 

Administration Office), 

“Madhesh Pahila Phat” 

(Madhesh Audit 

Department) and “Madhesh 

Report Niksari” throughout 

the Madhesh, from east to 

the west. 

Not only in the 

administrative and historical 

documents, but even all 

literatures of Nepal show that 

writers and poets preferred to 

use the term Madhesh for this 

region. Even academic text 

books of Nepal from primary 

schools to colleges, and 

scholarly writings mentioned 

three divisions of Nepal as: 

Hyund-des (Bhot/Himal), 

Pahad-des (Parvat/Pahad) and 

Madhes/Mades (Terai). 

Recently certain 

parties, for example federal 

maps proposed by Maoists, 

are categorising only 

Eastern Tarai region as 

Madhesh and calling 

western Tarai as Tharuwan/ 

Tharuhat (to appease some 

groups). However this 

categorisation is baseless. 

It is well known and 

recorded fact that all the 

plain part of Nepal from east 

to west has been called and 

administered as Madhesh 

and all historical documents 

show this fact. For 

example, Muluki Ain (Civil 

Codes), different laws and 

regulations including Birta 

Confiscation Act, royal 

orders and other 

administrative and historical 

documents prove that 

whole Tarai (plain) region 

of Nepal was administered 

as Madhesh. Moreover, the 

administrative units for 

Madhesh like Madhesh 

Bandobast Adda (Madhesh 

Administration Office), 

Madhesh Pahila Phant 

(Madhesh Audit 

Department), Madhesh 

Report Niksari were opened 

and operating in the whole 

region from the east to the 

west of Nepal. Not only up 

to the Mahakali river in the 

west, but the plain region 

beyond that, as far as up to 

Kumaon and Garhwal, was 

also called Madhesh and 

ruled as such, as historical 

documents show. For 

example, the royal order 

issued in June 1805 says: 

“… Because Ranabir has 

behaved in an improper 

way, we hereby appoint 

you three brothers [Dhaukal 

Khatri, Surabir Khatri, and 

Ranabir Khatri] to replace 

him as Subbas for one-third 

of the territories of Garh in 

the Madhesh, the hills, and 

the Bhot.” This shows that 

the whole Terai region, from 

the east to the west, has 

always been in Madhesh. 

Therefore, whether 

it´s ancient, medieval or 

modern times, the whole 

Terai (plain) region belongs 

to Madhesh.


Madheshi Movement in Defense of Democracy and Madheshi Nationalism 

Madheshi 

movement has forced the 

politics of the country 

towards a new direction. 

The dynamics generated by 

the movement have been so 

powerful that it has 

compelled the eight 

parties to accept the need of 

amending the interim 

constitution within thirty-five 

days of its promulgation. 

The step itself is admittance 

of the fact that political 

negotiations concluded 

earlier are flawed and 

inadequate. Earlier the 

dominant political elites 

chose to call it a regressive 

movement. Later on, they 

called it unforeseen and 

unexpected. But that does 

not entail the truth. 

The Madheshi 

movement is neither 

unexpected, nor unforeseen 

nor regressive. It is very 

much in defense of 

democracy and Madheshi 

nationalism. It is for the 

political acknowledgment of 

Madheshi nationalism within 

the widely divergent Nepali 

nationalism.The movement 

is as old as the democratic 

movement in this country. 

But till now the movement 

has been defined as an ethnic 

movement and the intrinsic 

nationalist aspirations of 

Madheshis have never been 

emphasized. But the way the 

movement is enduring 

against all odds, speaks 

loudly of the deeper 

meanings and emotional 

values that Madheshi people 

are willing to assign to the 

movement. It is due to 

Madheshi’s nationalist 

aspirations that an assurance 

of enhanced representation 

for Madhesh on the basis of 

population increase is not 

able to arrest or stop the 

movement.The seeds of the 

movement had been sown in 

the year 2008 when Tarai 

congress was formed within 

Nepali congress. The 

development at that stage 

made obvious the 

discriminatory and 

domineering tendencies of 

the hill elites towards 

Madheshi elites in apolitical 

party. The current madheshi 

movement has made 

obvious again the same 

domineering, exclusionary 

and subordinating attitudes 

prevailing against madheshis 

in almost all mainstream hillcentric 

political parties. 

Consequently, for the first 

time in the history of Nepal 

an autonomous Madheshi 

movement has emerged 

from within the people. Thus, 

a careful analysis of the 

movement is essential. 

The movement is 

essentially a nationalist 

movement and it embodies 

deep cry for political 

acknowledgement of 

Madheshi’s identity and 

culture and political equality. 

It embodies goals of the 

creation of a new inclusive 

nation-state and 

democratization of politics. 

In the past, the process of 

democratization has always 

been thwarted by dominant 

hill elites to maintain their 

relentless political grip over 

the image and reality of the 

Nation. That in turn has 

made both democracy and 

nation building, failed 

projects in Nepal. 

I intend to argue that 

the success of democracy 

and nation building will 

depend very much upon the 

successful conclusion of the 

ongoing Madheshi 

movement. I would also 

argue that the hill elites, of 

varying beliefs and ideology 

across the political spectrum 

have failed in institutionalizing 

democracy in the country so 

far not merely because of 

their exclusionary nationalist 

project but also because of 

other specific trends and 

tendencies associated with 

their origin, life 

circumstances and resulting 

psyche. I would propose 

that madheshi perspectives 

provide the best solution for 

crises of democracy and 

nation building in this country 

from political as well as 

economic angle. Adoption of 

federal principle for 

restructuring of the state is 

the first essential step in the 

direction. 

Democracy as a 

political system can never 

survive for long if 

psychological, economic 

and cultural elements are not 

conducive and political 

structures not proper. The 

failure of democracy in 

Nepal so far is failure of hill 

perspective and hill psyche 

altogether. The hill people 

are mostly familiar with 

subsistence mode of life. 

They have never enough in 

the hills to support their lives 

and dreams. The culture of 

war making and migration is 

a consequence of that. They 

lack skills of 

entrepreneurship in lack of 

surplus in the hills. In lack of 

surplus, labour has not much 

meaning in the hills. Thus the 

labor in the hills gets its value 

either by migrating or by 

joining warfare. 

Consequently, the hill people 

lack basic aptitude and 

attributes for capitalist 

development by nature. 

Their sense of 

nationalism is also disjointed 

because their attachment 

with their place of birth is 

emotional rather than both 

material and emotional. They 

understand that their space 

of origin would not provide 

them enough to fulfill 

common human aspirations. 

Colonization of the 

Madhesh and strangulation 

of madheshi identity became 

essential.Exclusionary 

nationalism became the 

foundation of Modern 

Nepali state. Even the 

democratic hill elites 

founded democracy on the 

foundation of Gorakhali 

nationalism. Before the 

advent of democracy, the 

designs of Shahas and 

Ranas for Nepali state have 

been imperialistic and 

feudalistic in nature. The 

political elites after 1990 

have further built on 

that.People in Nepal have 

experience of very limited 

democracy so far even in 

democratic rule.Thus, the 

country suffers from three 

types of hegemonic traits: 

exclusionary 

nationalism,colonialism and 

feudalism. Consequently, 

seizure of power in 

Kathmandu and control of 

land in madhesh have 

remained indispensable for 

the emerging hill elites from 

1950 onwards.While the 

seizure of state power 

provided the base for 

political nationalism, the 

colonization of Madhesh 

provided the economic base 

for reinforcing hill centric rule 

of the country. Thus from the 

very beginning, Madhesh has 

been placed at the service of 

the hills. And still democracy 

led by hill elites had not able 

to work. According to 

democratic hill elites, the king 

has remained the main 

obstacle for democracy. But 

the explanation is not 

adequate. In the new 

scenario, the leaders of 

different political parties and 

the king found themselves as 

rivals but the hill nationalism 

is the common interest that 

bound them together. Also at 

times, when rivalries among 

them for power become very 

intense, they do not lose sight 

of this very vital interest. The 

hill democratic elites have 

not abstained from making 

the king active and 

authoritarian when they have 

perceived a threat to hill 

nationalism or when things 

had gone beyond that 

control. They have done so 

on occasions in the past 

when rivalry among them for 

power had become very 

intense. Not surprisingly, 

power in the past has kept 

shuttling among the hill 

political elites including the 

king even in democracy. But 

the commonality of interest 

has kept the old network and 

old politics has remained 

intact throughout. Even today 

some parties are eager to 

keep the king as the lion in 

the cage who should be freed 

to wander and hunt for prey 

in most arbitrary and 

authoritarian manner, but 

should be brought back into 

the cage when mission is 

accomplished. The most 

ironical or interesting part of 

the design is that the lion will 

be made to blame for all the 

mischievous deeds without 

responsibility and will be 

caged and guarded by the 

same elites against any harm. 

“The king must live on 

despite of everything and 

anything” in the design of 

semi democratic hill elite. 

Therefore, from 1950 

onwards, Nepal has 

democratic version of old 

Bharadari politics rather 

than genuine democratic 

politics where king also has 

been a key player but with 

tacit consent of other elites. 

- Sarita Giri 

Not much has 

seemingly changed after Jan 

Andolan II. The same 

dynamics of political game 

are still active. Nepali people 

are worst affected by such 

games played in the name of 

democracy as such political 

games thwarts the power to 

go to the people in real 

terms. And large section of 

hill elites do not intend the 

power to go to people in real 

terms as that would damage 

the prospects of 

maneuvering and brokerage 

in the realm of power. Thus 

the institution of monarchy is 

indispensable for them. They 

need monarchy to keep in 

place the conspiracy 

theories as that shield them 

from accepting 

responsibilities for wrongs 

done by themselves. 

The traditional hill 

elites would like to throw the 

King only when they would 

believe that they would be 

the ultimate winner in this 

country of diverse 

nationalities. The emerging 

madheshi and janajati 

movement for 

democratization and 

assorted Nepali nationalism 

could be such a threat to 

them. 

So one should not 

be surprised if the 

democratic exercise of 

constituent assembly 

election will be suspended in 

the face of emerging new 

political movements. Though 

the king and darbariyas will 

be blamed in the name of 

conspiracy theory but such 

an act will serve the 

common interest of all the hill 

elites and of those madheshis 

who are co opted by them. 

The madheshi movement 

has emerged as the most 

serious challenge to all 

traditional hegemonic 

interest. 

Comtinue ...


Nepal’s Terai people neglected By Rajendra Mahto 

Nepal, situated in the 

lap of the world’s highest 

peak, the Mount Everest, is 

generally known as the land 

of the Gorkhas, inhabitants of 

the mountains. But more than 

half of Nepal’s population 

comprise of ‘Hindi speaking 

Terai people known as 

Madheshis’ and they have 

their deep roots and blood 

relations across the borders 

with the people of India. 

About two hundred 

and twenty five years ago, 

the land of Madhesh and 

different kingdoms were 

merged with Nepal in the 

name of unification but 

Madheshi people have not 

been integrated into the 

mainstream in Nepal. They 

are the inhabitants of the 

Terai region right from the 

days of the Mithila king 

Janak, Lichhvi kings, 

Karnataka clan kings and 

Bhagwan Gautam Buddha. 

The Terai region is ‘Madhya 

Desh’ between Nepal and 

India and hence it became 

‘Madhesh’ and its 

inhabitants Madheshis. 

The ancestors of the 

present day ruling clans in 

Nepal – Shah dynasty kings, 

Bahun (hilly Pandits), Chhetri 

(Kshatriya) and Newar had 

migrated to Nepal from 

Rajasthan, Kumaon, Kanauj, 

Gharwal and Karnataka. But 

since the governance of the 

kingdom which emerged 

after geo-graphical unification 

of Nepal went into the hands 

of the rulers from the said 

clans, they declared 

themselves as the real 

Nepalis. Side by side, these 

Madheshis began to be 

called, without even a wink 

of the eyelid, as – 

‘Moglania’, ‘Desi’, ‘Videshi’ 

and ‘Indians’ which is 

continuing even today. This is 

the reason why Madheshis 

politically, economically, 

socially, culturally and 

linguistically discriminated 

against in the past and now. 

Consider this fact. 

Between 1970 and 1980, 

when the 1100 Km long East 

West national highway was 

built through the deep forests 

of Madhesh, about 25 lakh 

hill people were rehabilitated 

on either side of the highway 

but not even one inch of land 

was allotted to any landless 

Madheshi. 

The present day 

Nepal is divided into 75 

districts administratively. 55 

of these 55 districts are close 

to Tibet and have low 

population density because 

of the hilly terrain. The 

remaining 22 districts in 

southern Nepal share their 

border with West Bengal, 

Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and 

Uttranchal. Density of 

population is very high. In 

fact, Terai belt accounts for 

almost 60 per cent of 

Nepal’s population. Their 

language is Hindi though 

Maithili, Bhojpuri and Avdhi 

are spoken. Northern 

Nepalis address them 

derogatorily as 

‘Madheshis’. 

During the partyless 

Panchayat regime in 1965, 

Hindi was abolished as 

medium of instructions; a 

very less developed Gorkha 

language of the ruling clans 

was given constitutional 

status by naming it as 

‘Nepali’ and was declared 

as national language of 

Nepal. Hindi was banished 

in Rashtriya Panchayat, the 

so called Nepal Parliament. 

After peoples’ 

uprising and restoration of 

democracy in the 1990, the 

government in Kathmandu 

recognised Terai districts as 

a ‘special cultural entity’ 

(Madheshi culture). But the 

ban on Hindi has not been 

lifted till date. 

In the fifties, 

Parliament gave equal status 

to Nepali and Hindi. Late 

Gajendra Narain Singh, 

founder-president, Nepal 

Sadhbhavna Party, and 

other party law makers 

insisted in Parliament (1959) 

on speaking in Hindi. They 

also wanted to attend 

Parliament attired in Dhoti 

Kurta and insisted on an end 

to discrimination against the 

Madhishis. After a great 

struggle, the Speaker 

informally allowed them to 

speak in Hindi; but no 

record is maintained of a 

statement or speech made in 

Hindi in Parliament. 

Before 1990s, 

during the autocrat 

Panchayat regime, one or 

two seats from all districts, 

big or small, were reserved 

in Rashtriya Panchayat in an 

arbitrary manner. Only 

Independents could 

represent these seats. The 

terrified people did not 

protest. The situation did 

not change much after the 

‘uprising’ too. 

The ‘Constitution 

Suggestion Commission’ 

followed the ‘old’ yardsticks 

for in delimitation. It did not 

go by population as the base 

for delimitation of 

constituencies. Result was 

the hill constituencies with 

hardly six to eight thousand 

voters electing one 

representative to 

Parliament, while 70-80 

thousand voters electing one 

law maker each in the Terai 

region, which is divided into 

87 constituencies. No 

surprise therefore in a 205member 

Pratinidhi Sabha 

(lower house of parliament), 

there are only 41 Madheshi 

representatives. 

Madheshis face 

great discrimination in all 

spheres. There is an 

undeclared ban on their 

recruitment to Royal Nepal 

Army. Madheshis are in 

microscopic number in 

Nepal police. The 

presentation of the 

citizenship certificates has 

been made so stringent that 

in the absence of the 

citizenship certificate no one 

can either take birth or die 

legally as at the time of 

registration of birth, father’s 

citizenship certificate is 

demanded. 

Similarly, for a 

death certificate, the 

citizenship certificate is 

required. Citizenship 

certificate is demanded as a 

pre-requisite to admission in 

schools and colleges, buying 

and selling of property, 

license for setting up 

industrial units and entry into 

government jobs which is 

never granted to the 

Madheshis denied 

citizenship certificate. 

So, it should not 

come as a surprise to know 

that more than 40 lakh 

Madheshi Nepali citizens 

are deprived of citizenship. 

It is the biggest tragedy of 

the community. The narrow 

minded hill leaders who 

dominate Government and 

main political parties are 

engaged in the unscrupulous 

campaign of declaring these 

Madheshis as Indians. 

Funnily, even without 

citizenship, these 40 lakh 

plus have been voting in all 

elections. That is they are 

able to elect a government 

but cannot emerge out of 

their pitiable plight. 

Terai region is the 

rice bowl of Nepal. A 

drought in Madhesh leads 

to hunger in the country’, 

says a popular Nepali 

adage. About 83 per cent 

of Nepali revenue comes 

from Terai. Yet, Madhesh 

gets only about 20 per cent 

of government spending in 

the Budget – mostly by way 

of salaries for government 

employees. 

The Madheshis are 

convinced that so long as 

they do not get a respectful 

place in Nepal, a feeling of 

regard and respect will never 

come for them, for India, and 

for Indians. This could be 

possible only when Hindi is 

granted national language 

status in Nepal Constitution, 

when ‘Dhoti Kurta’ put on 

by more than one crore 

Madheshis is accepted as 

national dress and when 40 

lakh Nepali citizens plus who 

are without citizenship 

certificates (majority are 

Madheshi) are granted 

citizenship. 

The Madheshis 

believe that the ‘Constituent 

Assembly’ be elected to 

formulate a new 

Constitution so that the 

discrimination against more 

than half of country’s ‘Hindi 

speaking population’ is 

removed and all Nepalis are 

integrated into the national 

mainstream. 

For the past 13years, 

Nepal Sadhbhavna 

Party is engaged in the 

struggle for proportional 

representation in state affairs 

for more than half of the 

country’s population of. 

Nepali Congress, Nepal 

Rajendra Mahato 

Communist Party (UML) and 

other major political parties 

are now concious of 

Madheshi concerns; they are 

raising their voices from time 

to time. Some success has 

come Madheshi way; a long 

road needs to be traversed 

still. 

Nepal is today 

passing through the difficult 

phase of reforms in political, 

economic, social, cultural 

and language spheres. If the 

problems of one crore 

Madheshis are not 

highlighted right at this point 

of time, it is almost certain 

they will get nothing in the 

next phase of change. 

Admittedly, multiparty 

democratic system in 

Nepal is in jeopardy strain 

ever since King Gyanendra 

dismissed an elected Prime 

Minister and took over the 

reins of the country. Already 

an unsuccessful attempt was 

made to project the autocrat 

royalty as an alternative to 

democracy.All democratic 

and Madheshi forces should, 

therefore, join hands and 

unitedly carry forward the 

democratic movement while 

raising the problems of the 

Madheshis side by side so 

that their aspirations and 

concerns are never pushed to 

the back burner and are not 

even mentioned as was the 

case at the time of drafting 

the present constitution a 

decade back. Democracy 

can prosper when there is no 

discrimination of any kind 

and the gains of democracy 

are not limited to a particular 

group or a special 

community. This is what the 

Madheshis are clamouring 

for, to live as Nepalis with 

their head held high.


Madheshi Nationalism and Restructuring the Nepali State 

By contrast, the 

majority of the hill 

respondents showed trust in 

the Maoists’ 

commitments.9 the local 

Madheshi leaders of the 

NC, UML and other 

parties gave up the idea of 

countering the Madhesh 

unrest when it became clear 

that it was turning into an 

anti-Maoist agitation. The 

call for sadbhav rallies – 

which was effective in 

Nepalgunj against 

communal violence, 

happened just before the 

starting of Madhesh 

andolan from 16 January 

2007 – appeared ritualistic. 

It was a tactical resistance 

against the CPN (Maoist). 

The flags of established 

parties failed to deter the 

CPN (Maoist)’s long 

aggressive campaigns 

launched by its People 

Liberation Army (PLA) 

during the insurgency 

period and by the Young 

Communist League (YCL) 

in the post- Janandolan II 

time. Whereas the militant 

Madhesh uprising proved 

an effective counter to the 

CPN (Maoist). To quote 

from the ICG report, “For 

the Maoists, the Tarai 

violence was a wake up 

call: much of it was directed 

against their cadres, whose 

appearance of domination 

was shattered” (2007:1). 

Awareness against 

Hill Migration 

The presence of hill 

origin people in Madhesh in 

substantial number, 36% of 

the total population of 20 

Tarai districts, is a factor 

that contributes to 

Madheshi nationalism. 

Politicization of 

Demography has been used 

for two contrasted 

purposes. The Tarai as 

home of nearly half of the 

total population of the 

country – for which the 

Pahadis contribute onethird 

numerically – has been 

used for bargaining purpose 

in favor of the Madhesh and 

the Madheshis. 

At the same time, 

migration from the hills has 

been propagated as the 

state’s concerted plan to 

assimilate the Madheshis 

into the fold of hill culture 

and to establish hill political 

dominance in the Tarai. 

Certainly the Nepali state 

encouraged migration from 

south of the border in the 

past and from hill to the 

Madhesh since the 1950s 

which served the interest of 

small hill elites. Land and 

forest are the two major 

resources of the Madhesh 

that have been distributed 

disproportionately in favor 

of the hill people. One 

cannot deny the fact that hill 

migration was used as one 

of the instrument for 

homogeneous model of 

Nepalization which has 

adverse impact in the 

Madhesh so far its cultural 

uniqueness, economic 

interest and political power 

structure are concerned. 

Four major factors – end of 

malaria, land reform act of 

1964, launching of several 

resettlement projects in the 

Madhesh, and construction 

of the East-West highway – 

led to flow of hill dwellers 

into the Madhesh. 

However, it is over simplistic 

to lump everything in one 

basket as there are many 

causes behind the changing 

demography of the Tarai. 

Three major points here: 

1. In the Tarai, the 

Pahadi population 

increased substantially from 

6% in 1952/54 to 36% in 

2001. The Madheshi 

activists overlook one of the 

reasons why this happened. 

In the past when Nepal was 

divided into 32 districts, all 

Tarai districts were 

geographically confined to 

plains areas south of the 

Siwalik range. When 

internal territory was 

Krishna Hachhethu 

restructured into 75 districts 

in 1963, hill areas north of 

the Siwaliks was included in 

the Tarai, which accounts 

32% of total land of 20 Tarai 

districts. 

“All the Tarai districts 

have varying proportion of 

Siwalik and mid-mountain 

areas, the highest being 

77.5% in Nawalparasi 

district, 51.5% in Chitwan 

district, 50.8% in Banke 

district and 41 % in Kailali 

district to the lowest 8.9% 

in Sunsari district and about 

7% in Jhapa district, the 

average being 32.4% for the 

20 districts” (Shah 2006: 2). 

It is not only because of 

migration but mixing of plainhill 

lands into the boundary 

of Tarai districts that cause 

the presence of hill origin 

people in substantial number 

in the Tarai districts. If areas 

north of the Siwalik are 

taken away from the Tarai 

district in the federal project 

in making, the number of 

Pahadis in Madhesh would 

reduce substantially which 

contributes to rejuvenate 

cultural territory of 

Madhesh. 

This paper attempts to 

capture the rise of Madheshi 

nationalism both in historical 

context and contemporary 

politics. The author’s direct 

and indirect observations at 

times (before, during and 

after the recent Madhesh 

uprising of the January- 

February 2007) and the 

findings of a nationwide 

survey conducted recently in 

March-April 2007 are also 

used as resource 

materials.The January- 

February 2007 Madhesh 

uprising – a 21 day long mass 

movement participated in 

bylarge masses of the 

Madheshi population – was 

an unprecedented event 

parallel to Janandolan II of 

the April 2006. It was a 

landmark event in bringing 

out regional based ethno 

nationalism asone of the 

prominent issues in the 

national discourse on 

restructuring the Nepali 

state. Before that, public 

debate on ethno-nationalism 

was Janjati-centric and social 

scientists belonging to Janjati 

– geographer Harka Gurung, 

sociologist Krishna Bahadur 

Bhattachan, political scientist 

Mahendra Lawati are some 

to mention here – are well 

known for their assertion of 

the Janajati identity and 

rights in their writings. 

Indeed, the issue got 

prominence due to academic 

responses from non-Janajati 

scholars, i.e. Dor Bahadur 

Bista, Prayag Raj Sharma, 

Dilli Ram Dahal etc.among 

the native scholars and also 

writings by foreign scholars, 

e.g. Lionel Caplan, David 

Gellner, William Fisher, Marie 

Lecomte-Tilouine, and many 

other anthropologists. There 

is a single, highly 

commendable, political study 

of Madhesh by Frederick 

Gaige. Preference of 

Madheshi scholars are art, 

culture, language, literature, 

pure science, math and other 

technical subjects (Dahal 

2005: 20; Burkert 1997: 242) 

but not social sciences which 

has its own implications for 

putting the Madhesh behind 

other issues in public debate 

till the recent past.Unlike 

introduction of Janjati identity 

for which Janjati scholars 

play pioneering roles, the 

Madhesh identity has been 

historically asserted by 

political activism and it gets 

a solid recognition as an 

impact of the recent 

Madhesh movement. 

As inclusive 

democracy is one of the 

three key contents of 

restructuring the Nepali state 

project –the other two being: 

persuasion for republic and 

transformation of the armed 

conflict against the 

background of the 

Communist Party of Nepal 

(Maoist)’s insurgency (1996- 

2006) – registration of a 

group into excluded category 

has its own advantage, both 

materially and symbolically. 

The post-Janandolan II 

transitional governance 

arrangements offered some 

benefits to Janjatis, women, 

and Dalits, but they granted 

nothing in the case of the 

Madheshis. 

Thus, the recent 

Madhesh explosion was a 

natural outcome of the 

Madheshis’ resentment 

against the Nepali state for 

its long ignorance and 

negligence to their 

grievances. It was so 

powerful and effective that 

Girija Prasad Koirala, the 

Prime Minister of the eightparty 

coalition government 

including the CPN (Maoist), 

was forced to proclaim twice 

within a single week that 

federalism would be 

instituted and that the number 

of constituencies in the Terai 

would be increased. 

Accordingly the Interim 

Constitution was amended 

twice within less than three 

months of its promulgation on 

15 January 2007. 

The Madhesh uprising, 

thus, has to its credit the 

achievement of federalism 

and redistribution and 

increment of electoral 

constituencies in favour of 

Terai, both being important 

and substantial steps towards 

more inclusive democracy. 

Vijaya Karna, a Madheshi 

activist, praised this 

achievement: “It gives 

Madhesh a separate identity; 

it produces federalism; it 

compels the state to increase 

representation of the 

Madhesh in the state 

apparatus; it helps 

Madheshis to get citizenship 

card without much pain; and 

above all it boosts up morale 

and confidence of the 

Madheshi people.”1 Below 

is an excerpt of a direct 

observation report from 16 to 

26 January 2007 on the 

Madhesh uprising in 

Janakpur city of Dhanusha 

district. 

Continue ....

6 26th th National Weekly 

April, 2010 2067 Baishakh 13 Reg. No. 53 

Party is going down due to 

activities of Sharad Sing : Dev 

The Madheshi Parties 

are being disreputable due to 

the activities of the nonmadheshi 

leaders. They are 

found to open the Parties in 

the Name of the Madhesh, 

are found giving entrance to 

the members of the non- 

Madheshi ruling class and are 

taking the advantage in the 

name of the Madheshbad. 

The madheshi who are being 

politically suppressed by the 

Pahadiyas due to giving the 

position to the pahadis and 

the semi- Madheshi are 

suffering from both the sides. 

In the political parties 

opened by the victimized 

Madheshis, again the 

Pahadiyas are getting the 

opportunities which hav 

made the Madheshbadis 

more aggressive. Among the 

pahadiyas who have become 

the ministers in the Madheshi 

quota, the chances to be 

Madheshbad happen to be 

minimal. 

On the other hand 

they are also seen misusing 

the so position for their 

personal interest which has 

made the common 

madheshi victims distressed. 

One of the examples is the 

Jitendra Dev who became 

the victim of the extreme 

exploitation though being 

himself within the 

Madheshbadi party. He 

seems to be distressed due 

to the activities like, 

corruption, bribery against 

the policy and the concept 

of the Party. 

He further said that 

the Minister Sharad Singh 

Bhandari could not 

response to the murder case 

of the district leader of the 

Nepal Sadbhavana Party 

(Aandi Devi), Ramekwal 

Yadav. He further said that 

the activities could drown the 

party completely. Sarita Giri 

said that the murder was 

done by the workers of the 

Media Club Organized 

Jitendra Deo 

Madheshi Janadhikar Forum 

Loktantrik and just after this 

Jitendra Dev stated that 

these activities happened 

beyond the policy of the 

Party so it’s better to ask the 

matter to Sharad Singh. The 

Madheshi Janadhikar Forum 

is also suppressed by the 

Pahadiya political leaders 

who are seen more devoted 

to their personal interest 

despite to their Nation’s 

responsibilities. But now 

even the Victimized 

Madheshis are also seen 

activated within the party in 

against of the Pahadiyas. 

American Commander to Visit Nepal 

Kathmandu- In the Invitation of the Army Chief Chhatraman Gurung, The Commander 

of the American Pacific Command Robert F. Billard is coming to Nepal on Tuesday. He 

will be here for four days. In his stay period he will be meeting with the P.M Madhav 

Kumar Nepal, The Security Minister, Bidya Bhandari, Homeminister Vim Rawal, and The 

Chief of Army Chhatraman Gurung and with other High Level Commisioners. 

The Various Media Club associated in the Various Media Sector have been Organized. 

The Media Club Mahasangh was organized in the National Press Club in the Chairmanship 

of Ramkrishna Karmacharya. In the Vice- Chairman, Rajesh Jha ‘’ Ahiraj’’ from Madhesh 

Media House, Ramhari Chaulagain from Media Group as the Secretary and others. The 

Members are Rishi Dhamala from the Reporters Club, Bhuvan K.C from Nepal Press 

Club and Niraj Ranjit from National Media Association. 

Increase in the boarder length of Nepal and China 

The Chinese delegates have come to Nepal 

and are busy in the negotiation and discussion with 

the Nepalese party regarding the Nepal- China 

boarder and the height of MT.Everest. 

The boarder length of Nepal and China is 

now to be extended. They are also to depict the 

two height of MT.Everest. Due to the development of new technology there have been 

changes in the data’s related to the boarder.In regard to the height of the Sagarmatha, 

China has forwarded the view that only the height of the part of the rock is to be determined. 

According to the Chinese party the height of the rock of the Sagarmatha is 8 thousand 8 

hundred 44.5 whereas the permanent height it is to be determined by removing its top 

part. 

In the signed protocol after the discussion it has been agreed to determine the 

height of the rock of the Sagarmatha as 8 thousand 8 hundred and 44.5 and along with 

snow as 8 thousand 8 hundred and 48. Buit still it takes time to sign in the protocol though 

there held the meeting to give the last form to the Proposal. 

Short News 

Sarlahi cops hand over Cobra Man 

Kathmandu, April 20: District Police Office, Sarlahi handed 

over Rajeshwor Singh alias Nagraj to Metropolitian Police 

Range, Kathmandu for further investigation for the murder 

of a school kid. A gang of assailants led by Rajeswor had 

abducted seven year old Sonali Singh from Anamnagar on 

16 March, 2009 before killing her in India. He is a leader of a 

Terai Cobra, an armed outfit. 

Bandh effects life in Madhesh 

Rajbiraj, April 20: Normal life was effected due to the 

indefinite Madhesh bandh called by the Federation of Backward 

Communities Nepal. FBCN has called indefinite Madhesh 

Bandh demanding implementation of the past agreement 

reached with the Government. Vechiles in Saptari stayed off 

the roads through out the day while marketplaces and 

educational institution remained shut. 

Yadav sees plot 

Rajbiraj: Chairman of Madheshi Janaadhikar Forum Nepal, 

Upendra Yadav on Friday claimed that the incumbent 

government was hatching conspiracies against the constitution 

drafting. Speaking at a mass meeting organized by the party at 

Bhardaha in Rajbiraj, Yadav said the three Major parties were 

against the independent of Madhesh state. The government 

must implement the previous agreement reached between the 

past governments and Madhesh-based parties even after the 

promulgation of new statute. 

Factory padlocked 

Parasi: Locals have padlocked the factory of Butwal 

Cement Mills Pvt. at Swathi-4, Nawalparasi, for an indefinite 

period, saying that the cement factory increased pollution. 

They said that they were forced to resort to the move after 

the management did not heed their repeated requests to 

manage the pollution generated by Butwal Cement. After 

the protest, the cement factory has been shut down. 

Musahars too poor to go to school 

despite govt. efforts 

Siraha, April 25: Despite government campaigns to 

increase enrolment rate in schools; children in this Musahar 

Village in Siraha have always been deprived of education. 

The Musahar village in Siraha-9 is just next to the District 

Education Office, the government mechanism in the district 

responsible for leading the enrolment campaign. But still, 

nearly 123 children of schooling age from 60 families have 

never been to school. 

The Arms Training by the Maoist to 

Grasp the Power 

The Maoist 

has started the Arms 

Group Training 

saying that there has 

been the requirement 

of the ‘’ Last Rebel’’ 

as the Govt. 

becomes the failure and the N.C, CPN-UML created 

obstacles in the formation of the Constitution. The sub- 

Maoist Khadga Bahadur Basnet said that the ‘’ Militrend’’ 

is according to the Central Programe. The Maoist is 

efforting to present about 10 thousand people in every 

district for peace and the Constitution according to their 

three months Central program. According to their 14 states 

they are planning to gather around 1 lakhs people in every 

state. In the training given by the leaders of the YCL and 

the Ganatantrik Khelkud Sangh, the trainees are given 6 

hrs training daily. The Youths are being trained physically 

and mentally. But confusion is being created due to having 

faith on democracy on one side and taking the Arms Group 

Training. Whereas on the other hand the Secretary of the 

UCPN-Maoist C.P. Gajurel said that the training is just for 

the Physical exercises and not an Arms Group Training 

Actually. It’s just a rumor. 

Office : Madhesh Media House, Anamnagar, P.O.Box : 11858, Kathmandu, Phone No : 977-4266142/4266141, Fax : 4255431, 

E-mail id : nepal.madhesh@gmail.com, Website : www.madheshvani.com, Editor : Suraksha Thakur, Executive Editor : Mala Dahal

The Voice of Madhesh - Madhesh Media house

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