gills_et_all-third_wave_feminism_a_critical_exploration
gills_et_all-third_wave_feminism_a_critical_exploration
gills_et_all-third_wave_feminism_a_critical_exploration
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Ednie Kaeh Garrison 25<br />
important role in cultural knowledge production of feminist consciousness<br />
than feminist thinkers have acknowledged. While work has been done on<br />
representations of women in the media and the contradictory uses of feminist<br />
and sexist imagery in advertising to convince women to engage in certain<br />
relations of consumption, not enough work has been done to examine how<br />
representations of <strong>feminism</strong> (not only as entirely negative, unfeminine, strident,<br />
self-indulgent, threatening to h<strong>et</strong>eronormativity, but also as white,<br />
middle-class, and straight) obfuscate forms of <strong>feminism</strong>, different feminist<br />
constituencies, sites of feminist consciousness-raising and political activism,<br />
its relevance to men, women and not so finitely gendered people, and the<br />
ways <strong>feminism</strong> can enable us to work our ways out of the traps of racist,<br />
capitalist, and patriarchal logics. Deborah Rhodes contends that for ‘those<br />
interested in social movements in general and the women’s movement in<br />
particular’ more attention must be given to the ways ‘the media choose to<br />
present (or not to present) as news about women and how they characterise<br />
(or caricature) the women’s movement’ (685). Citing H<strong>all</strong> (340–342) on the<br />
ideological effects of the media, as well as Gitlin (3–7) and Goffman (10–11)<br />
on the effect on cultural perception of standard journalistic framing devices,<br />
Rhodes makes the same argument as this chapter about the cultural significance<br />
of the media as ‘increasingly responsible for supplying the information<br />
and images through which we understand our lives’ and as a cultural institution<br />
that ‘play[s] a crucial role in shaping public consciousness and public<br />
policy’ (685). In the case of the production of <strong>third</strong> <strong>wave</strong> feminist meaning,<br />
our inattentiveness to the power of the media as a source of knowledge and<br />
meaning contributes to the relatively limited success of feminist revolution.<br />
We fail to fully understand how the media operates to ideologic<strong>all</strong>y re/contain<br />
the possible meanings attached to the object <strong>feminism</strong>.<br />
Why the American mass media matters in the making<br />
of meaning<br />
One of the most expansive and interpolating of public-sphere sites in the<br />
US, the media synthesizes a constellation of communications genres (e.g.<br />
the tripartite ‘radio, magazines and television,’ video, film, Hollywood, newspapers,<br />
books, Madison Avenue, billboards, advertising, the Intern<strong>et</strong>) which<br />
comprise a hegemonic and seductive public cultural institution dictated by<br />
political, economic, and cultural ideologies. It also goes by other names: mainstream<br />
media, mass media, consumer media, popular media, popular culture,<br />
monopoly mass media, corporate media, and mass circulation press. This list<br />
exposes who and what has power in producing the media. Rather than monolithic<strong>all</strong>y<br />
blaming ‘them’ – those faceless, disembodied people in power – these<br />
names offer ways to think about how we both collude with and attempt to<br />
resist the discursive repertoires that recursively limit what counts as <strong>feminism</strong><br />
in the dominant and dominating – or mainstream – American culture.