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Income Dynamics, Economic Rents and the Financialization of the ...

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finance sector employees were not extended to all employees. In all four finance sector industries<br />

<strong>the</strong> post-1980 rise in industry rents went primarily to highly educated employees in managerial,<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>essional <strong>and</strong> sales occupations. There were limited or no income benefits to lower level oc-<br />

cupations <strong>and</strong> less educated workers. In addition, for each industry white men see income growth<br />

beyond <strong>the</strong>ir human capital <strong>and</strong> occupational positions in all four industries after 1980, while<br />

minority men <strong>and</strong> women <strong>and</strong> white women display flat income trajectories (analyses available<br />

upon request). Thus compared to national trends in income inequality (e.g. Morgan <strong>and</strong> McKer-<br />

row 2004) <strong>the</strong> finance sector is unusual in that <strong>the</strong>re are increased earnings rents to white men,<br />

even net <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir privileged occupational position.<br />

In order to gauge <strong>the</strong> aggregate income rents transferred to <strong>the</strong> finance sector during <strong>the</strong><br />

period <strong>of</strong> financialization we explored a counterfactual analysis in which we ask what would<br />

current pr<strong>of</strong>it <strong>and</strong> compensation levels in <strong>the</strong> finance sector look like if <strong>the</strong>ir income claims <strong>and</strong><br />

employment as a proportion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> national economy had stayed at <strong>the</strong> 1948-1980 historical le-<br />

vels? 20 We approach <strong>the</strong>se estimates with two simple counterfactuals, both <strong>of</strong> which ask what if<br />

<strong>the</strong> regulatory institutional shifts in <strong>the</strong> finance field associated with increased concentration,<br />

20 One can, <strong>of</strong> course, imagine much more elaborate counterfactuals. For example, if we assumed<br />

that financialization reduced real economic growth by diverting capital investment out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> real<br />

economy, than we might want to estimate how much income was lost by <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy<br />

because <strong>of</strong> financialization. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, some might argue that financialization attracted<br />

foreign investment to <strong>the</strong> US which o<strong>the</strong>rwise would have gone elsewhere thus increasing aggre-<br />

gate income beyond what would have happened in its absence. We suspect that <strong>the</strong> truth lies<br />

closer to <strong>the</strong> former than <strong>the</strong> latter, but do not have any sound basis upon which to derive plausi-<br />

ble alternative GDP growth rates.<br />

32

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