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INTERNATIONAL LAW, Sixth edition

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international law and municipal law 187<br />

was adopted consequential upon a fundamental breach of international<br />

law (such as the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 and seizure of its assets),<br />

enforcement or recognition of such law by the courts would be ‘manifestly<br />

contrary to the public policy of English law’. Further, it was emphasised<br />

that international law recognised that a national court may decline to give<br />

effect to legislative and other acts of foreign states which are in violation<br />

of international law. 309 Lord Steyn noted that the extension of the public<br />

policy exception to recognition of foreign laws from human rights violations<br />

to ‘flagrant breaches of international law’ was correct. Reference<br />

was made to the UN Charter, binding Security Council resolutions and<br />

international opinion in general. 310 Lord Hope emphasised that ‘very narrow<br />

limits must be placed on any exception to the act of state rule’, but<br />

there was no need for restraint on grounds of public policy ‘where it is<br />

plain beyond dispute that a clearly established norm of international law<br />

has been violated’. 311 He concluded that ‘a legislative act by a foreign state<br />

which is in flagrant breach of clearly established rules of international law<br />

ought not to be recognised by the courts of this country as forming part<br />

of the lex situs of that state’. 312<br />

The courts may also not feel constrained in expressing their views<br />

as to foreign sovereign activities where a breach of international law,<br />

particularly human rights, is involved 313 and may not feel constrained<br />

from investigating, in a dispute involving private rights, the legal validity<br />

of an act done by a citizen purporting to act on behalf of the sovereign or<br />

sovereign state. 314 It is clear that the courts will regard as non-justiciable<br />

policy decisions by the government concerning relationships with friendly<br />

foreign states, on the basis that foreign policy is pre-eminently an area<br />

for the government and not the courts. 315 In particular, a number of cases<br />

have laid down the proposition that decisions taken by the executive in<br />

its dealings with foreign states regarding the protection of British citizens<br />

abroad are non-justiciable. 316<br />

309 [2002] UKHL 19, para. 29. See also Oppenheim’s International Law, pp. 371 ff.<br />

310 [2002] UKHL 19, para. 114.<br />

311 Ibid., paras. 138–40.<br />

312 Ibid., para. 148. See also Lord Scott, ibid., para. 192.<br />

313 See e.g. Abbasi v. Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs [2002] EWCA<br />

Civ. 1598, paras. 57 and 66 (per Lord Phillips MR); 126 ILR, pp. 710 and 713.<br />

314 See e.g. Dubai Bank v. Galadari, The Times, 14 July 1990.<br />

315 See Ex parte Everett [1989] 1 QB 811; 84 ILR, p. 713; Ex parte Ferhut Butt 116 ILR, pp.<br />

607, 620–1, and Foday Saybana Sankoh 119 ILR, pp. 389, 396. See further above, p. 180.<br />

316 See e.g. Council of Civil Service Unions v. Minister for the Civil Service [1985] 1 AC 374,<br />

411 (per Lord Diplock); Ex parte Pirbhai 107 ILR, pp. 462, 479; Ex parte Ferhut Butt 116<br />

ILR, pp. 607, 615 and 622 and R (Suresh and Manickavasagam) v. Secretary of State for the<br />

Home Department [2001] EWHC Admin 1028, para. 19; 123 ILR, p. 598.

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