T. Heilbron 2012.Botanical relics of the plantations - osodresie

Botanical Relics of the Plantations of
Suriname
Author:
Thiëmo HEILBRON
MSc Thesis
November 23, 2012
Supervisor:
Dr. Tinde VAN ANDEL

Abstract
This research demonstrates the need for recognition of the botanical heritage of the plantation
era in Suriname among scientists, Surinamese citizens and tourists, in order to ensure
its protection as a living memory of the country’s turbulent history. The botanical heritage
of the plantation society was investigated by searching for physical relic plants and exploring
the local knowledge about these plants, also an important aspect of the heritage of the
plantations. On 27 locations of former plantations, 41 specimens of botanical relics were
collected. Individuals of 18 species could be regarded as plantation relics. Field assessment,
interviews with the local population and landowners, historical literature, maps and pictures
were essential to placing the relics into context. A former production field of cacao dating
to pre-abolition times, remnants of tamarind lanes, a date palm from Africa that became
a part of the natural vegetation, a banana used as a food source by slaves in their escape
from the plantations, remnants of cactus hedges in the forest, a shade tree for cash crops
still very common, a Javanese black rice variety in decline, wild hedge plants of the genus
Triphasia and a wild banana, a new record for Suriname, were amongst the finds. Results
of this study will be incorporated in a botanical heritage project for tourists on one of the
research locations at plantation Reijnsdorp, Commewijne.
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Contents
1 Introduction 3
1.1 Plantations and their plants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.2 Suriname . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.2.1 Topography and history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.2.2 Legacy of the Plantations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.2.3 Plants of the Plantations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.3 Key Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
2 Methodology 7
3 Results 9
3.1 Graphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
3.2 Detailed examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
3.2.1 Amerindian relics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
3.2.2 Cash crop relics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
3.2.3 Plantation structure relics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
3.2.4 Plantation owner garden relics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
3.2.5 Slave garden relics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
3.2.6 Wage laborer relics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
4 Discussion 15
4.1 Plantations in Suriname and diversity in their relics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.2 Complications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.3 Relics in context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
4.4 Tracking plants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
4.5 Prospects of botanical relics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
4.6 Follow-up research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
5 Conclusion 18
6 Acknowledgements 19
A List of the collected species 24
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1 Introduction
1.1 Plantations and their plants
The formation of the colonial plantation economy system based on slave labor in the New World
and the subsequent increased Atlantic travel not only set in motion the forced and voluntary
migration of large numbers of people, but also the dispersal of a variety of plant species (Carney,
2005; Carney & Rosomoff, 2009; Morgan, 1997; Schiebinger, 2004). Several crops made their
way to the Americas from other regions of the world, such as coffee (Coffea spp.) from Africa
and banana (Musa spp.) domesticated since long in Africa from Asia (Mbida et al., 2000),
sugarcane (Saccharum officinarum L.) and citrus (Citrus spp.) from Asia, and cabbage (Brassica
spp.) from Europe (Carney & Rosomoff, 2009; Voeks, 2013; Herlein, 1718; Van Andel et al.,
2012).
The recent interest in studying plant dispersal of enslaved Africans in the historical context
of slavery and plantations has revealed a vivid image of the dynamics of the plant use of the
slaves, slave owners and the indigenous population (Carney & Rosomoff, 2009; Voeks, 2013;
Mann, 2011; Carney, 2004). By studying dispersal tracks and uses of plants in the plantation era,
ethnobotanists have shown how slaves and slave-owners planted (or managed) different plants
for a certain rationale. Whilst slave owners had interest in planting cash crops for trade, slaves
grew their plants for medicinal, food and ritual use in their own gardens (Carney & Rosomoff,
2009; Van Andel et al., 2012; Carney, 2005, 2002).
There is a vast body of information available on African diaspora, slavery and plantations,
from archaeological and historical research (e.g. Orser & Funari, 2001; Klingelhofer, 1987;
Singleton, 1995; Pryor, 1982). However, little research has been done on plants in a historical
context. Studying the plants used by the slaves and slave owners will provide information on
these people and their history.
1.2 Suriname
1.2.1 Topography and history
The former Dutch colony of Suriname is situated in the Northern part of South-America, and
bordered by Guyana to the West, French Guyana to the East, Brazil to the South and the Atlantic
Ocean to the North (See: Fig. 3). The country lies roughly between 6 ◦ and 2 ◦ Northern latitude
and 58 ◦ and 54 ◦ Western longitude. Owing to its geographical position close to the equator
Suriname has a tropical rainforest and tropical monsoon climate (respectively Af and Am in the
Köppen-Geiger climate classification (Peel et al., 2007)), with temperature averaging around
26 ◦ C and annual precipitation between 2000-2400mm. The soil of the coastal area consists of
sea clay with local sand and shell ridges. The coastal vegetation types are, from North to South,
mangrove forest, swamp with herbs and shrubs, and swamp woods. In the country’s interior,
a variety of rainforest types exists. Furthermore, the country occupies a central position in the
floral district of the Guianas (Lindeman & Moolenaar, 1953).
Around 1650, English settlers established the first plantations in Suriname, producing
mostly sugarcane (Saccharum officinarum ) and tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum L.) (Wolbers, 1861;
Van Lier, 1977). In 1667, the Dutch, at the end of the Second Anglo-Dutch war, conquered the
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small but prospering colony (Wolbers, 1861). The Dutch expanded the area of the plantations
and the production of cash crops. The best locations for plantations were the fertile coastal areas,
where present vegetation could be cleared and areas could be transformed to fertile arable land
by implementing a drainage system with canals and sluices. Large numbers of enslaved people
from the African continent were shipped to Suriname to work on the plantations.
After periods of prosperity and hardship for the colony, by 1770 Suriname eventually
gave rise to over 400 plantations (Hoefte, 1996) (See: Fig. 1). The main crops in production
on the plantations were sugarcane (Saccharum officinarum), cacao (Theobroma cacao), cotton
(Gossypium barbadense), tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum) and indigo (Indigofera tinctoria) (Heilbron,
1993). The plantation system in Suriname eventually declined due to increased pressure
from competition on the world market and raids by maroons (Heilbron, 1993; Benjamins &
Snelleman, 1914).
Figure 1: Map showing the many plantations in coastal Suriname (Moseberg, 1801)
In 1863 slavery was abolished in Suriname, but former slaves were forced to work under
indentured contracts for a ten-year period (Emmer, 1993). After this period, large numbers of
former slaves left the plantations for cities and villages. To provide workforce for the plantations,
contract laborers were recruited from other areas, mostly from the former British East-Indies,
former Dutch East-Indies (Java) and China (Van Lier, 1977; Benjamins & Snelleman, 1914). In
the period that followed, the plantation economy gradually collapsed and estates were overtaken
by small farmers or abandoned (Heilbron, 1982). Currently, the majority of the plantations is still
abandoned and have been overgrown by natural vegetation, while others, especially around the
capital of Suriname, Paramaribo, have been urbanized. Along the Commewijne and Suriname
rivers, many areas are still known by their historical plantation name.
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(a) Satellite image of abandoned
and overgrown plantations,
Warappa creek, Commewijne
1.2.2 Legacy of the Plantations
(b) An historical planter’s house
on partly urbanized plantation Alliance,
Commewijne
Figure 2: Remnants of the plantations in Suriname
(c) A kettle for boiling sugarcane
syrup in the forest on plantation
de Hoop, Commewijne
In Suriname plantation history is still very well visible, both in abandoned and urbanized areas
(See: Fig. 2). Remnants of the extensive coastal drainage system are visible on satellite images
(2a), while on some former plantations the remains of buildings (2b) and various other remnants
and artifacts can be found (2c). Furthermore, names like ‘Blauwgrond’ (Blueground in Dutch)
for a former indigo plantation refer to historical links.
There is growing interest in Suriname for conserving, protecting and restoring plantations
for educational and heritage tourism purposes. Organizations like Foundation for the Protection
of Antiquities Suriname (STIBOSUR), The Built Heritage Foundation Suriname (SGES)
and restoration projects on former plantations Reijnsdorp (http://www.warappakreek.com),
Peperpot (http://plantagepeperpot.nl) and Frederiksdorp (http://www.frederiksdorp.
com) are examples of this.
Most archaeological research in Suriname has focused on the indigenous population (e.g.
Versteeg, 1998, 1992). Little research on the plantations and plantation era (roughly 1667-1873)
has taken place. One exception is the search for fort Buku, the stronghold of Boni, one of the
most famous maroons fighting against colonial authority in Suriname (Pel et al., 2008). Still, no
scientific research has been done on the botanical heritage of the plantation society.
1.2.3 Plants of the Plantations
There are a limited number of 17 th and 18 th century historical accounts that provide some information
on the plants present on the plantations in Suriname. Important are the recently rediscovered
diary of Linnaeus-trained botanist Daniel Rolander, who mentioned plants from the
gardens of slaves, such as Cleome gynandra L. used as a vegetable and Croton tiglium L. used
medicinally (Rolander, 2008). Other sources are the drawings of Maria Sibylla Merian (1705),
the collections of Gustav Dahlberg (1771), the Hermann herbarium (Van Andel et al., in press)
and historical descriptions of the colony (Herlein, 1718; Fermin, 1765; Hartsinck, 1770). Apart
from obvious cash crops, African crops were brought as ‘local known’ food for the slaves as
provisions on the Trans-Atlantic journey (Emmer, 2007). The more recent literature that covers
plantation crops in Suriname dates from the 1960s (e.g. Ostendorf, 1962; Wessels Boer, 1965).
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The potential contribution of the slave population on the plants present on the plantations,
should not be underestimated. In the period until the abolition of slavery around 300.000 to
350.000 Africans, mostly from Guinea and Congo, but also Cameroon, Angola, Togo and Senegal,
were brought to Suriname (Van Lier, 1977). Slave ships were the vessels for a variety of
seeds and plants from Africa(Carney & Rosomoff, 2009). Slaves constituted a significant proportion
of the population in the colony, sometimes at a ratio of one to 65 on plantations and a
ratio of two to seven in urban areas in 1787 (Van Lier, 1977; Hoefte, 1996). Many plantation
slaves were allowed to cultivate their own provision grounds (Emmer, 2007; Price, 1991).
Almost 150 years after the abolition of slavery in Suriname, part of the heritage of the
plantation era is of botanical nature. A relic is defined as a ‘survivor or remnant left after decay,
disintegration, or disappearance’ (Merriam-Webster dictionary). In the discourse of biology, a
relic can be an individual, group of individuals (population) or a species that has managed to
survive from an earlier time in an area or population that has undergone considerable changes
(e.g. Mousadik & Petit, 1996; Li et al., 2012). Carney & Rosomoff (2009) use the term ‘legacy’
to describe African botanical heritage. Here, ‘botanical relic’ is used to refer to a surviving plant
individual introduced by humans to the plantations in Suriname and its offspring. These relics
are the heritage of a time period that has had significant impact on the country’s history. In
addition to the physical botanical relics themselves, the knowledge of the local population on
these relics is part of the colonial history, and is of interest as well.
1.3 Key Questions
This study aims to reveal and document the botanical relics of plantations of Suriname. The
questions addressed in this research are:
1. What botanical relics can be found on former plantations in Suriname?
2. Are the origin and the history of plant species reflected in their contemporary uses,
stories and local names?
3. How useful are these botanical relics as indicators for the former presence of a plantation?
This research may contribute to the recognition of the botanical heritage of the plantation
era, among scientists, Surinamese citizens and tourists, and their protection as a living memory
of the country’s turbulent history. Findings of this research will be incorporated in a project
on botanical heritage named ‘Botanical Legacy Garden’ for educational purposes, at Plantation
Reijnsdorp (http://www.warappakreek.com).
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2 Methodology
The direct motive for this study was the request of a Dutch tourist operator who recently started a
project for eco-tourism development on part of a plantation (Reijnsdorp, Commewijne district).
He encountered rows of cacti and a date palm species in the forest and was interested in the
origin and history of those plants.
From literature on plantation crops (e.g Van Andel et al., 2012; Rolander, 2008; Ostendorf,
1962; Stahel, 1944), a list was made of plant species that might be expected as relics on former
plantations. The list included most prominent former cash crops, such as Theobroma cacao and
Coffea liberica and plants that supported them, for example Erythrina spp. as a shade tree. Some
species described in historical literature as being planted in slave or slave owners’ gardens, such
as Cleome gynandra and Croton tiglium (Rolander, 2008), Furcraea foetida, and plants which,
according to local inhabitants, might have some historical connection to the plantations, such
as the columnar cactus Cereus spp., were also included. Color images of these species were
provided to local inhabitants to ask whether they knew these species and their locality.
Fieldwork was performed between March 6 th and May 19 th , 2012. After spending 13
days at plantation Reijnsdorp, new locations were chosen according to information gained from
open-ended interviews with local guides, hunters, fishermen and elderly people. Information
regarding the whereabouts of possible relic individuals was also obtained, and vernacular names
and stories of the origin of these plants were documented. Figure 3 shows the location of the
plantations where fieldwork was conducted. Generally, the plantations are distributed over five
areas, namely Warappa creek (#1-12), the mouth of Commewijne river (#13-18), Orleane creek
(#19-21), the mouth of the Suriname river (#22-25) and the lower Suriname river (#26-27) area.
For each of the relics, a botanical voucher was made using standard botanical techniques. The
plants’ locations were logged in a GPS device. Observations on growth form, reproduction,
abundance and specific patterns on site were made, and pictures were taken of the locality. For
species encountered various times at different localities, only GPS data were collected. For
cacti collected, the alcohol method described by De Groot (2011) was used prior to drying.
Duplicates of all collected species were deposited at the National Herbarium Suriname (BBS)
and the National Herbarium of the Netherlands (NHN). Collection and export permits were
obtained from the Nature Conservation Division of the Suriname Forest Service (L.B.B.). For
the cacti specimens collected, a separate CITES permit was obtained (permit nr. 12189).
After the fieldwork, the collected specimens were identified using the Flora of Suriname,
the Flora of the Guianas and the Checklist of the Plants of the Guianas (Boggan et al., 1997). For
some specimens, specialist botanists were consulted to identify the plants to a (sub)species level,
namely P. Maas (NHN) and M. Hakkinen (H) for Musaceae, D. HilleRisLambers for an Oryza
cultivar and M. Nee (NYBG) for Solanaceae. After identification, the plants were added to the
NHN collection. A sample of seeds of a black Oryza cultivar was sent to the Anne van Dijk
Rijst Onderzoekscentrum Nickerie (ADRON) in Suriname for documenting and maintaining
this cultivar. It is currently being grown in Nickerie for comparative research.
Maps were made using ArcGIS 10.0, GPS locations collected during fieldwork, the digitized
map of Bakhuis et al. (1930), and exported satellite imagery from Google Earth (http:
//earth.google.com). For Phoenix reclinata a distribution map was made with the ear-
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Figure 3: Fieldwork locations
lier mentioned datasets, location data of herbarium specimens from the NHN collection and
the Global Biodiversity Information Facility (GBIF http://www.gbif.org). Images including
plantations and their remnants were obtained from the KDV Architects database (http:
//www.kdvarchitects.com) in Paramaribo.
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3 Results
3.1 Graphs
Figure 4: Locations of collected specimens and species
In total, a number of 41 botanical vouchers were collected on 27 plantations. Among these collected
specimens were plants mentioned by locals as relics that were not on the list of plants
expected as relics. Figure 4 shows the locations and the species of the collected specimens. A
complete list of the collected species with number, scientific name, vernacular name(s), historical
and current uses is given in Appendix A.
In total, individuals from 18 species that could be regarded as botanical relics were collected.
Table 1 summarizes information on relic type, species, reproduction status, cultivation
status and origin. Some specimens of ‘original individuals’ 1 were collected, but most specimens
were ‘offspring individuals’ 2 . Some of the large individuals of Tamarindus indica and Erythrina
fusca that were observed might very well date to before the abolition of slavery. Species can be
potentially attributed and linked to more than a single group. An example is Mangifera indica,
which can be a relic of plantation owners, slaves or wage laborers. Pandanus dubius, Musa
balbisiana and the black Oryza sativa cultivar are attributed to wage laborers solely, whilst plantation
owner garden relics could potentially also be attributed to other groups. Typical botanical
relic species attributed to African slaves are Phoenix reclinata and Caesalpinia bonduc. Musa
x paradisiaca, Pandanus dubius and the black Oryza sativa cultivar were the only plants found
1 Original individual: an individual originally planted and managed by people from the plantations
2 Offspring individual: an individual that is offspring of an original individual
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solely in cultivation. Plants originating from Asia, Africa and the Americas were found, but no
crops from Europe were found to be present at the study sites.
Relic type Species
Amerindian
Cash crop
Plantation
structure
Plantation owner
garden
Slave Garden
Wage labourer
Reproduction
status
Cultivation
status
Origin a
Capsicum annuum var.
glabriusculum
offspr. wild Suriname
Bixa orellana offspr. wild Suriname
Furcraea foetida offspr. wild Suriname
Amaranthus australis offspr. wild N. America
Theobroma cacao offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult. Amazon
Coffea liberica orig. ind. cult. Africa
Bixa orellana offspr. wild Amazon
Erythrina fusca offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult. Suriname
Triphasia trifolia offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult. Asia
Tamarindus indica orig. ind. cult. Africa
Cereus hexagonus offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult. Suriname
Trichanthera gigantea offspr. wild Suriname
Triphasia trifolia offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult. Asia
Mangifera indica offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult. Asia
Tamarindus indica orig. ind. cult. Africa
Phoenix reclinata offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult.? Africa
Musa x paradisiaca offspr. cult., wild? Asia,Africa
Caesalpinia bonduc offspr. wild unknown
Amaranthus australis offspr. wild N. America
Furcraea foetida offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult. Suriname
Tamarindus indica orig. ind. cult. Africa
Mangifera indica offspr., orig. ind. cult., wild? Asia
Oryza sativa offspr. cult. Asia
Musa balbisiana offspr. wild Asia, Africa
Mangifera indica offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult. Asia
Theobroma cacao offspr., orig. ind. wild, cult. Amazonia
Pandanus dubius orig. ind. cult. Asia
Musa x paradisiaca offspr. cult. Asia,Africa
Source: Abbreviations:
a Rehm and Espig (1991), F.W. Ostendorf (1962) orig. ind.= original individual offspr. = offspring
cult.= cultivated
Table 1: Botanical relics of the plantations in Suriname
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(a) Relics of a historical
tamarind lane on plantation
Alliance, Commewijne
3.2 Detailed examples
3.2.1 Amerindian relics
(b) Cactus relics in a hedge in
a swamp forest on plantation
Barbados, Commewijne
Figure 5: Images of relics
(c) Thick mango individuals and
roots on plantation Berg en Dal,
Brokopondo
A collection of a bush pepper native to Suriname (Capsicum annuum var. glabriusculum) was
made at the abandoned plantation Bent’s Hoop. The vernacular name ‘pepper of God’ was
explained by a Javanese elderly woman who heard from her father that the pepper ‘cannot be
planted by humans, only by God’. On the nearby abandoned plantation Kerkshove, Bixa orellana,
used by Amerindians (and African slaves) for its red dye (Ostendorf, 1962), was found
growing wild.
3.2.2 Cash crop relics
Numerous cacao trees stand in the rainforest at the former plantation Montpellier, abandoned
since 1840. Locals identified these trees as being from the plantation era and indicated the
variety of the cacao as one formerly used, but not in recent times (although this could not be
confirmed by the literature). A remnant of a cacao field was also found at plantation Berlijn.
However, rather than a remnant of the plantation era, this was a remnant of a field established
after the Second World War. After a few bad harvests, ownership changed and currently these
plantations are in use for other agricultural practices such as cattle farming. Remnants of cacao
and coffee fields were found on plantation Peperpot, where production stopped a few decades
ago.
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3.2.3 Plantation structure relics
Tamarind trees in lanes were a common feature on plantations. Drinks from their fruits were
a welcome refreshment by the plantation owners, as an early observer of the tree in Suriname
mentioned in Herlein (1718). On the former plantation Alliance, a remnant of a lane is found
in the village (Fig. 5a). Only trees on one side of the trail remain as the others were cut some
decades ago to make place for a hangar.
The tamarind tree collected on the abandoned plantation Johanna Charlotte was encountered
in the interior of the plantation. There an ‘island’ inside a raised dam (15cm) was present
in the swamp. In this ‘island’ shrubs and a few trees, among which the tamarind tree, but also
Triphasia trifolia and Cereus hexagonus, were encountered.
The individuals of Cereus hexagonus collected at the Warappa creek area were found standing
in rows on small dams originating from the plantation era on several abandoned plantations
(Fig. 5b). These hedges stand in coastal swamp vegetation, which has reclaimed large parts of
the plantations, but according to the Flora of the Guianas normally this native columnar cactus
is found ‘on sandy ridges near the coast and in savanna, on rock outcrops in the forest and savanna,
also on riverbanks of granite’ (Leuenberger, 1997). Man-made cactus hedges are known
from the Dutch Antilles, where the hedges were and often still are placed as a partition (Morton,
1967), and from other former colonies (Campbell, 1898; Duvall, 2009). No leads on any recent
origin of these cactus hedges, nor historical maps depicting cacti hedges were found. Individuals
in the open swamp tended to grow less high (1-4m), than individuals in the swamp forest
(3-10m). Occasionally, Triphasia trifolia was encountered between Cereus individuals. Triphasia
trifolia is a plant indigenous to Southeast Asia, often used for hedges (Swingle & Reece,
1943). It is still used as a hedge and can be found at the presidential palace in Paramaribo. The
co-occurrence of those two species further supports that they have been used as hedges in the
past.
On plantation Berlijn, a number of Erythrina fusca individuals were found amidst an abandoned
cacao field. The tree was used on plantations as a shade tree for juvenile cacao and coffee
plants, also reflected in the vernacular name ‘kofimama’. This species is often encountered and
is one of the most widely known botanical relics.
3.2.4 Plantation owner garden relics
Mangifera indica trees were encountered on several plantations, that have been urbanized or
abandoned. On plantation Berg en Dal, several thick trees (DBH 460cm, height 12m) with
extensive root systems stood between original slave houses and a plantation owner’s house (Fig.
5c). According to one informant, the fact that the trees’ root system was visible due to erosion
was an indication of old age (Fig. 5c). Mango trees are still common in the yards in Paramaribo,
where also large individuals can be encountered.
3.2.5 Slave garden relics
The Senegal date palm Phoenix reclinata, native to Africa, was probably introduced in Suriname
as food on slave ships. Juveniles and adults were frequently found on the coastal plantations
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(a) locations observed in the field (red dots) and collections from
NHN (yellow dots)
Figure 6: Phoenix reclinata
(b) adult on plantation Reijnsdorp,
Commewijne and fruits
(Fig. 6). Wessels Boer (1965) and Ostendorf (1962) note that this clustered palm was locally
frequent along the lower Commewijne river, the Suriname river and the coastal swamps near
Matapica. Always encountered in a brackish environment, conditions in Suriname appear similar
to the palm original habitat in Africa (Von Fintel et al., 2004). The interviews revealed that few
people knew about the palm’s African origin and connection to the period of slavery. Uses
encountered during fieldwork were limited. The fruits (1-2cm) are occasionally eaten, mostly
by children. The fruits can be left in water overnight to enhance the ripening. Given the palm’s
many uses in Africa (Kinnaird, 1992), much knowledge on this species seems to have been lost.
A local banana variety (Musa x paradisiaca) was collected under the vernacular name
‘loweman bakba’. This variety’s fruits have a thick angular peel (Fig. 7a). In Sranan Tongo
(Surinamese language) ‘loweman’ means a runaway slave and ‘bakba’ is a term used for bananas.
This plant was collected in a Javanese community on plantation Reijnsdorp. Interviews
revealed that the villagers’ ancestors encountered this plant ‘growing wild in the forest’ and that
the few remaining former slaves on the plantation told them that this was the ‘loweman bakba’,
that was grown by slaves and used as food during their escape from the plantations. Also, a
collection of ‘loweman bakba’ was made from a yard in Paramaribo. The owner received this
plant from a friend from the maroon village Dritabiki (Sipaliwini district in Eastern Suriname).
Due to its drift seed properties, Caesalpinia bonduc occurs naturally along beaches worldwide
(Rehm & Espig, 1991), including the coast of Suriname. The seeds are widely used as
marbles in a game called ‘agi’ (Ewe) or ‘aware’ (Twi) in Ghana (van Andel et al., 2012). The
‘agi’ game was unknown to most interviewed people, except for one man originally from Dritabiki.
He told that ‘the game is still played by some elderly people, but the youth does not know
this game. These seeds are known, but the game is not played with them anymore’. Maroons
use Ormosia seeds to play the ‘agi’ game nowadays (Van Andel, unpublished data).
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(a) Fruit of ‘loweman bakba’
collected on plantation Reijnsdorp,
Commewijne
(b) Ms. Ronowikromo with her
black Oryza cultivar, plantation
Reijnsdorp, Commewijne
Figure 7: Images of relics II
(c) Banana in abandoned part of
village on plantation Reijnsdorp,
Commewijne
In Ghana, the seeds are also used put as beads on a string around the waist of a sick child
against skin rashes (van Andel et al., 2012). An elderly Hindustani couple (living around Eastwestverbinding,
km 23.5, Commewijne) knew the seeds were medicinally used by making a
bracelet of seeds for infants with intestinal problems.
3.2.6 Wage laborer relics
A black variety of Oryza sativa (vernacular name ‘ketan ierang’) was grown for food and ceremonies
(e.g. weddings) at the village of former plantation Reijnsdorp (Fig. 7b). An elderly
Javanese woman who still plants this rice variety said that it was brought from Java by the first
generation migration workers. It used to be commonly planted, but very few people remain that
are involved in planting, harvesting and preparing the rice.
Musa balbisiana, a wild banana with seeds native to South Asia and currently considered to
be inedible, was encountered at the recently abandoned part of Bakkie, the village of plantation
Reijnsdorp (Fig. 7c). It is one of the ancestors of modern cultivated bananas (Musa spp.). Interestingly,
this species does not appear on the checklist of the Guianas (Boggan et al., 1997) and is
a new record for Suriname. Some of the inhabitants of this village migrated to the Netherlands
when Suriname became independent in 1975 (Grasveld, 1986), others left for more urbanized
areas, such as Paramaribo. Therefore, it was not possible to interview people that originally lived
at the place where this wild banana grew. Given its Asian origin, this species probably came with
the Javanese contract laborers to Suriname and can be seen as a relic from the plantation period
after the abolition of slavery.
14

4 Discussion
4.1 Plantations in Suriname and diversity in their relics
There existed a large variety of plantations in colonial Suriname. The distribution of plantations
from coast more inland was characterized by a variation in soil type, rainfall and subsequently
natural vegetation. Also, the decline in the plantation system was gradual and plantations,
whether urbanized, still in production or abandoned, are still changing. These dynamics in
plantations have led to diversity in the botanical relics. On abandoned plantations, where restoration
of natural vegetation occurred due to lack of maintenance (a process that started as early
as 1667 (Wolbers, 1861)), the context of relics is different from plantations that have ceased to
produce crops more recently, or plantations that after an initial period of urbanization, have seen
a recent de-urbanization (e.g. on plantation Reijnsdorp). Hence, the relics that may be encountered
are different from one site to the next. Plants are dynamic, they grow, reproduce and die.
Whether a plant is a naturally occurring individual or an actual relic is sometimes difficult to
determine, as is the connection of a particular relic to the history of the plantation on which it
occurs.
Diversity in the botanical relics is evident in various aspects. Relics can be present as
original plant individuals from the 17 th century, such as in the lanes of old tamarind trees at
plantation Alliance. They can also be present as relatively young individuals from the recent
past, such as the cacao on plantation Berlijn dated to just after World War II. Relics can be
present as offspring (one or more generation of descendants from the original cultivated plants),
such as the cacao fields in the forest of the plantation Montpellier. They can be attributed to
different social or ethnic groups (slave owners, slaves or wage laborers, Amerindians, African
or Asian). Relics can be of exotic (e.g.Triphasia trifolia) or indigenous origin (e.g.Erythrina
fusca). Those with a known non-indigenous provenance are easier to distinguish as relics than
species that naturally occur in Suriname, since the human cause of the presence of the latter is
more difficult to prove. Relics of Old World origin may have made the Atlantic crossing a few
centuries ago (e.g. Tamarindus indica), or more recently (e.g. Musa balbisiana). Relics might
still depend on humans for propagation, such as the Oryza sativa cultivar, while others have
managed to reproduce by themselves, sometimes even becoming part of the natural vegetation
(e.g. Phoenix reclinata). Relics can be found as a single individual and as a group of individuals
from a single or different species.
4.2 Complications
To attribute a relic to a group and place a relic in time can be difficult. Some species were used by
more than one group of people. Also, plant use and knowledge were conveyed from one group to
another. There are historical examples of exchange between Amerindians and African enslaved
peoples (Voeks, 2013; White, 2010). An example from this research is Musa x paradisiaca,
originally planted by slaves, now commonly found in Javanese gardens at plantation Reijnsdorp.
Another example is, the medicinal use of Caesalpinia bonduc, possibly exchanged between (the
descendants of) former slaves and East Indian wage laborers after the abolition of slavery.
For indigenous species brought to the plantations, natural dispersal is sometimes a real pos-
15

sibility, especially on plantations abandoned long ago. For example, the bush pepper collected on
the abandoned plantation Bent’s Hoop (Capsicuum annuum var. glabriusculum) could be a relic
of Amerindians, of a crop managed in the gardens of slaves, or, coincidentally, may have grown
naturally after abandonment of the plantation. The same holds for Bixa orellana on plantation
Kerkshove. When a tree is naturally common in the surrounding vegetation, such as Erythrina
fusca in the coastal forest, distinguishing between actual relics (individuals planted as a shade
tree for coffee or cacao or their offspring) and naturally occurring individuals is problematic.
Even introduced species can have similar difficulties. Phoenix reclinata is so well adapted
to its new environment that it managed to spread and become so common that it now appears
part of the natural vegetation. Connection to the plantation of origin is lost in this case, which
may result in the plant spreading outside its original plantation in several generations. In this
case, the term relic, comprising something after decline, does not hold well.
Plants that continue to be widely used can be problematic to distinguish as relics. Mangifera
indica was present in Suriname before the abolition of slavery (Dahlberg, 1771; Kappler, 1854)
and is still common today. The age of mango trees can be hard to determine by sight, and trees
marked as original individuals from the colonial period by locals should be approached with
caution. Several elderly locals that were interviewed mentioned remembering mango trees being
juveniles during their life, while the same trees (DBH 360cm, height 12m) were appointed
as ‘original individuals of the colonial period’ by other (younger) locals.
4.3 Relics in context
Key to placing a relic in context is extracting as much information out of available sources as
possible. Useful information for the context of a relic, can be extracted from the field. For
example, the single tamarind tree on the abandoned plantation Johanna Charlotte was without
the structure of a lane. However, the fact that Triphasia trifolia and Cereus hexagonus were
found in this ‘island’ as well points to a historical origin. It is not always this straightforward.
On plantation Berg en Dal, the thickest mango trees encountered during this study (DBH 460cm,
height 12m) were found between the historical buildings. This points towards a relic of the
plantation era, but on historical images and dioramas these trees could not be distinguished.
For abandoned plantations, traits for distinguishing relics include increased occurrence
(e.g. as the many cacao trees in the forest found at plantation Montpellier), unnatural arrangement
of the individuals (e.g. as the row of cacti found on plantation Barbados), occurrence
outside natural habitat (e.g. the cacti found in the swamp forest near Warappa creek), or presence
of non indigenous species.
Local people often have specific knowledge about the plants and plants’ history in their
surroundings, including nearby abandoned areas. Apart from locations of plants, interviews
revealed interesting connections in stories on plants, vernacular names and uses. For example,
the name ‘loweman bakba’ of Musa x paradisiaca shows that the origin of this cultivar should be
attributed to African slaves rather than to Asian migrant workers who are presently the primary
consumers of the banana. Whilst some knowledge is very common, for example that Erythrina
fusca or ‘kofimama’ was used as ‘a tree for mothering juvenile Coffea plants’, other knowledge
is very specific and only known to a single person.
16

Lastly, in trying to determine age, historical sources such as plantation maps, pictures and
manuscripts containing detailed information on a particular plantation can be useful as well,
although maps that depict individual plants on (part of) a plantation are scarce.
Once sufficient knowledge on botanical relics is accumulated, the human influences in
seemingly natural forest in overgrown plantations can be found and understood.
4.4 Tracking plants
In the literature some of the encountered species can be tracked and some information on their
connection to the plantations can be found. For example, Rolander (2008) notes seeing a date
palm in his diary (probably Phoenix reclinata (Van Andel et al., 2012), although he is unaware
of the African origin of the palm. More than 200 years later, records of Phoenix reclinata by
Ostendorf (1962) and Wessels Boer (1965) are made, and the African origin of the palm is noted.
Currently, another 50 years later, the palm has managed to become a part of natural vegetation,
as shown in this research. Some other examples are the use of Trichanthera gigantica as a
windbreaker for juvenile cacao trees and a Pandanaceae species (Pandanus tectorius Parkinson
ex Du Roi) brought from Java in the 1910s Ostendorf (1962). However, for other species and
their connection to the plantations much is unknown. For example Triphasia trifolia, still used
as a hedge plant in Suriname (e.g. at the presidential palace in Paramaribo), was unknown as a
relic of the plantations and questions on its connection to the plantations in Suriname remain.
4.5 Prospects of botanical relics
Surinamese citizens are generally interested in plantation history, both in urbanized environments
as well as rural communities. People of all ethnic groups in Suriname possess knowledge
on a variety of plants and their uses. Still, botanical heritage is viewed somewhat different, as
people are mostly unaware of the historical connections between certain plants, the plantations
and the country’s history. The physical botanical heritage is not always seen as valuable, as the
cutting of the ancient tamarind lane on plantation Alliance demonstrates. Also, the government
appears to be doing little to protect this part of the country’s heritage. Private initiatives and
non governmental organizations prove that interest exists to integrate protection of the heritage
into the country’s policy. Apart from raising historical and environmental awareness among
Surinamers, the protection of the botanical heritage of the plantations could provide economic
opportunities for (eco)tourism.
4.6 Follow-up research
In a brief fieldwork period part the botanical heritage of the plantations in Suriname was revealed
and documented, but surely there is much more to be found. Some potential relics mentioned
in the literature, such as Sesamum indicum and Elaeis guineensis (Ostendorf, 1962), Indigofera
tinctoria, Cleome gynandra (Van Andel et al., 2012) and Oryza glaberrima (Van Andel, 2010)
were not found during this study, but are known to occur and be used elsewhere in Suriname
(Van Andel & Ruysschaert, 2011). Other leads remain to be investigated, for example the ‘loweman
bakba’ encountered wild in the forest by early contract workers, and the apparent cultivation
17

of the banana in some maroon villages. In this sense, this research is meant as an initial step in
revealing the full extent of the botanical heritage of the plantation economy and the plantations.
More extensive fieldwork, systematically scanning overgrown plantations could potentially reveal
much more botanical relics.
Genetic research could provide insight in dispersal tracks, such as the precise African or
Asian origin of Phoenix reclinata and Musa spp., or the local source of the cacti hedges in the
Warappa creek area. Ecological questions, such as the extent to which local habitat conditions
affect a relic’s survival, processes that shape relic formation and traits necessary for a species to
become a relic, are worthwhile investigating. Also, different stages and processes of regeneration
in humanized landscapes should be studied. In general, this pilot study shows that Suriname
provides an interesting study area for (ethno)botanists, historians, ecologists and archaeologists.
The country’s abandoned plantations harbor many hidden treasures waiting to be researched.
5 Conclusion
This study revealed and cataloged a variety of botanical relics of the plantations in Suriname,
both indigenous and introduced exotics, found either as offspring or original individuals, mostly
in the wild, but occasionally still cultivated. These relics can be placed in different time periods
and can be attributed to Amerindians, slaves, plantation owners or contract workers. There is
some overlap in use of these plants by the different groups.
A former production field of cacao dating to pre-abolition times, remnants of tamarind
lanes, a date palm from Africa becoming part of natural vegetation, a banana used by slaves in
their escape from the plantations, remnants of cactus hedges in the forest, a shade tree for cash
crops still very common, a recently introduced black rice variety in decline, wild hedge plants
of the genus Triphasia and a wild banana, a new record for Suriname, were interesting finds.
Some species are good indicator for the former presence of a plantation, whilst other
species that occur naturally outside plantations are less useful in this sense. Essential to placing
a relic in context is extracting as much information out of the surroundings, interviewing locals
about their knowledge of plants in their community and studying historical manuscripts, maps
and images. Given the context, a relic can often be situated in a certain framework.
In a brief fieldwork period part the botanical heritage of the plantations in Suriname was
revealed, but surely there is much more to be found. This botanical heritage is worthy of being
protected. Improving awareness about this heritage could help protect this part of Suriname’s
history, be of value for education purposes and could provide economic opportunity in
(eco)tourism functions as well.
18

6 Acknowledgements
This research was funded by Stichting het Van Eeden-fonds, Alberta Mennega Stichting, Graeve
Francken Fonds and ALW-Vidi grant of dr. T. van Andel. A special thanks to Tinde van Andel
for making this project possible. I would like to thank everybody supporting this project in Suriname
and the Netherlands. Furthermore, I would like to thank Amriet Dubar, David Sanredjo,
Marcio Mantasan, Pieter van der Grift, Tjirundi Nirmal, Silis Dipai, Berto Poeketie, Albie
Poeketie, John Mamastina, Patrick Madari, Armand Kertopawiro, as valuable guides. Also, I
am grateful to Bas Spek of Stichting Warappa, Armand van Aalen of VABI, Philip Dickland
of KDV Architects, Ilonka N. Sjak-Shie of Stichting Peperpot, Peter van Huffel of Resort de
Plantage and Rosita King-Nijbroek. Talks with Pieter Teunissen, Wim Veer, Iwan Wijngaarde
and Wensley Misiedjan were much valued.
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A List of the collected species
Coll.
Nr.
Species Habit Local name Earlier use Current use Origin
TH02 Phoenix reclinata Clustered Dadelpalm, Fruits eaten by children, in West Africa
TH21 Jacq.
palm Daalder (SN), leaves (‘Dara’) used for twining
TH23
TH30
TH34
Khedjoer (Hin)
2
Fruits eaten by children, leaving fruits in Introduced
water overnight enhances ripening
1,2
TH03 Oryza sativa L. Herb Ketan ierang (Ja)
(‘Red sticky rice’)
Grains used for ceremonies and food Grains used for ceremonies and food Introduced1 TH04 Tamarindus indica L. Tree Tamalen (Sr), Branches used for whipping slaves, lane
TH16
Tamarinde (SN), tree
TH43
Asem (Ja)
2 Seed pulp eaten3 Seed pulp eaten Introduced2,3 TH05 Erythrina fusca Lour. Tree Kofimama (Sr), Shade tree for juvenile cocao and coffee
TH13
Chang kring (Ja)
TH22
TH27
TH32
2 Hollowed out trunk can be used for rice Native to
processing, host to butterfly species of Suriname
which cocoons (‘Ntong’, Ja) can be eaten
1
TH06 Capsicum annuum Shrub Busi pepre (Sr), Probably fruits used as spice Fruits used as spice Native to
var. glabriusculum
Lombo riwit,
Suriname
(Dunal) Heiser &
Lombo kusti (Ja),
Pickersgill
‘Pepper of God’
1
TH07 Amaranthus australis Herb Wilde klaroen Leave eaten as vegetable
TH33 (A. Gray) Sauer
(SN)
2 Juvenile plants eaten as vegetable Probably
introduced1 TH08 Triphasia trifolia Shrub Swit’lemki (Sr) Hedge plant
TH45 (Burm. f.) P. Wilson
2 Hedge plant (e.g. Presidential Palace, Introduced
Paramaribo), fruits used for aroma and
cosmetics (e.g. nail polish)
1
TH09 Cereus hexagonus Succulent Cactus (SN) Possibly used as hedge or boundary Occasionally ornamental in yards, fruits Native to
TH10
TH11
TH17
TH44
(L.) Mill.
herb
can be eaten
Suriname1,2 TH15 Musa x Paradisiaca Herb Loweman bakba Shade plant for juvenile coffee and
TH49 L. ABB
(Sr), Ghedang
kepo (Ja), Pata(ng)
ke-le (Sa)
cacao2 Fruits eaten Introduced1,2 TH19 Bixa orellana L. Shrub Kusuwé (Sr) Red dye for food, ceramics and cosmetics
(e.g. lipstick), insect repellent for
animals, ornamental in gardens2,3 Red dye, wash animals with water and Native to
fruit pulp as insect repellent
Suriname1,2 Continued on next page

Coll.
Nr.
TH20
TH35
TH24
TH26
TH28
TH40
TH47
TH52
Species Habit Local name
Table 2 – Continued from previous page
Earlier use Current use Origin
Caesalpinia bonduc
(L.) Roxb.
Crawling
herb
Awariston (Sa) Jewelry 2 , cure rashes of infants with a
chain of seeds around an infant’s waist
(in Africa)
Theobroma cacao L. Tree Kakaw (SN) Cash crop, fruits eaten and seeds processed,
variety of medicinal uses 2,3
TH25 Musa balbisiana
Colla
TH29 Trichanthera gigantea
(Humb. & Bonpl.)
Nees
TH36
TH39
TH41 Pandanus dubius
Spreng.
Herb Ghedang kloeto
(Ja)
cure intestinal pains of sick infants with
bracelet of seeds
Native to
Suriname 1
Fruits eaten and seeds processed Native to
Suriname 1 ,
Introduced 2
Unknown None found Introduced
(new record
Suriname)
Shrub Watra udu (Sr) Windbreaker for juvenile cacao plants 2 None found Native to
Suriname 1
Mangifera indica L. Tree Manja (SN) Fruits eaten 2 Fruits eaten Introduced 1,2
Shrub Ingisopo (Sr) Fibre 2 Dried leaves used for fibre and twining Introduced 2
TH51 Coffea liberica Hiern Shrub Kofi (Sr) Cash crop, fruits processed and used for
drinks, a variety of medicinal uses2,3 Fruits processed and used for drinks Introduced2 Source: Abbreviations:
1 Flora of the Guianas, Flora of Suriname SN = Surinamese Dutch Hin = Hindustan Ja = Javanese
2 Ostendorf (1962) Sr = Sranan Tongo Sa = Saramaccan
3 Van Andel and Ruysschaert (2011)