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Agriculture%20at%20a%20Crossroads_Global%20Report%20(English)

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16 | IAASTD Global Report<br />

Figure 1-9. Child malnutrition (low height for age) among preschool children in surveys since 1999.<br />

Source: Rosegrant et al., 2006<br />

of this role may increase and become central for human survival<br />

on this planet.<br />

1.2.3 Agricultural Knowledge, Science and<br />

Technology (AKST)<br />

A challenge for formal AKST is the great imbalance in numbers<br />

of researchers per million inhabitants: this number is<br />

65 times smaller in Africa than in industrialized countries<br />

(Hurni et al., 2001). Nearly half of public agricultural research<br />

expenditures, amounting to US$23.0 billion in 2000,<br />

are spent in developed countries, i.e., benefiting only a<br />

few million, though highly productive, farmers (Pardey et<br />

al., 2006). While private agricultural research spending is<br />

somewhat higher than public spending in developed countries,<br />

private spending in developing countries is very low,<br />

accounting for only 8% of total public and private investments<br />

in AKST (see chapter 8 for details of AKST investment<br />

levels).<br />

Public agricultural research in industrial countries also<br />

benefits farmers in other countries, since much public agricultural<br />

research is basic research that may later be applied<br />

to a variety of agricultural settings through technology transfer,<br />

and public research often leads to publicly available crop<br />

varieties that are widely distributed. Traditional experimental<br />

systems and many emerging farmers’ programs—some<br />

initiated by international institutions such as FAO but most<br />

from farmers’ organizations and social movements—are<br />

also considered as a component of agricultural research.<br />

Regional shares in public agricultural research expendi-<br />

tures have been changing in the past 40 years (Pardey et al.,<br />

2006). While overall investments nearly doubled, industrialized<br />

countries, which had 55% of all investments in 1981,<br />

received a smaller share—44% in 2000, while in China and<br />

other Asian states investments increased manyfold. In general,<br />

research and development (R&D) investments have so<br />

far generated high returns (Byerlee and Alex, 2003; Chapter<br />

8.2), however at a high ecological cost. For example, trends<br />

in cereal production since 1960 show that area productivity<br />

increased by a factor of 2.5 in industrialized countries,<br />

from 2.1 to 4.9 tonnes ha -1 on average on a total of 140 million<br />

hectares. In developing countries, the factor was even<br />

higher, i.e., 2.8, and the increase was from 1 to 2.8 tonnes<br />

ha -1 on a total cropped area of 440 million ha (Cassman,<br />

2003). It must be noted, however, that stagnation in land<br />

productivity increase has been observed in many areas since<br />

about 1985 (Cassman, 2003).<br />

Some recent changes in thinking have raised a number<br />

of cognate issues in formal AKST systems. The policy<br />

agenda has evolved from a formal “science push” approach<br />

to one that places more emphasis on participatory, multistakeholder,<br />

inter- and transdisciplinary, and client-driven<br />

research agendas. Donors, supranational structures, regional<br />

organizations, and governments are looking for stronger interinstitutional<br />

support for development projects in order<br />

to attract private sector investments. Largely, this has been<br />

driven by changing contexts and circumstances since the<br />

days of the Green Revolution. Perhaps the biggest challenge<br />

is to fill the gap in research and technology that is relevant

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