Camoenae Hungaricae 3(2006) - Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények
Camoenae Hungaricae 3(2006) - Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények
Camoenae Hungaricae 3(2006) - Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények
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sylvania as one of its “provinces.” The Illyrian terminology borrowed from Vitezović<br />
shows up in the descriptions of the languages spoken by the peoples of the region: “The<br />
Rascians belong to the Slavic peoples, i.e. to the one that populates the entirety of Illyria,<br />
i.e. Dalmatia, Slavonia, Bosnia, Serbia and Bulgaria and whose language show little<br />
dialectic differences compared to each other. These then [sc. the Rascians] also speak the<br />
Illyrian tongue.” 85<br />
Acta pacis Carlovicensis<br />
However, the issue here is not what kind of help is offered by the Marsili papers in<br />
Bologna to the analysis of the sources of the Danubius (though this is an important and<br />
partially unresolved one as well) but whether this grandiose heap of material should be<br />
regarded as a mere miscellany, a Wunderkammer left behind by a passionate collector?<br />
Could it be but a mishmash of the leftover building material and of the scaffolding that<br />
was taken down after the completion of the building of the Danubius, or could it still<br />
conceal works other than the ones mentioned above or at least unfinished efforts from the<br />
third creative phase? Well, what I have to say here may be surprising and even banal but<br />
it is something I have not encountered in the literature: in my opinion, the Work we are<br />
looking for is the Collection itself, or at least a large part of it.<br />
If the foreword is to be believed, the publication of the Danubius was almost accidental.<br />
86 In any case, though the monumental work was published in the 1720s, its inception<br />
belongs, in its entirety, to Marsili’s first and second creative period. 87 It is difficult to<br />
imagine that the count, while undertaking an important military task in defence of the<br />
Papal State against the Habsburgs 88 and being in continuous contact with the major public<br />
figures, politicians and scholarly associations of his day and attributing, as he did, a<br />
quasi-religious role to politics, 89 would have been content as a political writer to pen his<br />
own defence against the humiliation the Habsburg government dealt him and circulate it<br />
85 “Rasciani Nationis Slavae pars sunt; illius videlicet, quae totum Illyricum, Dalmatiam, Sclavoniam, Bosnam,<br />
Serviam, Bulgariamque occupat, Linguae tantum exigua quadam diversitate, seu potius Dialectorum varietate<br />
interpresa. Hi quoue Linguam Illyricam habent.” Danubius, I, 25.<br />
86 Marsili was in London and Amsterdam on behalf of the Institution in Bologna, when, at the instigation<br />
of the Royal Society and the publishing company’s unsolicited approach, he dusted off the manuscript of the<br />
Danubius, which “lay neglected in the dark for 22 years.” Ibid., Dedication.<br />
87 The idea for the Danubius was beginning to take a concrete form in Marsili’s mind during the idle winter<br />
months of 1689–1690, when he began “to collect all information pertaining to antique relics in the regions<br />
lying by the Danube.” (Autobiografia, 122). STOYE 1994, op. cit., 82–86. attributes the conception of the<br />
Danubius to the inspiration of the relics of the Roman civilization and the history of the Roman Empire.<br />
88 Luigi SIMEONI, Il Generale Marsili e la difesa dello Stato pontificio nel 1708–9, in: Memorie intorno a<br />
Luigi Ferdinando Marsili, ed. cit., 91–144. Cf. STOYE 1994, op. cit., 271–276.<br />
89 Even during his audience with the Pope (Clement XI), preparatory to the opening of the Institution, he<br />
mostly discussed politics: Autobiografia, 235–238.<br />
<strong>Camoenae</strong> <strong>Hungaricae</strong> 3(<strong>2006</strong>)<br />
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