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Philang 2009<br />

<strong>CONTENTS</strong><br />

Eros Corazza and Kepa Korta, PLENARY<br />

Two Dogmas of Philosophical Linguistics ................................................................................ 7<br />

K. M. Jaszczolt, PLENARY<br />

Time in Language and Thought ................................................................................................. 8<br />

Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk, PLENARY<br />

Events as they are....................................................................................................................... 9<br />

Michael Morris, PLENARY<br />

The Myth of the Sign ............................................................................................................... 10<br />

Jaroslav Peregrin, PLENARY<br />

The Myth of Semantic Structure .............................................................................................. 11<br />

Eduardo Abrantes<br />

Sounding Things, Breathing Voices<br />

The Phenomenology of Presence in Acoustic Phenomena ...................................................... 13<br />

Yousef Abu Addous<br />

Word-Order and its Rhetorical and Stylistic Functions in Arabic Language .......................... 14<br />

Victoria Akulicheva<br />

Modern philosophical linguistics approach:<br />

Gender Studies in Foreign and Russian Linguistics................................................................. 15<br />

Janusz Badio<br />

Simulation semantics – an overview........................................................................................ 16<br />

Christian Bassac<br />

Philosophy, linguistics, and semantic interpretation................................................................ 18<br />

Khadija Belfarhi<br />

Language philosophy vs. linguistics philosophy in understanding literary meaning .............. 20<br />

Jan Brejcha<br />

User-interface friendliness and the philosophy of language .................................................... 21<br />

Eugene H. Casad<br />

Thoughts from a Field Linguist................................................................................................ 22<br />

Zuzana Čengerová<br />

Novel linguistic criteria for performatives and their etymological analysis ............................ 23<br />

ElŜbieta Chrzanowska-Kluczewska<br />

An Unresolved Issue: Non-Sense in Natural Language and Non-classical Logical and<br />

Semantic Systems..................................................................................................................... 24<br />

Tadeusz Ciecierski<br />

Varieties of Context-Dependence ............................................................................................ 25<br />

Andrzej Cieśluk<br />

The de re/de dicto distinction and the problem of essentialism............................................... 26<br />

Marzenna Cyzman<br />

Lying, poets tell the truth …<br />

The Logical Status of Fictional Discourse’ by John Searle – a still possible solution to an old<br />

problem?................................................................................................................................... 27<br />

Olena Dobrovolska<br />

Analytic Philosophy of Language and Computational Ontology ............................................ 29<br />

Marie Duží, Bjørn Jespersen and Pavel Materna<br />

The procedural turn and the logos of semantic structure ......................................................... 30<br />

Ingrid Lossius Falkum<br />

Polysemy: Lexically Generated or Pragmatically Inferred? .................................................... 31<br />

3


4<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Chris Fox<br />

The Good Samaritan and the Hygienic Cook........................................................................... 33<br />

Olga Garmash<br />

Language as a Space for Appearing and Existing of the Individual Speaking ........................ 34<br />

Brendan S. Gillon<br />

Translational Semantics and Model Theory............................................................................. 35<br />

Justyna Grudzińska<br />

At the Intersection of Logic, Philosophy of Language and Linguistics: Multiple Quantification<br />

as a Case of Semantic Ambiguity ............................................................................................ 37<br />

Andrea Guardo<br />

Is Meaning Normative?............................................................................................................ 38<br />

Arkadiusz Gut<br />

Language, Mindreading and Meta-cognition........................................................................... 40<br />

Housam Hashim<br />

Is the Reconciliation of Realism and Interpretationism of Intentionality Tenable? ................ 41<br />

Lars Hertzberg<br />

Does Language have a Use?..................................................................................................... 42<br />

Carl Humphries<br />

Defeasibility of meaning and expression in language use and its implications for culture and<br />

communication......................................................................................................................... 43<br />

Maria Jodłowiec<br />

Metarepresentation and language: a relevance theoretic approach.......................................... 44<br />

Andrew Jorgensen<br />

Understanding Semantic Scepticism........................................................................................ 46<br />

Roman Kalisz<br />

Philosophical Foundations of a Concept of General Meaning................................................. 47<br />

Henryk Kardela<br />

Ludwik Fleck: The Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact. In Cognitive Linguistics 48<br />

Filip Kawczyński<br />

The Hybrid Theory of Reference for Proper Names................................................................ 49<br />

Witold Kieraś<br />

Equivalent complexity, linguistic theories and philosophy of linguistics................................ 50<br />

Guilherme F. Rennó Kisteumacher<br />

The Logic of Language: Analytical Pragmatism and Inferentialism as a bridge between<br />

philosophy of language and linguistics .................................................................................... 52<br />

Georg Kjøll<br />

What notion of ‘content’ is needed for a theory of communication?....................................... 53<br />

Joanna Klimczyk<br />

What Is It Like Intending to Cheat the Demon: On the Problem with Modal Intentions ........ 55<br />

Krzysztof Kosecki<br />

The Concepts of Subject and Self in Personification Metaphors in English .......................... 56<br />

Karolina Krawczak<br />

(Inter)subjectivity and objectivity. Meaning at a crossroads ................................................... 57<br />

Agnieszka Kułacka<br />

On the Nature of Statistical Language Laws............................................................................ 58<br />

Alina Kwiatkowska<br />

A plea for a cognitive multimodal semiotics ........................................................................... 59<br />

Agnieszka Libura and Maria Libura<br />

Language gene found and lost. The unhappy marriage of linguistics and genetics................. 60


Philang 2009<br />

Jakub Mácha<br />

Metaphor in the Twilight Area between Philosophy and Linguistics...................................... 61<br />

Wojciech Majka<br />

...Deliberately Man Dwells... On the essence of thinking........................................................ 62<br />

Luis Fernández Moreno<br />

On a Philosophy of Language Dogma: Has Descriptivism Been Refuted?............................. 63<br />

Yrsa Neuman<br />

Scientism? Some thoughts on the historiography of modern linguistics and the philosophy of<br />

language ................................................................................................................................... 64<br />

Joanna OdrowąŜ-Sypniewska<br />

Vagueness and Contextualism ................................................................................................. 65<br />

Ratikanta Panda<br />

Is Anything Static About Meanings? ....................................................................................... 66<br />

Andrzej Pawelec<br />

Language as ‘the House of Being’ vs. language as organon:<br />

The ‘formalism’ of linguistics from a hermeneutic perspective .............................................. 67<br />

Wit Pietrzak<br />

Towards a Hermeneutics of Deconstruction: the Case of Metaphor ....................................... 68<br />

Salvatore Pistoia Reda<br />

Game Theory and Scalar Implicatures ..................................................................................... 69<br />

Wiktor Pskit<br />

Categories and Constructions in Current Syntactic Theory..................................................... 70<br />

Małgorzata Pytlas<br />

Speech Act Theory and philosophy – convergence or divergence?......................................... 71<br />

Jiří Raclavský<br />

Is the logico-semantical analysis of natural language expressions a translation?.................... 72<br />

J. Randolph Radney<br />

The Identity of Participants in Communication ....................................................................... 73<br />

Ewa Rosiak<br />

The Problem with the Notion of Meaning and Reference in the field of Analytic Philosophy74<br />

Monika Rymaszewska-Chwist<br />

So who is right? In search of philosophy behind cognitive science......................................... 75<br />

Joanna Sadowska<br />

Early modern linguistic colonialism and postcolonial appropriation of language................... 76<br />

Fabien Schang and Alessio Moretti<br />

Beyond the Fregean myth: the value of logical values ............................................................ 77<br />

Andrew Schumann<br />

Modal Calculus of Illocutionary Logic .................................................................................... 79<br />

Barbara Sonnenhauser<br />

Subjectivity in philosophy and linguistics ............................................................................... 81<br />

Piotr Stalmaszczyk<br />

Foundational Issues in the Philosophy of Language<br />

and the Legacy of Frege ........................................................................................................... 83<br />

Pierre Steiner<br />

Linguistic Representationalism and Cognitive Representationalism:<br />

Representation as a Twofold Dogma in Philosophy of Language and Cognitive Linguistics. 85<br />

William J. Sullivan<br />

Order......................................................................................................................................... 87<br />

Xymena Synak-Pskit<br />

Beyond Linguistics: Philosophy of Sign and Effacement of Metaphor. Simon and Derrida .. 88<br />

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6<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Aleksander Szwedek<br />

The Ultimate Experiential Basis for Metaphors....................................................................... 89<br />

Ali Taheri and Mehdi Damali Amiri<br />

Syntax and Logic...................................................................................................................... 91<br />

Yukio Takahashi<br />

Consilience in the Study of Language and Humanities ........................................................... 93<br />

Mieszko Tałasiewicz<br />

Asymmetrical Semantics.......................................................................................................... 94<br />

Pius Ten-Hacken<br />

The Search for a Science of Language: From historical linguistics to the genetics of language<br />

.................................................................................................................................................. 95<br />

Luca Tranchini<br />

The anti-realist notion of truth ................................................................................................. 96<br />

Giacomo Turbanti<br />

Belief Reports: Defaults, Intentions and Scorekeeping ........................................................... 97<br />

Sławomir Wacewicz<br />

Concepts as Correlates of Lexical Items .................................................................................. 98<br />

Bartosz Więckowski<br />

On Truth in Time...................................................................................................................... 99<br />

Piotr Wilkin<br />

Proper names via causal descriptions and anchoring............................................................. 100<br />

Justyna Winiarska<br />

Methodological and ontological assumptions in linguistic theories ...................................... 101<br />

Iwona Witczak-Plisiecka<br />

Speech acts and the demarcation of pragmatics..................................................................... 102<br />

Lucian Zagan<br />

Vagueness, Context-Dependence, and Perspective................................................................ 104<br />

Dan Zeman<br />

Meteorological Sentences, Unarticulated Constituents and Relativism................................. 106<br />

Lei Zhu<br />

Sound, Body and Writing: A Phenomenological View of Linguistics as Representation of<br />

Speech .................................................................................................................................... 107<br />

Przemysław śywiczyński<br />

Language and Meaning in Classical Indian Philosophy ........................................................ 108<br />

LIST OF PARTICIPANTS .................................................................................................... 109


Eros Corazza, PLENARY<br />

Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada<br />

Kepa Korta, PLENARY<br />

ILCLI, Donostia-San Sebastian, Spain<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Two Dogmas of Philosophical Linguistics<br />

It is commonly assumed that by uttering a declarative sentence, one expresses a<br />

proposition. It is also a common assumption that the proposition expressed is (i) the bearer of<br />

truth value, (ii) the bearer of cognitive value, and (iii) what is (literally) said and<br />

communicated.<br />

To solve Frege-inspired puzzles, some appeal to quasi-singular propositions, i.e.<br />

propositions that are both Russellian and Fregean insofar as their constituents are both<br />

objects/properties and the modes of presentation under which the latter are conceived.<br />

To solve problems pertaining to communication using so-called underdetermined<br />

utterances (“Ania is ready/tall/strong”) and/or sub-sentential assertions (“On top of the shelf”,<br />

“From Paris”) some appeal either to enrichment/expansion or to ellipsis.<br />

We’ll claim that these moves rest on two related dogmas: monopropositionalism and<br />

sententialism. We’ll show how a pluri-propositional framework inspired by Perry’s critical<br />

referentialism allows us to present a unified picture concerning both the problem of cognitive<br />

significance and the problem of communication by underdetermined utterances and subsentential<br />

assertions. Utterance-reflexive contents give us all we need to deal with the<br />

problem of cognitive significance and communication by underdetermined and sub-sentential<br />

assertions without having to enrich the proposition expressed by modes of presentation and/or<br />

un-expressed content.<br />

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8<br />

K. M. Jaszczolt, PLENARY<br />

University of Cambridge, UK<br />

Time in Language and Thought<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Referring to past, present and future eventualities (events and states) can be performed in a<br />

variety of ways, ranging from the use of lexical and grammatical markers of time, through<br />

automatically assigning salient interpretations to overtly tenseless expressions, to relying on<br />

the addressee’s active, conscious inference of the temporality of the situation in the particular<br />

context. English relies predominantly on tense and temporal adverbials. Thai, on the other<br />

hand, has optional markers of tense, random use of adverbials, and relies largely on situated<br />

meanings, inferred from the shared background assumptions or assigned subconsciously as<br />

default interpretations. Faced with significant cross-linguistic differences in conveying<br />

temporal location, a philosopher of language has to address two core questions:<br />

(1) How is time represented in the mind?<br />

(2) Ho w do linguistic expressions of time relate to the mental representations?<br />

I propose and partially corroborate the hypothesis that the human concept of time is<br />

supervenient (dependent in the sense of definitional characteristics) on the concept of<br />

epistemic possibility. Different expressions of future, present and past time reference<br />

correspond to different degrees of detachment from certainty. This modal supervenience of<br />

the concept of time is universal and requires a semantic tool in which both the cross-linguistic<br />

differences in expressing temporality and the universal underlying modality of the concept<br />

can be represented. In this talk I defend a contextualist approach to semantics and demonstrate<br />

how a particular contextualist theory (Default Semantics, Jaszczolt 2005, 2009) allows for (a)<br />

representing temporality as modality, by means of a single modal operator on semantic<br />

representations, and (b) accounting for cross-linguistic differences in conveying temporal<br />

location, by allocating information about temporality to different sources of information about<br />

meaning and to different processes which interact in producing a semantic representation. In<br />

the process I also present arguments in favour of pragmatic compositionality (Recanati 2004).<br />

Select references:<br />

Jaszczolt, K. M. 2005. Default Semantics: Foundations of a Compositional Theory of Acts of<br />

Communication. Oxford University Press, Oxford.<br />

Jaszczolt, K. M. 2009. Representing Time: An Essay on Temporality as Modality. Oxford<br />

University Press, Oxford.<br />

Recanati, F. 2004. Literal Meaning. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.


Philang 2009<br />

Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk, PLENARY<br />

University of Łódź, Poland<br />

Events as they are<br />

In the paper I propose to look at events as a phenomenon lying at the intersection of<br />

linguistics, cognitive psychology and philosophy. Events are treated as units of mental<br />

categorization, which can be either simple or complex. Simple events possess one or more<br />

focal roles and a number of accidental roles and a single temporal dimension for a change of a<br />

state of the art. Complex events are in a hyperonimic relation with reference to different types<br />

of actions, acts, activities and processes, combined in one act of perception.<br />

Events, in perception and linguistic expression, can be treated either as a fairly symmetric<br />

pair of entities, when two or more events or their parts are perceived as two or more parallel<br />

units or appear in a symmetric pattern, or else they can be perceived and linguistically<br />

expressed as what I call asymmetric events (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2008), covering the<br />

material, which refers to two or more events of unequal status in an utterance. In other words,<br />

asymmetric events cover ways in which a linguistic description of main events in a sentence is<br />

different (morphologically, syntactically, discursically) from a description of backgrounded<br />

events. The relationship between the more salient events expressed in main constructions and<br />

those whose profiles have been dominated by the more salient ones can be interpreted in<br />

terms of a continuum between constructions which possess autonomous profiles and those<br />

whose profiles are reduced in different ways. I examine parameters which contribute to<br />

forming the asymmetry both within one utterance and also in terms of system differences<br />

between fully elaborated event descriptions and those which are gradually more and more<br />

desententialized and lose or lack their assertive force.<br />

To complete the picture the concepts of a negative state of affairs and negative events will<br />

be discussed and elaborated on (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 1996) in the framework of<br />

cognitive linguistics and construction grammar.<br />

As a conclusion, a cognitively-mediated definition and classification of events will be<br />

presented, involving a critique of the eliminativism claim in mainstream philosophy to see the<br />

reasons, endorsed by Stephen Stich (1994: 362), why, contrary to the claim, mental<br />

representations, intentional states, etc. constitute an ‘empirically respectable’ research<br />

paradigm not only in language but also in philosophy.<br />

References<br />

Lewandowka-Tomaszczyk, Barbara (1996). Depth of Negation. A Cognitive Semantic Study.<br />

Łódź: Łódź University Press.<br />

Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk, Barbara (ed.) (2008). Asymmetric Events. Amsterdam:<br />

Benjamins.<br />

Stich, Stephen (1994). “What is a theory of mental representation”. In: Stephen P. Stich and<br />

Ted A. Warfield (eds.) Mental Representation: A Reader.Oxford: Blackwell. 348-364.<br />

9


10<br />

Michael Morris, PLENARY<br />

Department of Philosophy<br />

University of Sussex, UK<br />

The Myth of the Sign<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Everyone just assumes that languages are systems of signs. In this paper I isolate exactly<br />

what that assumption involves: it turns out to depend on an underlying assumption about the<br />

nature of meaning (or at least linguistic meaning) which is not at all unquestionable. Our<br />

facility with our own languages in everyday situations makes it unsurprising that languages<br />

should seem like systems of signs, but this is no reason for thinking they really are. I offer<br />

two reasons for questioning the standard view. One is that it makes it impossible to give a<br />

credible account of poetic language. The other is that the standard view is only rationally<br />

defensible if we adopt an unattractive idealism about the nature of the world. Finally, I sketch<br />

briefly the tasks which confront us if we suppose that languages are not systems of signs, and<br />

argue that they do not look insoluble.


Jaroslav Peregrin, PLENARY<br />

Academy of Sciences, Charles University<br />

Praha, Czech Republic<br />

The Myth of Semantic Structure<br />

Philang 2009<br />

That behind the overt, syntactic structure of an expression there lurks a covert, semantic<br />

one, aka logical form, and that anyone interested in what the expression truly means should<br />

ignore the former and go for excavating the latter, has become a common wisdom. It is this<br />

wisdom I want to challenge in this paper; I will claim that the usual notion of semantic<br />

structure, or logical form, is actually the result of certain properties of our tools of linguistic<br />

analysis being unwarrantedly projected into what we analyze.<br />

In logic, the wisdom that logical form is independent of the surface structure stems mainly<br />

from the seminal analyses of Russell, analyses which were inescapably weighted by the<br />

enormous syntactical parsimony of the logic Russell employed to capture the alleged logical<br />

forms; as a result, there was simply no way for the forms to coincide with the surface ones.<br />

Things would be very different if he had allowed himself a richer logical language, of the kind<br />

commonly used by semanticists today.<br />

In linguistics, the term logical form came to play an important role within Chomsky's<br />

theory of language faculty. Here the term refers directly to a component of an abstract<br />

'mechanism', devised by a theoretician to so as to produce the very expressions which the<br />

speakers of natural language, as a matter of fact, tend to produce; and thus the mechanism<br />

accounts for language faculty merely in a 'black box' style. Yet, despite this crafted origin,<br />

Chomsky, as well as many of his followers, seems to have disregarded the difference between<br />

the theoretical model and what it is a model of, and has promoted logical forms to an ultimate<br />

reality.<br />

All of this has fostered an illusion that the existence of logical forms is an empirical fact –<br />

that getting hold of the logical form of an expression is akin to, say, revealing the inner organs<br />

of an insect. To me, this view is badly misleading: although in certain contexts, disregarding<br />

the gap between a model and reality may be acceptable and helpful, doing so when the nature<br />

of meaning and the nature of language are at stake is disastrous.<br />

What I think should figure as our ultimate empirical basis when studying language, are the<br />

facts concerning people emitting certain sounds (or producing certain kinds of inscriptions),<br />

and using specific types of such sounds in specific ways with specific effects. The overview<br />

of which types of sounds, i.e. which expressions, they use constitutes the field of syntax. Here<br />

is where we encounter the structure of language: the expressions of any natural language form<br />

an open class of compounds based on a finite stock of primitive building blocks, words (or<br />

perhaps, in some cases, some smaller units, like morphemes).<br />

Studying the specific roles of individual expressions within our 'language games', then,<br />

constitutes what has traditionally been called pragmatics; but as we have no other data (and,<br />

in particular, no data directly for what has traditionally been called semantics – no detectable<br />

fibers connecting expressions with things), semantics must be extracted from this basis too.<br />

The syntactic structure remains crucial: the semantic properties of expressions must be<br />

conceived of as compatible with the openness of the class of expressions, i.e. as somehow<br />

'compositionally' projectable from simple to more complex expressions. However, there is no<br />

obvious new kind of structure independent of the syntactic one for semantics to reveal. (True,<br />

not all aspects and elements of the syntactic structure are equally important from the<br />

viewpoint of semantics, so it is often helpful to work with simplified, purified or adjusted<br />

11


12<br />

Philang 2009<br />

versions of the syntactic structure – but these, far from being independent of the basic<br />

syntactic structures, are merely its derivates.)<br />

Thus, an autonomous semantic structure is – in the best case scenario – a convenient<br />

fiction or a working conjecture, or – in the worst – a myth stemming from our uncritical<br />

acceptance of received wisdoms. In the latter case we should be wary of it, for it creates a<br />

dangerous illusion of explanation.


Eduardo Abrantes<br />

New University of Lisbon, Portugal<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Sounding Things, Breathing Voices<br />

The Phenomenology of Presence in Acoustic Phenomena<br />

In his 1773 text “New Apology of the Letter h”, the German philosopher Johann Georg<br />

Hamann contends for the relevance of the, usually unpronounced, letter h in the German<br />

language. This letter stands for breath, or spirit and it is one of the many elements in written<br />

speech that points towards the voice – towards the performance of the grammata into vocal<br />

expression.<br />

What does thought sound like? How does an embodied presence manifest itself so<br />

unequivocally through sound, an invisible medium? How does listening open to a notion of<br />

the interior/exterior in the field of perception?<br />

Moving past the visual and into the sonorous – into a phenomenology of sound, of<br />

listening and embodied presence has been a focus of recent philosophical studies engaged in<br />

an effort to move against the grain of tradition.<br />

In Plato’s Cratylus, a particular form of onomatopoeia is discussed and has a possibility for<br />

the genesis of language, considered as stemming from nature rather than convention. This<br />

hypothesis is not followed through, but Cratylus remains an inspiring exploration of the<br />

rooting of the acoustic matter of each letter, as being the matrix for the giving of names.<br />

Later on, in the phenomenological tradition, we find that for Husserl sound is a<br />

determining element in the constitution of space through its resonating nature; while for<br />

Heidegger it appears as a manifestation of being as an event, a happening in the world that<br />

simultaneously situates and assaults the fluid stability of the dispositional condition – both<br />

thunder and lightning and the intentionality of silence.<br />

Contemporary authors such as Giorgio Agamben (“Potentialities” 2000, “Language and<br />

Death” 1991), Gilles Deleuze (“Logique du Sens” 1969), Jean-Luc Nancy (“On Listening”<br />

2007) or Adriana Cavarero (“For More than One Voice: Toward a Philosophy of Vocal<br />

Expression” 2004) have explored the many possibilities of the phenomenology of embodied<br />

sound and musical expression.<br />

Be it the horizon of acoustic perception, the tension between language of meaning and its<br />

pre-verbal stratus, the experience of reverberation in thought or the presence of the other as<br />

vocalized being, many paths converge in the ontological nature of the sonorous phenomena.<br />

This paper attempts to chart some of the main phenomenological approaches in the realm<br />

of sound, focusing on the particular character of the human voice and its resonating,<br />

expressive presence. Breath and rhythm, the aesthetics of musical expression and the interplay<br />

of listening and vocalizing, are taken as examples of a rich and fruitful pathway to<br />

phenomenological reconsideration of the sonic singularity of every individual.<br />

13


14<br />

Yousef Abu Addous<br />

Arabic dept, Qatar University, Qatar<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Word-Order and its Rhetorical and Stylistic Functions in Arabic Language<br />

This paper aims at investigating word-order and its rhetorical and stylistic functions in the<br />

Arabic Language, and discussing the forms and patterns semantically and syntactically.<br />

Therefore this paper will concentrate on the following issues:<br />

1. Types of sentences:<br />

(a) Nominal, which begin with a noun.<br />

(b) Verbal, which begin with a verb.<br />

(c) Local sentence, in which an adverbial expression or attracted precedes.<br />

(d) Conditional sentences.<br />

2. Construction theory, which concentrates on the acquisition of words and phrases according<br />

to the correct usage; it did not neglect the meaning of words in isolation, but its concern was<br />

with meaning in context.<br />

3. The disconnection and the connection. This phenomenon gives the Arabic Language the<br />

freedom to produce various stylistic structures that the speaker can use to express directly the<br />

intended meaning.<br />

4. Rhetorical and stylistic function of word-order.<br />

5. Philosophical dimension: some Arab philosophers who were influenced by Greek<br />

philosophy discussed the issue of language and word-order, and they have a controversy with<br />

grammarians on this issue.


Victoria Akulicheva<br />

Moscow State Mining University,<br />

Moscow, Russia<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Modern philosophical linguistics approach:<br />

Gender Studies in Foreign and Russian Linguistics<br />

Recently growing attention has been devoted to a new approach in linguistics termed<br />

gender linguistics in connection with the advent of the category gender in scientific paradigm.<br />

That happened due to the fact that social factor has become determinative in language studies<br />

which are deeply related with an individual.<br />

The history of gender studies originates from the Antiquity and is related with<br />

philosophical conception of gender which divides people into two biological categories –<br />

male and female. The factor of biological category in the language appeared in the Antiquity<br />

during grammatical gender understanding. It was supposed that grammatical gender is<br />

determined by biological division on masculine/feminine. Nowadays the problem of gender<br />

and language is one of the most recent branches of sociolinguistic studies, for years far little<br />

research has been undertaken in the field of gender.<br />

Originally researches in gender linguistics were made on European languages mainly in the<br />

West but don’t have a long history and remain insufficiently studied area in Russian<br />

linguistics. The aim of this report is to examine the translation differences of gender<br />

linguistics, the approaches of the development of gender studies in the West and in Russia and<br />

to point out the issues of gender particularities in language.<br />

Though the concept of “gender” is now in use and is recognized by majority of scientists,<br />

there are some difficulties in translation of this term. In the English language “gender” means<br />

not only grammatical category but also social category. But in the French language despite the<br />

existence of such words as “le genre” that means grammar category, and “le sexe” that means<br />

biological category, the word “le genre” is not used for “gender” designation. Moreover, its<br />

English equivalent is avoided. As a result French language prefers such constructions as<br />

“masculin-féminin”, “l’identité sexuelle”. In Russian linguistics the concept of “gender” is<br />

widely spread as well as its equivalents: gender relations, gender aspects, gender studies.<br />

Furthermore, versatile analysis of gender features fills in gaps in gender linguistics as well<br />

as it also reveals facts important for philosophy, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics,<br />

pragmatics and other disciplines connected with language and society.<br />

15


16<br />

Janusz Badio<br />

University of Łódź, Poland<br />

Simulation semantics – an overview<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Producing as well as understanding language, we perform a mental enactment of the actions<br />

performed or things perceived in the content of the utterance. The role of linguistic units:<br />

words, syntactic patterns, discourse markers is to prompt characteristics of this simulation.<br />

The most prevalent opposing view is logical semantics according to which:<br />

1. Language is meaningful by relating words to abstract,<br />

amodal symbols.<br />

2. These symbols connect to the world.<br />

3. Truth is defined as a fit between words and the world.<br />

Some arguments against the logical view that one could put forward include:<br />

1 People are generally not good at logic.<br />

2 Meaning isn't in the world, it's in people's heads.<br />

a. There exist alternative construals of the same objective scene/situation<br />

b. Language can be meaningful without referring to the world<br />

3 The logical view of meaning does not push us forward in understanding meaning; rather it<br />

poses another question, namely how is it that logical representations are meaningful.<br />

The evidence for simulation semantics comes from observation that:<br />

1 Imagery is omnipresent, and uses the matching neural circuitry as actual action and<br />

perception.<br />

2 The same can be said about memory<br />

3 Understanding language selectively activates motor<br />

and perceptual imagery.<br />

Perhaps one should not ask so much about whether simulation is vital for language<br />

understanding but if it is ubiquitous or rare. If it is widespread and occurs even with<br />

expressions that can do without it, then this cancels such a view of meaning that relates words<br />

to the world; at best it causes that such a view becomes redundant. In fact, evidence suggests<br />

that people activate both perceptual and motor brain regions when they understand language.<br />

But simulation is reported not to be autonomous. It does not operate without instructions.<br />

These instructions must necessarily be in a simplified, linguistic form. In the presentation I<br />

want to undertake the task of presenting the most important tenets of simulation semantics, an<br />

overview of a trend in cognitive linguistics that inspires experimental methodology, badly<br />

needed to defend its strongholds.<br />

Selected bibliography:<br />

Barsalou, L.W. 1999. “Language comprehension: Archival memory or preparation for<br />

situated action?”. Discourse Processes, 28, 61-80.<br />

Barsalou, D. 1999. “Perceptual symbol systems”. Behavioural and Brain Sciences, 22, 577-<br />

609.<br />

Bergen, B. 2007. “Experimental methods for simulation semantics”. In Monica Gonzalez-<br />

Marquez, Irene Mittelberg, Seana Coulson, and Michael J. Spivey (eds.) Methods in<br />

Cognitive Linguistics. John Benjamins: 277-301.


Philang 2009<br />

Bergen, B. 2005. “Mental simulation in literal and figurative language”. In: Seana Coulson<br />

and Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk (eds.) The Literal and Non-Literal in Language<br />

and Thought. Frankfurt: Peter Lang: 255-278.<br />

Bergen B.K. and Chang N.C. 2002. “Embodied Construction Grammar”. In: D. Bailey, N.<br />

Chang, J. Feldman, S. Narayanan 1998. Extending Embodied Lexical Development.<br />

Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Meeting of the Cognitive Science Society COGSCI-<br />

98, Madison. Simulation-Based Language Understanding<br />

Bergen, Benjamin K. (ms.) Simulation semantics. book in preparation<br />

Clerk, A. 1997. Being There: Putting Brain, Body and Mind Together Again. Cambridge :<br />

MIT Press.<br />

17


18<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Christian Bassac<br />

Université de Lyon 2, CRTT & INRIA-Signes, France<br />

Philosophy, linguistics, and semantic interpretation<br />

Although there is agreement among linguists and philosophers that the semantic<br />

interpretation of a sentence is derived from some kind of Logical Form, there is no agreement<br />

as regards the nature of this Logical Form. For linguists (at least for those working in the<br />

Generative paradigm), the Logical Form is a level of interpretation derived from syntactic<br />

structure via operations which are syntactic in nature (e.g. quantifier raising), whereas for<br />

philosophers it is a formal object that reveals its relation to extra-linguistic phenomena. Not<br />

only is there disagreement between linguists and philosophers, but philosophers have distinct<br />

conceptions of Logical Form (See [3]). Obviously, whatever the conception, philosophical or<br />

linguistic, the problem that must be solved is that of translation from a given form to Logical<br />

Form.<br />

The first step towards a solution to this problem was offered in Categorial Grammars<br />

(CGs), as the semantic interpretation here is derived on a par with syntactic derivation, but the<br />

limitations of CGs are well known: they cannot account for extraction phenomena, word<br />

order, etc. Lambek calculus (See [2]), another attempt along these lines, leads to a conception<br />

of syntax as deduction in the format of Gentzen's deduction rules. But this calculus uses tools<br />

from classical logic which are unsatisfactory when applied to NL as:<br />

(1) some connectives of classical logic are not ``true to<br />

(linguistic) life''<br />

(2) in a deduction in classical logic, premisses can be<br />

modified or permuted, which is not the case in a linguistic construction.<br />

We argue here that a solution to these problems is offered by Linear Logic (LL) as defined in<br />

[1]. LL solves the two problems above in the following way:<br />

Problem (1):<br />

A good example of (1), says Girard, is provided by the chemistry formula:<br />

2H2+O2→2H2O, which we would like to paraphrase as<br />

H2 and H2 and O2imply H2O and H2O.<br />

But this is wrong as ``and'' here is not idempotent, hence the need of new connectives used in<br />

LL, ⊗ (tensor) and (linear implication) to express this as:<br />

In LL, with types s, n and np, each lexical item is assigned a formula, for instance:<br />

Det: n np, Intransitive Verb: np s, Transitive Verb: np (np s)<br />

and in a syntactic deduction, connectives of LL and ⊕ (plus) can be applied to account for<br />

extraction phenomena and polymorphic types such as the verb believe (usually dealt with as<br />

coercion phenomena, see [4]) respectively.


Philang 2009<br />

Problem (2):<br />

As in a linguistic deduction there must be no modification of premisses, control over the<br />

consumption of these premisses is necessary, and consequently LL rejects contraction,<br />

weakening and permutation rules (hence the non commutativity of LL) of classical logic,<br />

respectively :<br />

But most importantly, the main interest of LL is that semantic interpretation follows from the<br />

Curry-Howard isomorphism, here manifested by a correspondence between deduction proofs<br />

and λ-terms. An example is:<br />

LL thus offers an elegant solution to the time-honoured ``translation problem''.<br />

References<br />

[1] Girard, J.Y. Linear Logic: its syntax and semantics. Advances in Linear Logic. J.Y<br />

Girard, Y. Lafont, L.Regner (eds) London Mathematical Society Lecture notes Series 222,<br />

Cambridge University Press. 1995, http://iml.univ-mrs.fr/~girard/Synsem.pdf.gz<br />

[2] Lambek, J. The mathematics of sentence structure. The American Mathematical Monthly.<br />

1957.<br />

[3] Lappin, S. Concepts of Logical Form. The Chomskyan Turn. A.Kasher (Ed), Blackwell,<br />

1991.<br />

[4] Pustejovsky, J. The Generative Lexicon. The M.I.T Press, 1995<br />

19


20<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Khadija Belfarhi<br />

University of Annaba, Department of Foreign Languages<br />

Language philosophy vs. linguistics philosophy in understanding literary<br />

meaning.<br />

The philosophy of language opposes the philosophy of linguistics in the type of units of<br />

analysis. Linguistics has a scienticity related to the theorization established through<br />

generalizing laws from normative samples proved to be generalizable. This has limited the<br />

scope of the linguistic analysis to formal units whereby the linguistic analysis does not apply<br />

to those units that are dissimilar.<br />

Linguistics applies strictly and according to principles of its theories whether being<br />

structural or functional. Meaning, for instance, does not go beyond the theories of semantics.<br />

Semantics does not yet possess the tool to explain abstract meaning such as the literary<br />

because the philosophy of semantics is limited to generalizable units and their laws. Strange<br />

type of meaning cannot be explained as it is a particularity that is not yet covered by the<br />

formalism of the semantic theory.<br />

The limits in the philosophy of linguistics would not be the same in the philosophy of<br />

language because the latter operates in a more free and flexible way. The philosophy of<br />

language is free from the formalism of the linguistic theories. It does not operate in vacuum<br />

and far from the linguistic analysis. But it does not bind its analysis to categorized schemes of<br />

analysis. Semantics as opposing the philosophy of meaning does not provide analysis more<br />

than the componential analysis (Kempson, 1977). It cannot yield interpretations to abstract<br />

and ambiguous meaning. It operates as other linguistic analysis which restricts the path and<br />

method of analysis to closed circles. Doing the philosophy of meaning, however, is<br />

principally explaining meaning by any means because philosophizing is as Wittgenstein said,<br />

delimiting thoughts that would be troubles and flaws. The delimitation of thoughts obtains<br />

from a wide range of meaning explanation that the philosopher does after having established<br />

possible explanations. The latter obtains from a free and flexible treatment of language units.<br />

It does not get restricted to a particular method or approach as for example explaining<br />

meaning by means of co-textual or contextual analysis. Rather, the variation of treatment can<br />

yield interpretations that could not be achieved by the linguistic analysis. In this respect, we<br />

refer to Widdowson's thesis (1980) that the units are to be treated as exemplification of the<br />

system. The units in a literary text are an exemplification of other units which can be the<br />

writer's real intended meaning.<br />

This paper aims at differentiating between the philosophy of linguistics and the philosophy<br />

of language basing on illustrations from the literary meaning. The latter focuses on the<br />

philosophy of literary meaning which bases on obtaining the writer's methodological<br />

trajectory, believing it to be the key to the analysis as it would reveal how the writer of<br />

literary works abstracts meaning. Illustrations on philosophizing in literary meaning would<br />

especially be given from Shakespeare's texts as they are ambiguous and poetic.<br />

References<br />

Widdowson, H.G. (1980). Stylistic analysis and literary interpretation. In linguistic<br />

perspectives on literature, M.K.L. Ching, M.C. Haley, and R. F. Lunsford (eds.), 235-<br />

241, Routledge & Kegan Paul.<br />

Kempson, R.M. (1977). Semantic theory. Cambridge University Press.


Philang 2009<br />

Jan Brejcha<br />

Charles University of Prague,<br />

Faculty of Arts, Institute of Information Studies and Librarianship<br />

User-interface friendliness and the philosophy of language<br />

Much research has been done in the field of Human-computer interaction (HCI), but very<br />

few papers deal with the relation between language and user-interface (UI) design. We argue<br />

that such an interdisciplinary approach would inform both HCI and language philosophy and<br />

also could answer the question what makes an interface user-friendly.<br />

Building upon the seminal work of Wittgenstein, Austin, Searle and Grice we intend to<br />

show how it is important to structure the UI according to the natural language we use. For<br />

example, when we intend to print something from a computer, we start a language game with<br />

the UI designer. According to the HCI semiotic engineering theory, she is present at the time<br />

of interaction through the interface she created. The language game ends by printing the<br />

requested document and the interaction can end since nothing has to follow. These acts should<br />

follow also the Grice's maxims (e.g. the UI should be adequately concise and informative).<br />

Following this perspective we can analyze various interaction language models in order to<br />

evaluate its semantics in the given context. The interaction language can be extracted from the<br />

UI e.g. by looking into the "subject-verbum-object" (SVO) model inherently used. We regard<br />

the interaction meaningfulness and the respecting of Grice's maxims to be the cornerstone of<br />

good user experience, proper usability and user-friendliness.<br />

This paper concludes by discussing the pragmatics and benefits of an UI evaluation<br />

method based on language philosophy and semiotic engineering in the context of current HCI<br />

usability study.<br />

21


22<br />

Eugene H. Casad<br />

University of Gdańsk and SIL-Mexico<br />

Thoughts from a Field Linguist<br />

Philang 2009<br />

This presentation presents a discussion of the contrast between a structuralist account of<br />

language data and analysis and an empirical approach to both. The structuralist view seeks to<br />

account for data description and explanation in terms of a language internal abstract<br />

characterization of the data without any reference to language users and their purpose and<br />

intents in the way they use their own language. The empiricist account is usage based<br />

approach to linguistic description and explanation and explicitly brings in the purposes and<br />

intents of speakers via a number of theoretical constructs such as grounding, the notion of<br />

reference points and the viewing arrangement, among others. These two contrastive<br />

approaches ask partially different kinds of questions and look at different kinds of data. The<br />

role of speakers’ intuition is a particularly clear area where the two approaches differ. Much<br />

of my discussion will consist of an anecdotal account of a field linguist, whose job it was to<br />

learn to speak an indigenous language of Mexico, analyze its sound structure, work with the<br />

people of the community to develop a teachable and readable orthography and go on to<br />

document the language as well as he could. It highlights experiences of all that and the<br />

discovery of data that predisposed me to take a highly empirical approach to linguistic<br />

description and explanation of Cora linguistic usage.<br />

The first of these experiences came when a Federal School Director, himself a native<br />

speaker of Cora, came into the house and made the following pronouncement: “Gene, I have<br />

13 ways to say that I have a hole in my head”. He then proceeded to list them one by one. I<br />

duly wrote them down. That was my introduction to the Cora system of locative verbal<br />

prefixes.<br />

We were also becoming aware of a system of topographic adverbs. At the time, I had no<br />

idea of what these adverbs meant. Our list of adverbs in this set increased as we continued our<br />

efforts to use what we had learned of the language. Finally, I had a set of 66 of these adverbs.<br />

At first I grouped them according to the initial segment at the left. The adverbs grouped into<br />

sets of three. Some had an initial y-, others had an initial m- and the third group had an initial<br />

a- vowel or u- vowel. There were thirteen or 14 of these groups. I then realized that I would<br />

have fewer groups if I focussed on the adverb final “suffix’. This gave me six sets, but, of<br />

course, did not tell me what they meant. So, I went back to my school teacher friend and<br />

asked him about this. In about 30 seconds he laid it all out: uphill, downhill, at the side of hill,<br />

upriver, downriver and across the river were the designations of these “suffixes”. Later on, he<br />

tied this system in with the locative verbal prefixes when he spontaneously told me about six<br />

different ways to talk about where one was going with respect to the lay of the land. All of<br />

this was just the beginning.


Zuzana Čengerová<br />

Charles University of Prague, Faculty of Arts<br />

Institute of Romance Studies, Czech Republic<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Novel linguistic criteria for performatives and their etymological analysis<br />

In this paper we are going back to Austin's performatives. We build upon his looking into a<br />

definition of performatives from both the linguistic and the pragmatic point of view. There are<br />

still lots of questions awaiting an answer and we deal with them in the first part of the paper.<br />

Concerning Austin's performatives, can we find a universal and simple definition valid for all<br />

of them? How can linguistics help? Is the difference of languages relevant? We are trying to<br />

describe the performative verb (and performative acts) according to several linguistic criteria.<br />

For this reason, we introduce some new terms and, on the contrary, we do not work with some<br />

Austin's terms. We agree with his definition that performatives are speech acts with which we<br />

perform something by pronouncing them. We add, that by using a performative we modify<br />

the thing in question in a certain way. We characterize them in a novel way by "social<br />

validity" (this means that their pronouncing or not is connected with some social<br />

consequences - e.g. greeting, apologizing, citation in a scientific publication) and by<br />

"conventionally-effective meaning" (it is the meaning contained in fixed, conventional<br />

formulas which normally have a concrete effect on the addressed person).The performatives<br />

are further characterized by a "dynamic nature". That means that utterance of a performative<br />

is followed by an effect on the addressed person. We divide the performatives into three<br />

categories according to the presence of the verb in the enunciation: explicitly verbal,<br />

implicitly verbal and historically fixed non verbal enunciations.<br />

In the second part we look for the "primitive" performatives and their characteristics and<br />

origin. Here we use etymological analysis as a method. First we focus on the dichotomy<br />

"future/performative" and we arrive to the conclusion that modal verbs nowadays used for<br />

expression of future had at the beginning their original, concrete meaning which was only<br />

later transformed into meaning of future. Further we focus on the origin of performatives. The<br />

first performatives were mapped onto concrete gestural movements or rituals or speaking in<br />

general.<br />

23


24<br />

ElŜbieta Chrzanowska-Kluczewska<br />

Departament of English Language<br />

Jagiellonian University, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

An Unresolved Issue: Non-Sense in Natural Language and Non-classical<br />

Logical and Semantic Systems<br />

Addressing myself to the main theme of the Conference, I can venture the statement that<br />

the/a ‘philosophy of linguistics’ determines what specific ‘philosophies of language’ we need<br />

in solving linguistic problems. I deliberately say ‘philosophies’ since linguists have always<br />

listened to various philosophical schools and currents for the simple reason that as researchers<br />

we need to draw our inspiration from different sources.<br />

Natural language is a notoriously difficult phenomenon to describe. The author believes<br />

that it is a Janus-faced system, which calls for a double explanation. On the one hand it can<br />

generate well-formed and fully interpretable expressions (supported by syntactic rules and<br />

Logical Form), on the other (and contrary to Chomskian idealism about a grammar as<br />

generating only well-formed strings) it allows for the production of all kinds of ill-formed and<br />

deviant expressions, difficult to interpret or barely interpretable. As a literary semanticist,<br />

dealing with the question of different degrees of anomaly and non-sense in language, I want<br />

to raise again the question to what extent non-classical logics and unconventional semantics<br />

have proved useful in analysing fictional discourse and figuration.<br />

My interest lies both in the modal extension of classical logic, allowing us to work within<br />

the framework of Possible Worlds Semantics (GTS – Game-Theoretical Semantics of J.<br />

Hintikka included), and in non-standard (deviant) systems of many-valued and free logics,<br />

which can help (but have not done it conclusively) a literary semanticist in solving the<br />

recalcitrant issues of ‘truth-in-fiction’ and reference-failure. Taking into account the<br />

contribution of the Polish school of philosophical and mathematical logic to the development<br />

of non-standard systems (J. Łukasiewicz, S. Leśniewski, Cz. Lejewski, S. Jaśkowski, A.<br />

Mostowski), it seems proper for a Polish linguist to inquire about the utility of such systems<br />

in considering the intricacies of natural semantics. Meinongian semantics, although frowned<br />

upon by many on philosophical grounds, is not to be so easily dismissed, either.<br />

The unpredictability of natural language and the inventiveness and creativity of its users,<br />

especially in the field of figuration, teaches us also that certain problems in stylistics and<br />

poetics disclose the limitations of particular methodologies. Catachresis, a far-fetched,<br />

difficult metaphor (called also ‘bold metaphor’) will be my case study in this respect. Among<br />

more interesting paradigms that can be postulated to deal with catachresis, the Possible<br />

Worlds Theory of Metaphor and Language-Games Theory of Metaphor draw heavily from<br />

philosophy and logic.


Philang 2009<br />

Tadeusz Ciecierski<br />

Institute of Philosophy, University of Warsaw, Poland<br />

Varieties of Context-Dependence<br />

It is a truism that a linguistic sign may have many semiotic properties. It is also a truism<br />

that most of those properties (especially semantic and pragmatic ones) are somehow contextdependent.<br />

On the other hand, it is not an easy issue to describe how context-dependencies of<br />

different sorts of properties are interrelated. In general, three theoretical strategies are<br />

possible: (i) one may propose some sort of unifying theory of context-dependence (e.g. Robert<br />

Stalnaker’s concept of the context set may be seen as a step in this direction); (ii) one may<br />

argue that there are mutually irreducible ways in which particular properties (of some sort) are<br />

dependent on the context; (iii) one may consider intermediate approach which precisely<br />

distinguishes different types of context-dependence while simultaneously trying to<br />

interconnect some of them (the aim of the latter approach is to single out a basic class of<br />

context-dependent functions of expressions).<br />

In my paper I am going to address mainly the third above-mentioned strategy. To do this I<br />

will briefly describe selected types of context-sensitive semiotic properties. Next, I will<br />

discuss several classifications of context-dependence that can be found in the literature (those<br />

classifications are often presented as concerning contexts themselves rather than contextdependent<br />

properties. Nevertheless, since the types of context are characterized functionally,<br />

the difference is only apparent and not real). Then I will consider some arguments against the<br />

unification strategy. Finally, I am going to introduce two notions of derivative contextdependency.<br />

First (which will be called “analytic”) concerns situations in which a semiotic<br />

property is defined in terms of other semiotic properties. Second (which will be called<br />

“reductive”) is modeled on the concept of supervenience and may be defined as follows (α is<br />

an arbitrary expression-type, c and c’ are pragmatic contexts, ‘’ means that the<br />

expression α occurs in the context c, and ‘= F’ means identity with a respect to the property<br />

F):<br />

A semiotic property P is (contextually and reductively) derivative from a semiotic property<br />

Q, iff:<br />

[1] ∀α∀c∀c’ ¬◊[ = Q ∧ ≠ P ]<br />

and<br />

[2] ∃α∃c∃c’ ◊[ = P ∧ ≠ Q ]<br />

Both concepts of derivative context-dependency will be applied to the previously introduced<br />

cases of (context-sensitive) semantic and pragmatic properties. Finally, general perspectives<br />

of the proposed approach to the initial problem will be discussed.<br />

Selected references:<br />

Eros Corazza (2004) Reflecting the Mind. Indexicality and Quasi-Indexicality. Oxford.<br />

Yehoshua Bar-Hillel (1970), Aspects of Language: Essays and Lectures on Philosophy of<br />

Language, Linguistic Philosophy and Methodology of Linguistics, Magnes Press.<br />

Jerzy Pelc (1967) ‘A Functional Approach to the Logical Semiotics of Natural Language’,<br />

[in:] Pelc (ed.) Semiotics in Poland 1894-1969, Reidel Publishing Company, 1979.<br />

François Recanati (2007) Perspectival Thought: A Plea for (Moderate) Relativism, Oxford.<br />

Robert Stalnaker (1999) Context and Content, Oxford.<br />

25


26<br />

Andrzej Cieśluk<br />

Marie Curie-Sklodowska University, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

The de re/de dicto distinction and the problem of essentialism<br />

The de re/de dicto distinction appears in many linguistic and theoretical contexts, on the<br />

one hand modal sentences, belief ascriptions, quotation expressions and the other hand<br />

reasonings bounding up with essentialism/antiessentialism or the internalizm/externalism<br />

debates. I will show that these contexts can be reduced to three types. Two of them are<br />

connected with the status of propositions. The third is connected with the ontological relation<br />

between properties and objects.<br />

The de re/de dicto distinction can be presented in terms of differences in the scope of the<br />

intensional operator. This is a syntactic criterion. Quine claims that intentions are the<br />

creatures of darkness and the distinctions makes no sense as there is no such thing as de re.<br />

However, the distinction can be characterized on the basis of co-referential terms that are<br />

interchangeable salva veritate. This is a semantic criterion. The de re/de dicto distinction can<br />

also be characterized using the objection-property relation. In that case de re comes to be<br />

connected to essentialism, i.e. the view that certain properties belong to certain objects<br />

necessarily.<br />

I will show that the de re/de dicto distinction can be characterized in light of the<br />

abovementioned contexts. In addition, I explain how the ontological issue is based upon<br />

logical and linguistic assumptions that lie at the bottom of the de re/de dicto distinctions.


Marzenna Cyzman<br />

Nicolaus Copernicus University, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Lying, poets tell the truth …<br />

The Logical Status of Fictional Discourse’ by John Searle – a still possible<br />

solution to an old problem?<br />

The purpose of this article is to find out whether Searle’s idea of sentence in a literary text<br />

is still relevant. Understanding literary utterances as specific speech acts, pretended<br />

illocutions, is inherent in the process of considering the sentence in a literary text in broader<br />

terms. Reference to ideas formulated both in the theory of literature as a speech act (R.<br />

Ohmann, S. Levin) as well as in logic, ontology and the theory of literature (J. Pelc, H.<br />

Markiewicz, R. Ingarden) will render it possible to adequately place and assess Searle’s<br />

theory. Confronting Searle’s theory with the order in a literary work (the relation between the<br />

text and the literary work, the status of the presented world, the issue of reference and fiction)<br />

will in turn render it possible to determine how empirically adequate Searle’s theory is. These<br />

investigations will be carried out in the first part of the paper.<br />

In the second part it appears necessary to report on the conception of the logical status of<br />

the fictional statement.<br />

‘The Logical Status of Fictional Discourse’ by John Searle:<br />

1. A work of fiction is constituted by the pretended<br />

illocutions. The author of a work of fiction pretends to perform a series of illocutionary<br />

acts. There are two types of rules: vertical rules that establish connections between<br />

language and reality (nonfictional text), and horizontal conventions that break the<br />

connections established by the vertical rules (fictional discourse). John Searle’s conclusion<br />

then is this: the author pretends to perform illocutionary acts by way of actually uttering<br />

sentences.<br />

2. In the work of fiction the author does not really refer<br />

to a fictional character because there was no such antecedently existing character: by<br />

pretending to refer to a person he creates a fictional person; by pretending to refer to an<br />

object the author pretends that there is an object to be referred to.<br />

3. Most fictional stories contain nonfictional elements:<br />

we can indicate real references to real objects (such as London, Baker Street, Russia – the<br />

Searle’s examples). Searle asks a question: what is the test for what is fictional and what is<br />

not? The philosopher concludes that this test for what the author is committed to is what<br />

counts as a mistake. If in the work of fiction something is – for example – geographically<br />

impossible, we will know that the author blundered.<br />

4. The author of a fictional story can insert utterances in the story which are not fictional<br />

(Searle’s example: the first sentence in Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina). It is a genuine assertion<br />

which is part of the novel, but not part of the fictional discourse.<br />

5. The acceptability of the ontology seems to be the most important. If it is concerned, the<br />

author can create actually everything. However, in Searle’s opinion, there is no universal<br />

criterion for coherence: it depends on the type of works of fiction and it seems to be a<br />

function of the special contract between author and reader about the horizontal<br />

conventions.<br />

In the third part of the paper the ways of formulation of the problem of fictional discourse,<br />

rooted in linguistic conceptions of Searle, will be discussed (the list of problems is not<br />

exhaustive):<br />

27


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Philang 2009<br />

1. It is very difficult to draw the line between pretended and nonpretended illocutions. Searle<br />

actually does not indicate correct criterion. The fictional text contains the class of<br />

illocutionary acts but also it causes nonpretended perlocutionary acts in a reality. If the<br />

sentences in a work of fiction were used only to perform some pretended illocutionary<br />

speech acts, they would not have to have normal meaning for readers. I would like to<br />

discuss the question of what makes it possible for a literary work (for pretended<br />

illocutions) to cause perlocutionary effects in the order of reality. What are the<br />

mechanisms by which the pretended illocution invokes the genuine perlocution?<br />

2. How does the author (or anyone) pretend the act of reference? It is always intentional: it is<br />

the special act which contains the concept of intention built into it. My conclusion then is:<br />

the act of reference is always genuine because it is always intentional, that is why there is<br />

no difference between the act of reference in a literary work and the analogical act in the<br />

act of speech in the order of reality. If we agree that there are two types of reference (two<br />

types of illocutions) in a literary work, we receive a conception of the heterogenic text<br />

which includes two different types of the statements. Accordingly, the formulation of any<br />

concept of the presented world in a literary work will not be possible. Pretended<br />

illocutions refer to fictional objects, and genuine assertions refer to real objects. These two<br />

types of existence cannot constitute the presented world. This is not acceptable from<br />

ontological (and logical!) point of view.<br />

3. In order to solve Searle’s problems I reach for the conception of cognitive function in a<br />

literary work, formulated by Katarzyna Rosner (see O funkcji poznawczej dzieła<br />

literackiego, Wrocław 1970). The literary work can refer to the reality not from the level<br />

of the statement, but from the level of the presented world (which is understood as a<br />

model – the symbolic system which indicates some aspects of reality). Also my research<br />

indicates that there may be a connection between the two phenomena: the intentional<br />

presented world created in a work of fiction and our reality.<br />

4. Accordingly, my conception of the logical status of literary statements is only the base of<br />

the ontological theory of an object. In order to provide criterion of coherence I reach for<br />

the ontological conceptions of objects, formulated by A. Meinong (see also T. Parsons, J.<br />

Paśniczek).<br />

The conclusion of this paper is that Searle’s theory is not still possible solution to an old<br />

problem. In Searle’s theory the problem is noticed but in fact – he does not provide correct<br />

solution. However, it can be still interesting introduction to further analyses.


Philang 2009<br />

Olena Dobrovolska<br />

Kharkiv National University of Radioelectronics, Ukraine<br />

Analytic Philosophy of Language and Computational Ontology<br />

Analytic philosophy of language gave way to a variety of sub-disciplines. Now, in the 21st<br />

century, we can reveal the connection between analytic philosophy and computational<br />

(formal) ontology: both concern the ideas of creation of artificial language and conceptual<br />

scheme; strive for knowledge formalization, for strict, simple formulation; try to establish<br />

connection between language and reality. It is interesting to compare how linguistic problems<br />

are solved within philosophy of language and within ontology engineering.<br />

In the context of computer and information sciences an ontology is defined as an explicit<br />

specification of conceptualization, as a conceptualization, as a logical theory. Ontology<br />

defines a set of representational primitives using which we can model a domain of discourse.<br />

Some concepts of analytic philosophy could be prototype of formal ontology. Initially<br />

Vienna Circle's member R. Carnap introduced into practice the notion “linguistic framework”<br />

– a system of ways of speaking, subject to new rules. The idea of “linguistic framework” is<br />

similar to the idea of “conceptual apparatus” of K. Ajdukiewicz - Lvov-Warsaw School<br />

member. Both “linguistic framework” and “conceptual apparatus” correspond to ontology as<br />

conceptual structure.<br />

One more Lvov-Warsaw school’s member A. Tarski considered the notion “metalanguage”<br />

that we can compare to ontology or ontology structure. Meta language is the<br />

language in which we are talking about another (object-) language.<br />

W.V.O.Quine also considered in his work “Ontological relativity” “background language”<br />

that can be compared to top-level ontology. Background language consists of primary terms<br />

and is used to stop the regress in definition.<br />

Key concept of Wittgenstein's «Philosophical Investigations» is «primitive language» or<br />

«language game» – a rule governed activity. This concept can be compared to domain<br />

ontology because each word derives its meaning from its use in language game, and every<br />

language game describes one particular domain.<br />

Also D. Davidson in “On the Very Idea of a Conceptual Scheme” analysed opinions of his<br />

predecessors and contemporaries on problems of translation and interpretation of conceptual<br />

scheme. In his opinion, conceptual scheme is a way of organizing experience; a system of<br />

categories that give form to the data of sensation; a point of view from which individuals,<br />

cultures or periods survey the passing scene. The definition of ontology as conceptual<br />

structure is similar to these Davidson’s definitions.<br />

It is commonly accepted that philosophic foundations of formal ontology are the ideas of<br />

phenomenology and some ideas of W.V.O. Quine, R. Carnap, H. Putnam but we have<br />

revealed the connection between computational ontology and analytic philosophy and have<br />

shown that the theories of analytic philosophy of the first half-middle of the twentieth century<br />

could also be the basis of formal ontology.<br />

29


30<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Marie Duží<br />

VSB-Technical University Ostrava, Czech Republic<br />

Bjørn Jespersen<br />

Delft University of Technology, the Netherlands<br />

Pavel Materna<br />

Czech Academy of Sciences, Czech Republic<br />

The procedural turn and the logos of semantic structure<br />

This talk is a plea for a realist procedural semantics, which is at variance with denotational<br />

semantics (such as model theory) and pragmatist semantics (such as inferentialism).<br />

Our theory requires a robust concept of semantic structure as an extra-linguistic, logical<br />

object, because objective procedures, whether of one or multiple steps, are inherently<br />

structured. The leading idea is that to analyze a piece of language is to assign an<br />

algorithmically structured procedure to it as its meaning. Which pieces of language are<br />

appropriately matched off with which procedures is in turn to be governed by various<br />

constraints. Key constraints ought to include compositionality, referential transparency in all<br />

sorts of context (i.e. thoroughgoing anti-contextualism), and a near-match between the syntax<br />

of (disambiguated) linguistic items and the semantic structures they encode. In particular,<br />

particular categorematic sub-expressions will match procedures, such that compound<br />

expressions will match procedures that are themselves composed of sub-procedures. We<br />

explain why syntactic trees, though illustrative diagrams, fall short of capturing semantic<br />

structures by being, logically, set-theoretic ordered n-tuples.<br />

We propose placing our procedural semantics within the general Fregean programme of<br />

explicating sense (Sinn) as the mode of presentation (Art des Gegebenseins) of the entity<br />

(Bedeutung) that a sense determines. To this end we use Tichý’s Transparent Intensional<br />

Logic (TIL), explicating senses in terms of procedures known as TIL constructions. Our<br />

vision of semantics comes with a top-down approach, going from procedures to their<br />

products, which may be lower-order constructions or non-constructions such as possibleworld<br />

intensions and extensions (individuals, truth-values, sets, etc). Whereas denotational<br />

semantics assigns only procedural products to expressions as their references and pragmatist<br />

semantics eschews reference in favour of socially constituted rules, our procedural semantics<br />

has expressions refer to constructions, which are higher-order objects.<br />

We demonstrate how procedural semantics accommodates the compositionality and<br />

transparency constraints in hyperintensional, intensional and extensional contexts.<br />

Transparency is obtained by furnishing expressions with constructions as context-invariant<br />

meanings. Compositionality is obtained by a strict demarcation between procedures and their<br />

products. We distinguish using a construction as a constituent of a compound construction<br />

and mentioning a construction that is itself the object of predication in a hyperintensional<br />

context. If a construction is used to produce its product, it is used intensionally or<br />

extensionally. If the former, the produced function is itself the object of predication, and if the<br />

latter, the value of the produced function as an argument is the object of predication.<br />

Going with this programme of procedural semantics, however, raises a batch of questions<br />

deserving and demanding to be answered. Just how finely are senses sliced? What is the<br />

ontological status of a sense? How does a sense determine something? Our answers, roughly,<br />

are these. Constructions determine their products by constructing them. Since senses are<br />

procedures, any two senses are identical just when they are procedurally indistinguishable.<br />

We define the relation of procedural isomorphism on the set of constructions, individuating<br />

senses in terms of this relation.


Ingrid Lossius Falkum<br />

University College London, UK<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Polysemy: Lexically Generated or Pragmatically Inferred?<br />

The phenomenon of polysemy (e.g. bake in bake a cake/bake a potato, or begin in begin a<br />

book/begin reading a book) has been investigated from a range of theoretical perspectives<br />

(e.g. Langacker 1984, Nunberg 1996, Ravin & Leacock 2000). Still there is no clear<br />

consensus as to what exactly it amounts to or whether it is semantic, pragmatic, or (somehow)<br />

both. This paper discusses the generative account of polysemy (Pustejovsky 1995), and argues<br />

that rather than treating the phenomenon as being lexically generated, it should be given a<br />

wholly pragmatic account within the relevance-theoretic framework (Sperber & Wilson 1995,<br />

Carston 2002).<br />

Pustejovsky (1995) accounts for polysemy in terms of a set of generative devices operating<br />

over complex lexical entries. E.g. the polysemy of bake is an instance of ‘co-composition’,<br />

where information carried by the complement acts on the governing verb, taking the verb as<br />

argument and shifting its event type (in bake a cake, from ‘change-of-state’ to ‘creation’). The<br />

interpretation of begin a book is a case of ‘type coercion’, where the denotation of book is<br />

‘coerced’ into an event denotation consistent with information stored in its lexical entry<br />

(begin reading a book), as a result of begin selecting for an event as its argument type.<br />

However, by positing such default interpretations for lexical items, the theory fails to<br />

account for the flexibility of the processes involved in the modulation of lexical meaning, and<br />

thus makes a range of wrong predictions (e.g. by type coercion, begin a car means begin<br />

driving a car). Another problem is the way the theory builds world knowledge into the<br />

lexicon, in particular, into the so-called ‘qualia structure’ of a lexical item, thereby blurring<br />

the distinction between linguistic knowledge and general world knowledge.<br />

These problems are avoided on the relevance-theoretic account, where lexical<br />

interpretation is seen as an inferential process, guided and constrained by expectations of<br />

relevance. Here polysemy is analysed in terms of the independently-motivated pragmatic<br />

processes of saturation/free enrichment and ad hoc concept construction. E.g. begin a book is<br />

analysed as either a case of contextual saturation of a lexically given variable (begin comes<br />

with a variable, indicating that its complement is an event or activity) or pragmatic<br />

enrichment (a conceptual constituent which is not articulated in the linguistic form of the<br />

utterance is contextually derived). The polysemy of bake results from the construction of<br />

different contextually-dependent concepts on the basis of encyclopaedic information<br />

associated with the concept linguistically-encoded by bake.<br />

This analysis does not require ‘default’ interpretations to be computed (and eventually<br />

cancelled in the presence of contextual information pointing to a different interpretation). Nor<br />

is there any need to posit complex lexical entries or any arbitrary cut-off points between<br />

aspects of general knowledge that are part of the lexicon and those that are part of the general<br />

knowledge system. I claim that the pragmatic approach presents a simpler, more unified<br />

account of the phenomenon, and avoids the problems of misinterpretation associated with the<br />

generative theory.<br />

References<br />

Carston, R. 2002. Thoughts and Utterances: The Pragmatics of Explicit Communication.<br />

Oxford: Blackwell.<br />

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Philang 2009<br />

Langacker, R. 1984. Active zones. Proceedings of the Tenth Annual Meeting of The<br />

Berkeley Linguistics Society, 172-188.<br />

Nunberg, G. 1996. Transfers of meaning. In Lexical Semantics: The Problem of Polysemy.<br />

Pustejovsky, J. & Boguraev, B (eds.), 109-132. Oxford: Clarendon Press.<br />

Pustejovsky, J. 1995. The Generative Lexicon. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press.<br />

Ravin, Y, & Leacock, C. (eds.). 2000. Polysemy:Theoretical and Computational<br />

Approaches. Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />

Sperber, D. & Wilson, D. 1986/1995. Relevance: Communication and Cognition. Oxford:<br />

Blackwell.


Chris Fox<br />

University of Essex, UK<br />

Philang 2009<br />

The Good Samaritan and the Hygienic Cook<br />

When developing formal theories of the meaning of language, it is appropriate to consider<br />

how apparent paradoxes and conundrums of language are best resolved. Unfortunately, given<br />

the complexity of language, it is not always entirely clear how to apportion the "blame" for<br />

our intuitions about a given example, and how the interpretation of language is best factored<br />

into different aspects of meaning. Furthermore, variations in the wording sometimes appear to<br />

give rise to very different intuitions. Perhaps it is variations in the behaviour of similar<br />

examples that may help give some clues as to the appropriate factorisation of the<br />

interpretation of language, and help us to refine our understanding of problematic phenomena.<br />

In the case of Deontic Logic, which seeks to model reasoning with obligations and<br />

permissions, there are a range of familiar paradoxes, including the so-called Good Samaritan<br />

Paradox (Prior 1958), where we wish to avoid any implication that we ought to rob someone<br />

if we assent to the obligation to "help a robbed man". Such an obligation may be expressed by<br />

a sentence like the following.<br />

(1) You must help a robbed man.<br />

The fact that we do not normally take this to mean that we are obliged to rob someone leads to<br />

questions about the implicit scoping of the obligation operator with respect to modifier<br />

expressions (Castañeda 1981), or whether obligation distributes across conjunction, as in<br />

Standard Deontic Logic (e.g. McNamara 2006). In the literature, the intuitions about such<br />

examples is assumed to be clear and obvious, even if the means by which they are best<br />

captured is open to some debate.<br />

The quality and nature of these intuitions might be undermined, or perhaps refined, if we<br />

consider examples of the same form, but with different words, such as<br />

(2) You must use a clean knife.<br />

In this case, we may be happy to conclude that there is an obligation to ensure the knife has<br />

been cleaned. But what then is the source of the intuition that there is no obligation to rob in<br />

(1)? Perhaps our intuitions about how such examples are best analysed is influenced by preexisting<br />

moral assumptions and value judgements (e.g., that it is wrong to rob). If we fail to<br />

take this possibility into account, then our intuitions about specific examples may lead us<br />

astray when seeking universal rules governing deontic statements. If we are to take<br />

possibility into account, then the question remains as to how we are to do so. We could<br />

consider obligations as defeasible (Bonevac 1998, Makinson and van der Torre 2003). More<br />

specifically, we might attribute our intuitions to some defeasible generic interpretation<br />

(Carlson & Pelletier 1995). Alternatively, we might consider the different intuitions arising<br />

from some implicit focus on "help" in (1) and "clean" in (2). This exemplifies the difficulty in<br />

attributing our intuitions about a particular example to a particular facet of language, and the<br />

need to look for examples that challenge our intuitions when formulating general principles.<br />

33


34<br />

Olga Garmash<br />

Kharkiv Karazin National University, Ukraine<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Language as a Space for Appearing and Existing of the Individual Speaking<br />

We apply to V. V. Bibihin’s suggestion: “… we name the space, where a man finds his<br />

place and recognizes himself, the world. In such case, a new guess appears: language as a<br />

man’s environment is the world.” [V. V. Bibihin. The Language of Philosophy.] A man enters<br />

this “world”, studying or perceiving language, receiving a message about an event of the real<br />

world. Language becomes a key for communication, cognition, but at the same time fetters, of<br />

which some people try to necessarily get rid, like of a curtain over the world. But the world<br />

reminds about itself in the presence of the language.<br />

The “world” in which a man realizes himself, where his history is performed, isn’t an<br />

empty space. Language is a space motion inside which is non-meaningless, marked with signs<br />

and filled with different “I”. Finding and recognizing oneself is accompanied with separating<br />

from others. If in the world a man recognizes his reflection, he recognizes his name, given to<br />

him or created by himself, in the language. Separating from the other in language, establishing<br />

distance is connected with the forming of a “voice.” But acts of individual speaking must<br />

have the one basis to be heard. Therefore, language is not the set of voices, but the field where<br />

they appear and exist.<br />

Ch. S. Pierce notices that “in his imagination he [a man] imagines something like contour,<br />

schematic sketch of himself” [Charles Sanders Pierce. The Logical Basis of Sign Theory.] But<br />

we should separate stages of the building and the reading. In the first case: a sketch,<br />

comparing with language, is always more dynamic (because it has many variants of finishing)<br />

than the work which is static as the filled speaking. But at the moment of reading the finished<br />

speaking has many meanings, is dynamic for understanding (in the result of which for Claude<br />

Levi-Strauss the situation of necessary exchange of inter-supplemented values, the situation<br />

of “neutralisation” appears).<br />

Speaking suggests belonging (or conquering) right to speak. Helene Cixous in the<br />

article “Medusa’s Laughter” states that a woman has a desire to get language, “create her<br />

word and shoot up”, “right for herself and her name”. We notice that the process of speaking<br />

legitimacy is important for both sexes, and this happens both outward and inward. The<br />

position of inside legitimacy is “to let oneself speak from oneself”, to transform one’s own<br />

history. There are two different positions: the defining of meaning and significance of one’s<br />

otherness and the bravery to define oneself independently.<br />

The act of speech appropriating is a shattering invasion in history. “to become(!) of<br />

one’s own free will” anything, to speak of one’s own free will – in this Ferdinand de Saussure<br />

sees the difference between speech and language: speech contains individual combinations<br />

and acts of phonation depending on a speaker’s will. But act of speaking (legitimacy of<br />

oneself, one’s sense, one’s history, creating of oneself) can have different forms, it is much<br />

wider that act of oral speaking: a man writes, keeps silence, draws, dances and so on.


Philang 2009<br />

Brendan S. Gillon<br />

Department of Linguistics, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada<br />

Translational Semantics and Model Theory<br />

Even a cursory review of the five or so textbooks on natural language semantics – for<br />

example, Chierchia and McConnell-Ginet (1990) and Heim and Kratzer (1998) – reveals that<br />

the development of this field depends essentially on earlier developments in analytic<br />

philosophy of language. Perhaps the figure who looms most large is that of Richard<br />

Montague. Richard Montague developed an idea, already entertained but dropped by Tarski<br />

(1936), Church (1956) and Rosenbloom (1950), among others, to do for natural language<br />

what model theory does for logical notation. One way Montague (1970) suggested to put this<br />

into practice is to provide a recursive characterization of the well-formed expressions of a<br />

natural language and then to provide a recursive translation of the well-formed expressions<br />

into a higher order intensional logic. The higher order intensional logic has an antecedently<br />

defined model theory. Thus, Montague reasoned, by the composition of the translation<br />

function and the structure for the higher order intensional logic, one obtains an assignment of<br />

model theoretic values to the well-formed expressions of the natural language.<br />

Though this approach, often referred to as translational semantics, has been almost<br />

universally adopted by semanticists, there is reason to think that translational semantics does<br />

not, in fact, do what it is thought to do, at least as it is pursued, namely, to provide natural<br />

language with a model theory. Let us see why. Recall that, in the model theory of formal<br />

notation, the values of the basic expressions are stipulated and the complex expressions are<br />

recursively defined in terms of less complex expressions. The assignment of values to<br />

expressions is not arbitrary; which interpretation an expression can receive is constrained by<br />

its syntactic type. In other words, an expression's syntactic type determines its semantic type.<br />

For example, in classical quantificational logic, individual constants are assigned individuals<br />

from the universe of the interpreting structure; they are not assigned either subsets of the<br />

universe or sets of n-tuples drawn from it. Indeed, as is well known, expressions of a certain<br />

syntactic type can be assigned any value of the corresponding semantic type. Structures which<br />

do not obey this restriction are not legitimate. Surprisingly, the fundamental constraint that<br />

syntactic type determines semantic type is utterly lacking in translational semantics, at least as<br />

it is practiced by the vast majority of semanticists. Perhaps this is due to the widespread<br />

misunderstanding among linguists that higher order intensional logic is a level of syntax, an<br />

error already common place in the 1980's (Dowty, Wall and Peters 1981 p. 264). There are<br />

types, to be sure, but they are the syntactic types of the higher order intensional logic into<br />

which the expressions of a natural language are translated. There are no syntactic types rooted<br />

in the syntax for the expressions of the natural language which are being translated. It is not<br />

possible to provide a model theoretic treatment for expressions without syntactic types.<br />

References:<br />

Chierchia, Gennaro and McConnell, Sally 1990 Meaning and Grammar. Cambridge, MA:<br />

The MIT Press.<br />

Church, Alonzo 1956 Introduction to Mathematical Logic. Princeton: Princeton University<br />

Press.<br />

Dowty, David, Wall, Robert E. and Peters, Stanley 1981 Introduction to Montague Semantics.<br />

Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Col<br />

35


36<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Heim, Irena and Kratzer, Angelika 1998 Semantics in Generative Grammar. Oxford:<br />

Blackwell Publishing.<br />

Montague, Richard 1974 ‘The proper treatment of quantification in ordinary English’. In:<br />

Formal Philosophy. The Papers of Richard Montague.<br />

Rosenbloom, Paul C. 1950 Elements of Mathematical Logic. New York, New York: Dover.<br />

Tarski, Alfred 1935 ‘The concept of truth in formalized<br />

languages’. In: Logic, Semantics, Metamathematics (J. H. Woodger tr) Oxford: Oxford<br />

University Press (1956). 2nd edition (edited and introduced by John Corcoran,<br />

Indianopolis, Indiana: Hackett Publishing Company), 152-278.


Philang 2009<br />

Justyna Grudzińska<br />

Institute of Philosophy, University of Warsaw, Poland<br />

At the Intersection of Logic, Philosophy of Language and Linguistics:<br />

Multiple Quantification as a Case of Semantic Ambiguity<br />

Consider the following quantified sentence:<br />

(1) Every man loves some woman.<br />

It is familiar that in logic and philosophy of language a sentence-string such as (1) is assumed<br />

to have two possible interpretations. In using (1) a speaker could mean that every man<br />

admires at least one woman (possibly a different one for each man) or that there is some one<br />

woman whom all the men admire. This is usually described as scope ambiguity: either ‘every<br />

man’ takes scope over ‘some woman’ or vice versa.<br />

Although the ambiguity hypothesis is a standpoint with respectable roots in Frege’s and<br />

Russell’s work, it has been challenged in linguistics. The more popular position nowadays is<br />

that the linguistic system gives one of the quantifiers wide scope over the rest of the (1), and a<br />

pragmatic process provides the other interpretation (following suggestions by Grice, 1975).<br />

Or it is held that the linguistic system dictates nothing at all about the relation between the<br />

scopes, and pragmatic derivation is essential in arriving at the truth-conditional content (Bach,<br />

1982). Or one can also adopt the new option of default interpretations: the idea that the (1) has<br />

one preferred, presumed, salient interpretation (following the proposal by Jaszczolt, 2002). In<br />

my paper I will argue for the solution that preserves the intuitions behind the ambiguity<br />

hypothesis - I will defend the view that an expression (a word or a sentence) of a language L<br />

is semantically ambiguous if a grammar for L (understood as the cognitive mechanism that<br />

maps sentences onto meanings) encodes a class of interpretations (specifies the space of<br />

possible semantic interpretations of that expression). I will argue both against the position of a<br />

unitary semantics: ambiguous expressions encode a single sense; and against that of radical<br />

pragmatics: ambiguous expressions encode no senses at all.<br />

Following Poesio (1996), I would like a theory of ambiguity that both explains what it<br />

means for an expression to be semantically ambiguous (theory of grammar) and is consistent<br />

with some plausible about the way humans disambiguate (theory of interpretation). In arguing<br />

for the plausibility of the ambiguity hypothesis, I want to defend and further develop the idea<br />

that human grammars encode ambiguity by means of underspecified representations. It is very<br />

implausible to assume that the hearer in response to the speaker’s utterance must generate all<br />

the senses of an ambiguous expression. There could be too many such senses, and yet humans<br />

are able to deal with these expressions effortlessly. Instead of giving a traditional enumeration<br />

of sentence interpretations or word senses, the idea is to relate them to one another into one<br />

coherent structure, e.g.: work on underspecified logical forms as a way of characterizing the<br />

space of possible semantic interpretations of a sentence (Schubert and Pelletier, Hobbs and<br />

Schieber, Poesio); work on polymorphic representations as a way of characterizing the<br />

multiple senses of a word (Pustejovsky, Mineur and Buitelaar).<br />

In my attempt at providing a plausible account of semantic ambiguity, I will be using a<br />

combination of approaches and methods: theories of grammar (such as Government and<br />

Binding Theory), tools of mathematical logic, linguistic studies and the results of<br />

psycholinguistic experiments.<br />

37


38<br />

Andrea Guardo<br />

Università degli Studi di Milano, Italy<br />

Is Meaning Normative?<br />

Philang 2009<br />

In recent works, Paul Boghossian has maintained that, whereas it may be the case that the<br />

concept of mental content turns out to be normative, the concept of linguistic meaning surely<br />

is not. According to Boghossian, the reason of this asymmetry is that “it is not a norm on<br />

assertion that it should aim at the truth, in the way in which it is a norm on belief that it do so”<br />

(2003, p. 39).<br />

In my paper, I argue, first, that even if it is not a norm on assertion that it should aim at the<br />

truth, it is nonetheless a norm on assertion that it should be a commitment to the truth of what<br />

is asserted (see MacFarlane 2005a, 2005b) and, second, that this shows that linguistic<br />

meaning is normative in nature.<br />

More precisely, Boghossian accepts that:<br />

(1) The concept of linguistic meaning presupposes that of correctness criteria (for the sake of<br />

argument, I grant to Boghossian that this is not sufficient to prove that linguistic meaning is<br />

normative, at least not in an interesting sense; in fact, the point is controversial – see Grice<br />

1989).<br />

But:<br />

(2) In the case of linguistic meaning, there is a strong link between correctness criteria and<br />

rule-following.<br />

And:<br />

(3) Following a rule is performing an action that we must be able to justify.<br />

From (1), (2) and (3) it follows that:<br />

(4) The concept of linguistic meaning presupposes that of justification and, therefore, those of<br />

reason, commitment etc…<br />

But:<br />

(5) Such concepts are normative in nature.<br />

Hence:<br />

(6) So is meaning.<br />

References<br />

Blackburn, S., 1984, “The Individual Strikes Back”, in Synthese, LVIII, pp. 281-301.<br />

Boghossian, P., 1989, “The Rule-Following Considerations”, in Mind, XCVIII, pp. 507-549.<br />

Boghossian, P., 2003, “The Normativity of Content”, in Philosophical Issues, XIII, pp. 31-45.<br />

Boghossian, P., 2005, “Is Meaning Normative?”, in C. Nimtz, A. Beckermann (eds.),<br />

Philosophie und/als Wissenschaft, Paderborn.<br />

Brandom, 2008, R., Between Saying and Doing, New York-Oxford.<br />

Davidson, D., 1992, “The Second Person”, in Midwest Studies in Philosophy, XVII, pp. 255-<br />

267.<br />

Dretske, F., 1981, Knowledge and the Flow of Information, Oxford.<br />

Fodor, J., 1990, “A Theory of Content, II”, in id., A Theory of Content and Other Essays,<br />

Cambridge-London.<br />

Grice, P., 1989, “Meaning Revisited”, in id., Studies in the Way of Words, Cambridge-<br />

London.<br />

Kaplan, D., 1989, “Demonstratives”, in J. Almog, J. Perry, H. Wettstein (eds.), Themes From<br />

Kaplan, New York-Oxford.


Philang 2009<br />

Kripke, S., 1982, Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language, Oxford.MacFarlane, J. 2005a,<br />

“Making Sense of Relative Truth”, in Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, CV, pp. 321-<br />

339.<br />

MacFarlane, J., 2005b, “The Assessment Sensitivity of Knowledge Attributions”, in<br />

OxfordStudies in Epistemology, I, pp. 197-233.<br />

Sellars, W., 1974, “Language as Thought and as Communication”, in id. Essays in Philosophy<br />

and its History, Dordrecht-Boston.<br />

Wittgenstein, L., 1953, Philosophical Investigations, Oxford.<br />

39


40<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Arkadiusz Gut<br />

Department of Philosophy, Catholic University of Lublin, Poland<br />

Language, Mindreading and Meta-cognition<br />

Probably there is no philosopher, psychologist or linguist, who wouldn’t be intrigued by the<br />

following question: How much of what is unique about the human mind is owed to language?<br />

One of the current hypotheses claims that public language is responsible for our ability to<br />

display second order cognitive dynamics. In order to investigate the alleged role of language<br />

in second order dynamics (our ability to think about thoughts) some concentrated on the<br />

attribution of thought to other people i.e. on “mind reading” abilities. Evaluating series of<br />

experimental results (for example: The false belief task), some philosophers and<br />

psycholinguists have put forward a strong claim that language is a necessary prerequisite for<br />

an acquisition of a mind-reading capacity. In broader sense the conclusion is often drawn that<br />

capacity to attribute a thought to other people deploys symbolic representations made<br />

available by the language faculty and that natural language is the medium (vehicle) for second<br />

order thinking. In my lecture I assume that the analysis of false belief task opens the true area<br />

where one can investigate not only the evidence for a number of general affirmations<br />

concerning the language/thought relationship, but also describe the relationship between<br />

mindreading and meta-cognition. Some philosophers and linguists, however, put forward a<br />

strong hypothesis that the acquisition of language, verbal communication with others,<br />

observation of other minds and attributing mental states to other subjects is that what enables<br />

us to acquire knowledge of our own mind (to develop meta-cognitive abilities). Implied in<br />

this view is a suggestion that the knowledge of our own mind is acquired through attribution<br />

of thoughts to other subjects, i.e. mindreading has the priority over the meta-cognition. In my<br />

presentation I will to show that this line of thought is based on the general idea that language<br />

is regarded as a necessary precursor for second order cognitive dynamics, i.e. the acquisition<br />

of specific language constructions fosters our ability to think consciously of mental<br />

representations. In the final part I will show that general assumption concerning the alleged<br />

role of language is a weak one because of numerous reasons. In my investigation, I will not,<br />

however, attempt to minimalize the function of language in cognition. Thus, in my arguments<br />

against the hypothesis that we think in language I will not follow the performance-based<br />

account put forward by Fodor and Leslie. I will rather refer to some ideas that are based on<br />

the view that specific human linguistic and communicative abilities require our capacities to<br />

reason about intentions of other persons. By the same token, I am interested to present the<br />

argument that the employment of a conventional linguistic symbol presupposes our ability to<br />

display second order cognitive dynamics (both meta-cognition and mindreading . Therefore, I<br />

will attempt to show that language is not a device that re-programs our cognitive abilities and<br />

creates a new kind of cognition but is rather an external resource that may scaffold our higherorder<br />

cognitive abilities.


Housam Hashim<br />

University College, London, UK<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Is the Reconciliation of Realism and Interpretationism of Intentionality<br />

Tenable?<br />

The purpose of my paper is to give an accurate understanding of the view that we normally<br />

have of ourselves as agents that are subject to an array of states that are meaningful such as<br />

beliefs and desires, fears and choices. Most theorists within the philosophy of mind and<br />

cognitive sciences hold that the ascription of such propositional attitudes is a form of<br />

theoretical explanation with beliefs, desires and the rest its theoretical postulates. Theorists on<br />

the subject of the nature of attribution of belief are usually divided into two camps. These<br />

camps are usually taken to be mutually exclusive. The realist towards the attribution of belief<br />

holds that the subject of whether a person has a particular belief or not is a matter of fact.<br />

Here a belief is seen as an objective property of that person. The interpretationist towards the<br />

subject of the nature of the attribution of belief on the other hand argues that whether a person<br />

has a particular belief or not is a matter of interpretation. The question that I address in this<br />

thesis is whether there is a third option. That is, is the reconciliation of realism and<br />

interpretationism in belief attribution tenable? I am sceptical that this is possible. I argue that<br />

if this reconciliation is not tenable then in order to avoid the elimination of what I think is a<br />

correct understanding of ourselves we should interpret the subject of belief in terms of<br />

usefulness and utility in the prediction and explanation of our behaviour. I argue, therefore<br />

that the descriptions of intentional psychology are practically ineliminable and have meaning.<br />

I argue, however that beliefs, desires, hopes and fears do not refer to any tangible internal<br />

states that are causally significant in the explanation of behaviour.<br />

41


42<br />

Lars Hertzberg<br />

Department of Philosophy<br />

Åbo Akademi University, Finland<br />

Does Language have a Use?<br />

Philang 2009<br />

According to a prevalent view, linguistic communication consists in using linguistic<br />

expressions as a means of bringing about an effect in a listener. This view presupposes that<br />

the utterance and the speech situation can be identified independently of one another, i.e. the<br />

relation between them is external. This presupposition is shared by behaviourists and<br />

generative grammarians (Chomsky) alike. It is here argued that the presupposition is<br />

untenable: an utterance and its use are internally related, i.e. they are mutually constitutive. It<br />

is shown that the effect of an utterance (as far as the effect is linguistically relevant) cannot,<br />

on the one hand, be described except in relation to what was said, and that what was said<br />

cannot, on the other hand, be identified independently of what the speaker was doing in<br />

speaking; this, in turn, can only be seen by taking note of the context. (Thus, whether the<br />

speaker’s words were ambiguous cannot be determined by looking only to the phonological<br />

character of the utterance; neither is the meaning of an utterance dependent on the mental<br />

content of the speaker or the listener’s reaction. Rather, it depends on the practical context of<br />

speaking.) The argument holds both for utterances aiming at a practical result (commands,<br />

warnings, instructions, etc) and for expressive utterances (thanking, apologizing, greeting,<br />

etc.). It is, accordingly, misleading to speak about language having a use, as if language were<br />

a system the character of which is independent of what is done with it. Because of this, the<br />

suggestion that someone might have mastered the language system, in the sense that he might<br />

be able to formulate grammatically correct sentences and to identify grammatical errors, while<br />

not being capable of making use of utterances, is not coherent. The entire situation involving<br />

the speaker, the listener, and their relation in the context of life in which the utterance is made<br />

is what constitutes an utterance as a linguistic act. Because of this it is misleading to suppose<br />

that rules of language are what enables us to understand what someone is saying; rather it is<br />

our understanding of what is said that enables us to see how the rules of language apply to it.


Carl Humphries<br />

University of Bielsko-Biała (ATH), Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Defeasibility of meaning and expression in language use and its implications<br />

for culture and communication.<br />

The conception of language developed in Wittgenstein’s later work emphasises the varied<br />

sorts of context-dependence language use must possess to be consistent with the conditions<br />

under which, as language learners, we discover it to be meaningful. It follows from this that<br />

approaches that treat all cultural phenomena (including language use) as only meaningful in<br />

virtue of their place in an overarching cultural system (e.g. one that assigns meanings directly<br />

to signs) must be mistaken. Poststructuralists have drawn from the latter model the idea that<br />

the assignment of meanings to signs on particular occasions is necessarily defeasible (and so,<br />

from the point of view of communicative understanding, unstable). According to<br />

Wittgenstein’s model, though, the contextual conditions under which we first discover<br />

particular forms of language use to be meaningful can also imply that their meanings are nondefeasible<br />

(e.g. when they are necessarily situated in practices that consist of embedded<br />

structures of practical action).<br />

Even so, not all relevant aspects of how human beings behave when they interact and<br />

communicate conform to the Wittgensteinian model of context-dependency. Some instances<br />

of verbal utterance (e.g. involving expletives), as well as many instances of how human<br />

beings present themselves expressively to one another involving intonation, facial expressions<br />

and gestures, do not require any specific context to be judged relevant. (In the absence of any<br />

circumstances that would help to indicate a context-dependent meaning for these, we still take<br />

them to be expressively revealing of a person’s mood, which itself may possess<br />

communicative relevance – e.g. when a person says ‘I’m happy’ in a sad tone of voice, but for<br />

no clearly apparent reason.) Because they are not in themselves context-dependent, any<br />

communicative significance such cases have must, in principle, be defeasible, if it is to be<br />

consistent with the fact that we can also discover them to be capable of taking on additional<br />

context-dependent forms of significance in the right circumstances.<br />

Hence the intuition of poststructuralists – that there is something in human communication<br />

that is necessarily defeasible – turns out to be a good one after all, even if it does not justify<br />

the generalisations about language, culture and communication that they have sought to make<br />

on the basis of it. Indeed, this paper will aim to show that the wider philosophical or cultural<br />

implications of that insight can only be seen when it is placed alongside a Wittgensteinian<br />

account of context-dependent meaning instead of competing with the latter.<br />

43


44<br />

Maria Jodłowiec<br />

Jagiellonian University, Kraków, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Metarepresentation and language: a relevance theoretic approach<br />

The main goal of the paper is to show how relevance theory (Sperber & Wilson 1986/95,<br />

2002, Wilson & Sperber 2004) models communication as necessarily involving mind-reading<br />

mechanisms and to present arguments, advanced by Sperber (1994, 2000) and Wilson (1999,<br />

2005), which suggest that metarepresentational abilities must have preceded the development<br />

of language as a sophisticated tool of communication in the evolutionary development of<br />

man.<br />

Relevance theory is a model of human overt intentional, that is ostensive, communication<br />

rooted in some observations about human cognitive functioning. The fundamental assumption<br />

about how interpreters recover the communicator’s meaning is that ostensive stimuli come<br />

with a guarantee that they have been intended to be optimally relevant. This tacit law<br />

underlying comprehension processes in general, and understanding utterances in particular, is<br />

formalised on the relevance theoretic model as the presumption of relevance, the corollary to<br />

the Communicative Principle of Relevance.<br />

The presumption of relevance and the Communicative Principle of Relevance provide the<br />

backbone of the utterance comprehension heuristics which Sperber and Wilson formulate. In<br />

accordance with this procedure, the hearer is assumed to “follow a path of least effort in<br />

constructing an interpretation of the utterance (and in particular in resolving ambiguities and<br />

referential indeterminacies, in going beyond linguistic meaning, in supplying contextual<br />

assumptions, computing implicatures, etc.) in order of accessibility, and … [to] stop when<br />

[the interpreter’s] expectations of relevance are satisfied” (or abandoned) (Sperber & Wilson,<br />

2005: 360). This heuristics predicts that the first interpretation found relevant enough by the<br />

interpreter will be recognised as the one intended by the communicator, to the exclusion of<br />

other possible interpretations that the utterance might be compatible with (Wilson & Sperber,<br />

2002: 605, Žegarac, 2006: 1703).<br />

On the relevance-theoretic approach it is furthermore assumed that, when deriving<br />

optimally relevant meanings, interpreters may take into account some information which is<br />

available to them through metacommunicative insight. In other words, it is postulated within<br />

this framework that comprehenders will not simply fall for the first interpretation that the<br />

presumption of optimal relevance recovers, but on certain occasions, will discard this<br />

interpretation as unlikely to be intended as optimally relevant by the communicator and will<br />

search further for another optimally relevant meaning. This may happen when an utterance<br />

will yield an accidentally optimally relevant interpretation, an accidentally irrelevant<br />

interpretation or an interpretation that will merely seem optimally relevant even though it is<br />

genuinely not optimally relevant as it appears to the interpreter. All the three instances are<br />

cases of a mismatch between the first relevant interpretation accessed and the interpretation<br />

that is or might be assumed to be optimally relevant due to metacommunicative<br />

considerations, that is thanks to the fact that the interpreter will engage in doing what is<br />

referred to in the literature as reading the speaker’s mind.<br />

The three interpretational strategies will be discussed and comments on why it seems more<br />

plausible to hypothesise that the disposition to metarepresent evolved in homo sapiens before<br />

language will be offered.


Selected references:<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Sperber, Dan (1994). Understanding verbal understanding. In J. Khalfa (Ed.), What is<br />

intelligence?( 179–198). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />

Sperber, Dan (2000). Metarepresentations in an evolutionary perspective. In D. Sperber (Ed.),<br />

Metarepresentations: A Multidisciplinary Perspective (117-137). Oxford University<br />

Press,<br />

Sperber, Dan & Deirdre Wilson (1986/1995). Relevance: Communication and cognition.<br />

Oxford: Blackwell.<br />

Sperber, Dan & Deirdre Wilson (2002). Pragmatics, modularity and mind–reading. Mind and<br />

Language, 17, 3–23.<br />

Sperber, Dan & Deirdre Wilson (2005). Pragmatics. UCL Working Papers in Linguistics, 17,<br />

353-388.<br />

Wilson, Deirdre (1999). Metarepresentation in linguistic communication. UCL Working<br />

Papers in Linguistics, 11, 127–161.<br />

Wilson, Deirdre (2005). New directions for research on pragmatics and modularity. Lingua,<br />

115, 1129–1146.<br />

Wilson, Deirdre & Dan Sperber (2004). Relevance theory. In L. Horn & G. Ward (Eds.), The<br />

handbook of pragmatic (607–632), Oxford: Blackwell.<br />

Žegarac, Vlad (2006). Believing in: A pragmatic account. Lingua, 116, 1703–1721.<br />

45


46<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Andrew Jorgensen<br />

School of Philosophy, University College Dublin, Ireland<br />

Understanding Semantic Scepticism<br />

Kripke concluded ‘there can be no such thing as meaning anything by any word’ (1982, p.<br />

55). This startling thesis raises many questions: How are we best to understand the thesis? Is<br />

it self-refuting or incoherent? If it is true, how did he convey it to us, and how did we<br />

understand it? In my talk I say why…<br />

1. I think the thesis is best understood as a version of semantic nominalism (to be contrasted<br />

with J.J. Katz’s Realism about language and Chomskian Conceptualism/Internalism). In<br />

brief, the argument is that scepticism implies sentences don’t express propositions. This<br />

can be construed as saying words/sentences do not really belong to semantic types, which<br />

is a form of nominalism. The benefit of the reinterpretation lies in bringing to bear<br />

conceptual resources and analogies from nominalist interpretations of other areas to<br />

linguistic phenomena.<br />

2. I argue scepticism is not incoherent. I respond to Paul Boghossian’s famous argument from<br />

‘The Status of Content’ (1990) that irrealist theses about content are incoherent. In brief,<br />

my response trades on distinguishing sentences and propositions and I argue that<br />

Boghossian’s criticisms cannot get a grip on a properly formulated scepticism once the<br />

distinction is made.<br />

3. I offer a picture that reconciles the apparent first-person phenomenal experience of<br />

understanding the sceptical thesis with the strict consequences of the thesis, if true. In<br />

brief, the experience of understanding the thesis, given a traditional picture of<br />

understanding as a propositional attitude, entails we ‘grasp’ the sceptical propositions that<br />

no sentence expresses a proposition. For the sake of argument, this is a relationship<br />

between a person and a proposition. But scepticism insists no one means a proposition and<br />

no sentence expresses a proposition. These are additionally demanding relationships. ‘S’<br />

expresses p iff S is uniquely semantically related to p. The sceptic denies the uniqueness of<br />

the relation between person and proposition (or between sentence and proposition), not the<br />

existence of the relation. Hence the first person evidence of a connection with propositions<br />

is compatible with the truth of scepticism (since the first person evidence says nothing<br />

about uniqueness)<br />

I conclude that we must return to the study of language from a nominalist perspective (now<br />

associated exclusively with the Bloomfeldian tradition) because only it can accommodate the<br />

sceptical critique.<br />

References:<br />

Paul Boghossian (1990) “The Status of Content” Philosophical Review, 157-84.<br />

N. Chomsky (1966) Cartesian Linguistics Harper and Row. J.J. Katz (ed.) (1985) The<br />

Philosophy of Linguistics Oxford University Press.<br />

Saul Kripke (1982) Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language Harvard University Press.


Roman Kalisz<br />

University of Gdańsk, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Philosophical Foundations of a Concept of General Meaning<br />

Most recently I have been developing a concept of general meaning. The idea<br />

comprises assessment of linguistic utterances on cognitive scales such as true – false, good –<br />

bad, beautiful – ugly. A producer of a message shows his/her relation in varying degrees<br />

toward one or more of the above scales. The scales reflect basic interests of human beings. At<br />

this level axiological stances of various cultural orientations are revealed in the best way, e.g.<br />

liberalism in economy is praised by circles close to NajwyŜszy Czas ‘Highest Time’ in Poland<br />

and condemned by socialists let alone communists. General meaning reflects fundamental<br />

beliefs and attitudes to life by humans. We want to know the truth regardless of detailed<br />

lexical representations in an utterance.<br />

Philosophical background which supports this view is connected with various<br />

axiological theories including ethics and aesthetics. Such studies as Pawłowski’s (1987)<br />

monograph non aesthetics show the history of human thought aiming at objective parameters<br />

of determining what is beautiful and what is a kitsch.<br />

The next step in the development of the concept of general meaning is the placement<br />

of a given utterance on a given scale or scales. A ‘so called parenthetical test serves this<br />

purpose. The principle of scalarity is exploited here although not in entirely orthodox way.<br />

The final step in our analysis is the translation of general meaning into lexical and<br />

even morphological meaning through the tool of ‘semantic skeleton’ which reflects degree of<br />

schematicity of human understanding and reasoning.<br />

Reference:<br />

Pawłowski, Tadeusz. 1987. Wartości estetyczne. Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna.<br />

47


48<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Henryk Kardela<br />

Maria Curie Skłodowska University, Lublin, Poland<br />

Ludwik Fleck: The Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact. In<br />

Cognitive Linguistics.<br />

The question: What is a fact? is a fundamental epistemological question that any adequate<br />

scientific theory, a viable linguistic theory included, can hardly evade. Ever since Thomas<br />

Kuhn’s (1962) famous book The structure of Scientific Revolutions the general consensus<br />

seems to have been reached among scientific communities that<br />

(i) scientific endeavor develops through changes in paradigms and changes of paradigms;<br />

(ii) no scientific progress can be divorced from its social context, and<br />

(iii) there are no bare facts; all (relevant) facts are theory laden.<br />

Importantly, in his book, Thomas Kuhn points to Ludwik Fleck, a Jewish-born Polish scholar<br />

and medical scientist, whose book Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact (1979),<br />

originally published in German in 1935, has been a source of inspiration to him.<br />

Indeed, in his book, Ludwik Fleck, when analyzing the history of the Wassermann<br />

reaction, shows that “the facts” which led to the discovery of the true causes of syphilis were<br />

“socially constructed”, being determined by the then prevailing thought style (Denkstil),<br />

shared by the thought collective (Denkkollektiv), i.e. “a community of persons mutually<br />

exchanging ideas or maintaining intellectual interaction”).<br />

The paper aims at showing that the general framework of Cognitive Linguistics,<br />

represented, among others, by Ronald Langacker’s (1987, 1991, 2000, 2008) model of<br />

Cognitive Grammar and Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980, 1999) theory of Conceptual Metaphor,<br />

fits Ludwik Fleck’s (1979) description of a thought style in that Cognitive Linguistics<br />

(i) offers a basis for the social and cultural conditioning of scientific knowledge, where facts<br />

are viewed as a function of the current thought style;<br />

(ii) constrains and determines the way of thinking;<br />

(iii) disallows alternative modes of perception of “facts”, thereby excluding proper<br />

communication between different theoretical frameworks (for example, between<br />

cognitive linguistics and generative grammar), and, finally<br />

(iv) defines empirical discovery as a development or a transformation of thought style which<br />

initially admits of no exception to its system.<br />

References<br />

Paul Boghossian (1990) “The Status of Content” Philosophical Review, 157-84.<br />

N. Chomsky (1966) Cartesian Linguistics Harper and Row.<br />

J.J. Katz (ed.) (1985) The Philosophy of Linguistics Oxford University Press.<br />

Saul Kripke (1982) Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language Harvard University Press.<br />

Lakoff, G., Johnson, M. 1999. Philosophy in the Flesh.The Embodied Mind and Its Challenge<br />

to Western Thought. New York: Basic Books.<br />

Langacker, R. 1987. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar. 2 Vols. Stanford.<br />

Langacker, R. 2000. Grammar and Conceptualization. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.<br />

Langacker, R. 2008. Cognitive Grammar. A Basic Introduction. Oxford: OUP.


Philang 2009<br />

Filip Kawczyński<br />

Institute of Philosophy, University of Warsaw, Poland<br />

The Hybrid Theory of Reference for Proper Names<br />

How does the reference of proper names work was one of the issues raised most frequently<br />

in the twentieth-century philosophy of language. Well known opposition between the<br />

Description Theory and Kripke’s Casual Theory set the trend of that discussion. The<br />

descriptivists, on the one hand, placed great emphasis on intentional content (expressed by<br />

definite descriptions) involved in using proper names and, as Kripke has shown (in Naming<br />

and Necessity) they expected too much from that. On the other hand, what is characteristic for<br />

Kripkean Casual (or `Chain’) Theory is the deficiency of intentional aspect, what makes the<br />

theory irrelevant to the actual way of using names (see arguments against the Casual Theory<br />

in Evans’ The Casual Theory of Names and Putnam’s Explanation and Reference). All in all,<br />

both classical theories of reference for proper names wrestle with miscellaneous difficulties<br />

and do not give the answer for the question about reference.<br />

What may be – and in my opinion should be – applied as an antidote to that awkward state<br />

of affairs is a Hybrid Theory of reference. One of the first and probably the most famous<br />

hybrid theory was proposed by Evans in The Varieties of Reference.<br />

Evans rightly remarks that every single use of a proper name appears within some<br />

PRACTICE of using that name as referring to some particular object. Thus, Evan’s main goal<br />

was to give an account of how does such practice run. In doing that he introduces a distinction<br />

between producers and consumers of a practice, describes reference-borrowing process as<br />

consisting in cooperation of speakers connected in a kind of communication network and<br />

explains the nature and role of intentional content speakers posses about a bearer of a name.<br />

Probably, the most important Evans’s thesis is that information possessed by a speaker about<br />

the bearer of a name do not determine which object the speaker refers to when using the name<br />

(as it was claimed by descriptivists). However, such information determine which practice<br />

speaker’s use of the name belongs to.<br />

In my paper I would like to present my view on the reference of proper names which is<br />

inspired to a large extent by Evans’s ideas. I will take a closer look at the act of naming itself,<br />

the specific roles played by producers and consumers in injecting new information into the<br />

practice and the consequences of using attributive and referential definite description to fix<br />

reference within reference-borrowing. I will also attempt to extend, as well as particularize,<br />

Evans’s claims about the function that information fulfils in determining the reference of a<br />

name and show how the Hybrid Theory allows us to answer the main question concerning<br />

proper names, namely: what determines which object is the reference of a given use of a name<br />

in a given context and why exactly this object is the reference?<br />

49


50<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Witold Kieraś<br />

Institute of Philosophy, Warsaw University, Poland<br />

Equivalent complexity, linguistic theories and philosophy of linguistics<br />

Charles Hockett in his book (Hockett, 1958) formulated so called equivalent complexity<br />

thesis (or equi-complexity thesis) concerning so called grammatical complexity of natural<br />

languages:<br />

Objective measurement is difficult, but impressionistically it would seem that the total grammatical<br />

complexity of any language, counting both morphology and syntax, is about the same as that of any other.<br />

This is not surprising, since all languages have about equally complex jobs to do, and what is not done<br />

morphologically has to be done syntactically (Hockett, 1958).<br />

For years the thesis was widely approved but recently it was put in doubt on the basis of the<br />

claim that creole languages are significantly simpler on all levels of grammatical analysis<br />

(phonological, morphological, syntactic and semantic) (McWhorther, 2001). McWhorther’s<br />

claim brought back to live the discussion on the notion of grammatical complexity and the<br />

equi-complexity thesis itself.<br />

The aim of the paper is to present and discuss the equi-complexity thesis on the ground of<br />

philosophy of linguistics and present the problem as relevant (though rarely discussed) for<br />

this field of philosophical investigations.<br />

First of all, one of the interesting issues is the analysis the notion of grammatical<br />

complexity which is in Hockett’s work somewhat vague. Recent attempts to this problem<br />

distinguish at least two types of grammatical complexity: relative and absolute (Miestamo,<br />

2006b; Kusters, 2008). Relative complexity is relativised to users and is based on second<br />

language acquisition. The absolute approach refers to the number of parts in a system, or, in<br />

information-theoretical terms, to the length of the description of phenomena of certain<br />

language. But this distinction does not solve the problem of a proper definition, it rather opens<br />

the discussion. Especially in the absolute approach (the more popular one) which faces two<br />

main problems: choosing linguistic phenomena that are relevant for complexity (problem of<br />

representativity) and calibration of results obtained for these phenomena (problem of<br />

comparability). (Miestamo, 2006a)<br />

The second problem is how major linguistic theories define grammatical complexity or<br />

how the notion could be defined on the ground of these theories. The most interesting case is<br />

Chomskian methodology, in which grammatical complexity could be (at least in some sense)<br />

understood simply as belonging to a certain class of formal languages in Chomsky’s hierarchy<br />

(Chomsky, 1959). Also interesting issue on the ground of linguistic theories is to analyze how<br />

potential answer to equi-complexity thesis (positive or negative) would affect these linguistic<br />

theories. Again, generative linguistics as the one that has the strongest psychological<br />

implications, is the most interesting one. It seems that this theory is the most “complexitysensitive”,<br />

since the negative answer to the thesis could undermine the idea of universal<br />

grammar.<br />

Last but not least: the problem of grammatical complexity and equi-complexity thesis has<br />

some certain features of philosophical problem and I hope to put some light on why this<br />

problem should be interested for a philosopher of language and linguistics.


References<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Chomsky, N. (1959). On certain formal properties of grammars. Information and control,<br />

2:137–167.<br />

Hockett, C. (1958). A Course in Modern Linguistics. Macmillan, New York.<br />

Kusters, W. (2008). Complexity in linguistic theory, language learning and language change.<br />

In Miestamo, M., Sinnemäki, K., and F., K., editors, Language Complexity: Typology,<br />

Contact, Change. Studies in Language Companion Series 94, pages 3–22. Benjamins,<br />

Amsterdam.<br />

McWhorther, J. (2001). The world’s simplest grammars are creole grammars. Linguistic<br />

Typology, 5:125–166.<br />

Miestamo, M. (2006a). On the complexity of standard negation. In Suominen, M., Arppe, A.,<br />

Airola, A., Heinämäki, O., Miestamo, M., Määttä, U., Niemi, J., Pitkänen, K. K., and<br />

Sinnemäki, K., editors, A Man of Measure: Festschrift in Honour of Fred Karlsson on<br />

His 60th Birthday, Special Supplement to SKY Journal of Linguistics, pages 325–356. The<br />

Linguistic Association of Finland.<br />

Turku.Miestamo, M. (2006b). On the feasibility of complexity metrics. In Kerge, K. and<br />

Sepper, M., editors, Finest Linguistics. Proceedings of<br />

the Annual Finnish and Estonian Conference of Linguistics. Tallinn, May 6-7, 2004, pages<br />

11–26. Tallinn University Press.<br />

Miestamo, M. (2008). Grammatical complexity in a<br />

cross-linguistic perspective. In Miestamo, M., Sinnemäki, K., and F., K., editors, Language<br />

Complexity: Typology, Contact, Change. Studies in Language Companion Series 94, pages<br />

23–41. Benjamins, Amsterdam.<br />

51


52<br />

Guilherme F. Rennó Kisteumacher<br />

Milton Campos Faculty of Law,<br />

Minas Gerais, Brazil<br />

Philang 2009<br />

The Logic of Language: Analytical Pragmatism and Inferentialism as a<br />

bridge between philosophy of language and linguistics<br />

One of the most impressive developments in philosophy of language was the systematic<br />

approach that had the main conviction of language as system of representation of states of<br />

affairs, and that, through its formal analysis, we could obtain almost all of the conclusions of<br />

our worldly philosophical issues. Nevertheless, this project was subject to several critiques by<br />

an opposed perspective that took the meaning of linguistic expressions as intrinsically<br />

dependent on their use. Linguistic pragmatism of this sort dominated philosophy of language,<br />

and it seemed to condemn the systematic theoretical formulations about language to<br />

impossibility and mistake: language could not have a core capable of adequate philosophical<br />

or scientific description. This picture was recently questioned, putting forward a claim that<br />

these two approaches were, in fact, not completely opposed, but rather complementary. They<br />

influence each other mutually, since philosophy of language, in its analytic and pragmatic<br />

form are interwoven and could be conjoined as well with the fundamental developments of<br />

formal semantics and contemporary linguistics approaches. This perspective is already<br />

presupposed in the philosophical perspective of inferentialism, provided by Sellars and<br />

developed by Brandom. Inferentialism is pragmatic in its commitments, but is also capable of<br />

analyzing the logical inferential structure implicit in our explicit practice of linguistic use.<br />

That ideal is pursued as well in Brandom’s most recent analytic pragmatism, a project that<br />

seeks to conjoin both perspectives: as rigorously analytical towards semantics, without letting<br />

go of the basic pragmatic standpoint, through a complex pragmatic mediated semantic<br />

relation, capable of being translated in a meaning-use analysis. With this, it is formed a<br />

metatheoretic conceptual apparatus that could be in place for translating meaning in terms of<br />

use and at the same time be available as a systematization for our philosophical and scientific<br />

scrutiny. For this, it was claimed that both approaches could not only perform this task, but<br />

also significantly demonstrate overcomes in many of the main problems of philosophy of<br />

language in the 21st century, as well as provide a way to bring closer achievements in<br />

contemporary linguistics to the developments in philosophy of language, since both<br />

inferentialism and analytic pragmatism also pretend to explain theoretically the acquisition<br />

and development of language in human behavior. In this article, we pretend to evaluate what<br />

can and what cannot be done in these directions with the conceptual tools provided by them:<br />

how does it actually solves some central ‘myths of the study of language, and how it does still<br />

leave some of them open; how it can show the interconnection of formal semantic analysis<br />

and the pragmatization of philosophy of language; how is it able to bring closer linguistics to<br />

philosophy of language; and how this structure justifies itself in a broadly construed<br />

perspective of our contemporary sciences and philosophies that study the linguistic<br />

phenomenon. It should be claimed that a holistic conceptual perspective is needed, as well as<br />

a good use of the insights of pragmatism regarding the inherent social structure of our<br />

discursive practice.


Georg Kjøll<br />

Centre for the Study of Mind in Nature<br />

University of Oslo, Norway<br />

Philang 2009<br />

What notion of ‘content’ is needed for a theory of communication?<br />

A very intuitive theory of how communication works is that, in linguistic interaction,<br />

people entertain propositions which they convey to each other by way of language. We share<br />

thoughts, or we utter words put together in such a fashion that their meanings correspond<br />

directly to what we think. But are the propositions in our heads of the same type and<br />

metaphysical mould as the meanings expressed by natural language utterances? Or, put<br />

another way; is the content of our thoughts of the same type as the content of our<br />

communicative acts?<br />

In this paper I argue that there may be good reasons not to treat the answer to this question<br />

as a clear and unreserved ‘yes’. Using a recent debate in linguistics/ philosophy of language<br />

between Cappelen and Lepore (2007) and proponents of Relevance Theory (Sperber and<br />

Wilson 1995, Carston 2002, Wedgwood 2007) as a case study, I show that there seem to be<br />

different theoretical requirements in place for the content of utterances on the one hand, and<br />

thoughts on the other.<br />

Developing a Gricean point, Sperber and Wilson hold that linguistic interaction can<br />

succeed without there being “a failsafe algorithm by which the hearer can reconstruct the<br />

speaker’s exact meaning” (Sperber and Wilson 1995: 44) and that often it is sufficient that the<br />

speaker’s meaning and the hearer’s interpretation are similar enough for co-ordination to take<br />

place. Cappelen and Lepore (2005, 2007) contend that this commits Relevance Theory to<br />

what they label the “non-shared content principle”, and object that there’s nothing in<br />

Relevance Theory which guarantees a workable standard of similarity, since any two items<br />

are similar in some respects.<br />

I argue that Cappelen and Lepore overlook the fact that Sperber and Wilson propose an<br />

account of interpretive resemblance which is explicitly designed to address this objection. In<br />

their view, propositions are entertained not in isolation but in a context of mentally<br />

represented background assumptions, and “two propositions resemble each other in a given<br />

context to the extent that they share logical and contextual implications in that context”<br />

(Wilson 1995: 208, see also Sperber and Wilson 1985/6). Relevance Theory may be seen as<br />

an attempt to explain how, in linguistic interactions, the appropriate context and degree of<br />

resemblance are constrained by the hearer’s expectations of relevance. I argue that this allows<br />

for a coherent similarity theory of communication, without excluding the principled<br />

possibility of two speakers having identical thoughts.<br />

But even though Sperber and Wilson’s view of similarity of communicated content allows<br />

Relevance Theory to defend a radical contextualist theory of communication, their view<br />

presupposes identity of propositional content at the level of thought. Drawing on arguments<br />

from Fodor (1998), I show how Relevance Theory’s similarity criterion for communicated<br />

content relies on the literal sharing of identical propositions, the “contextual implications” of<br />

the quote above. I end by using this insight to establish a methodological point about the<br />

division of labour between philosophy of mind and linguistics/philosophy of language.<br />

References<br />

Cappelen, Herman and Lepore, Ernest 2005: Insensitive semantics: a defense of semantic<br />

minimalism and speech act pluralism. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell.<br />

53


54<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Cappelen, Herman and Lepore, Ernest 2007: 'Relevance Theory and shared content'. In<br />

Pragmatics. Burton-Roberts, Noel (ed) Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan pp. 115-35.<br />

Carston, Robyn. 2002. Thoughts and utterances. Oxford: Blackwell.<br />

Fodor, Jerry A. 1998: Concepts: where cognitive science went wrong. Oxford: Clarendon<br />

Press.<br />

Sperber, Dan and Wilson, Deirdre 1995: Relevance: communication and cognition. Oxford:<br />

Blackwell.<br />

Sperber, D. & Wilson, D. 1985/6 ‘Loose talk’. In Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society<br />

LXXXVI, pp 153-71.<br />

Wedgwood, Daniel. 2007. ‘Shared assumptions: Semantic minimalism and Relevance<br />

Theory’. In Journal of Linguistics 43/3, pp. 647-681.<br />

Wilson, Deirdre 1995: 'Is there a maxim of truthfulness?' UCL Working papers in linguistics,<br />

7, pp. 197-212.


Joanna Klimczyk<br />

Institute of Philosophy and Sociology,<br />

Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw<br />

Philang 2009<br />

What Is It Like Intending to Cheat the Demon: On the Problem with Modal<br />

Intentions<br />

Robert C. Stalnaker once said that “Believing in possible worlds is like speaking prose. We<br />

have been doing it all our lives” (R.C. Stalnaker, Possible Worlds). In my paper I offer a<br />

sketchy argument for fallibility of that hypothesis in the domain of practical philosophy,<br />

precisely with regard to intention. My skepticism mainly bears on a moderate version of<br />

modal realism as is defended by Stalnaker himself, who depicts possible worlds in terms of<br />

possible states. On the face of it, the whole idea of adopting the ‘possible worlds’ framework<br />

to understand the phenomenon of intention may seem attractive and promising. After all, both<br />

our intuitions and everyday practices support thinking about possible intentions, i.e. intentions<br />

that we might have had if something went otherwise. Moreover, we do often form intention<br />

after careful consideration of possible scenarios of actions. So what is wrong with accounting<br />

for intentions along the lines of possible states of mind? To begin with, it is not obvious<br />

whether reflection on alternative intentions in terms of possible states of mind provides us<br />

with any valuable knowledge about our actual situation in the world. Or to put it more<br />

accurately, does the fact that ‘possible worlds’ framework to a certain degree structures our<br />

practical deliberation, implies that ‘possible worlds’ help us to receive some important<br />

knowledge of who we are as agents who might have acted on a different intention? The<br />

answer is: no. What kind of alternative we have in mind when we think of intentions that we<br />

might have had? In what follows, I will concentrate on diminishing the ‘myth of possible<br />

worlds’ with regard to its fruitful applicability to the theory of action, broadly conceived. I<br />

draw an important distinction between my being able to imagine my different courses of<br />

action (for example my poisoning the present president of France), and the possibility of my<br />

having an intention to poison the present president of France. I argue that the second one is<br />

impossible in the sense that we cannot conceive what it is like to have a particular intention<br />

without having this intention. The proof of the pudding is in its eating. Another problem<br />

appears when we try to think about modal intentions that refer to non-existing objects, as it is<br />

in evil demon example. To get things more complicated, I do not take the demon example to<br />

be a test for our imagination. I take the demon example to introduce another kind of modality,<br />

which is the modality of reasons and argue that possible reasons for having a concrete<br />

intention and the mere possibility of this concrete intention are two different things that<br />

should not be conflated. I conclude with an observation that the ‘possible worlds’ framework<br />

is not a universally applicable philosophical device.<br />

55


56<br />

Krzysztof Kosecki<br />

Chair of English and General Linguistics<br />

University of Łódź, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

The Concepts of Subject and Self in Personification Metaphors in English<br />

The paper assumes the standpoint of contemporary cognitive linguistics, which emphasizes<br />

the role of metaphor in human conceptual system (Lakoff and Johnson 1980; 1999). In their<br />

analysis of the concept of the SELF, Lakoff and Johnson (1999: 267-289) argue that a person,<br />

being a whole, is metaphorically divided into two parts – the SUBJECT and the SELF (or<br />

SELVES). The former involves the experiencing consciousness, reason, will, and judgment,<br />

and is always conceptualized as a PERSON. The latter involves “the body, social roles, past<br />

states, and actions in the world” (Lakoff and Johnson 1999: 269). Among other possibilities,<br />

it can be conceptualized metaphorically as an OBJECT.<br />

The paper argues that the same metaphor underlies many of the self- compounds in<br />

English. Such expressions are used to describe objects and mechanisms, e.g. ‘self-propelled’,<br />

‘self-locking’. It follows that Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980: 33-34) personification metaphor is<br />

much more common and has a more elaborate structure than was originally assumed. Not<br />

only various phenomena, such as, e.g., inflation, but also objects, are conceptualized as<br />

persons. If the bifurcated structure of subject-self (Kövecses 2005: 54) is also metaphorically<br />

imposed on objects, it may lead to chaining of metaphors in the understanding of such<br />

concepts.<br />

References<br />

Kövecses, Zoltán. 2005. Metaphor in Culture:Universality and Variation.<br />

Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.<br />

Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of<br />

Chicago Press.<br />

Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. 1999. Philosophy in the Flesh: The Embodied Mind and<br />

Its Challenge to Western Thought. New York: Basic Books.


Philang 2009<br />

Karolina Krawczak<br />

School of English, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poland<br />

(Inter)subjectivity and objectivity. Meaning at a crossroads<br />

The present paper discusses meaning – understood as an epiphenomenon of cognition, context<br />

and convention – with reference to the notions of (inter)subjectivity and objectivity. Particular<br />

attention is paid to the interrelatedness of objective and intersubjective elements in the<br />

constitution of a fully-fledged person capable of meaning construction.<br />

The subject’s awareness of and sensitivity to his somatic and social situation, which are<br />

absolutely indispensable for his appropriate maturation, hinge on the perceived presence of<br />

other subjects, as substantiated by their corporal and verbal expression. It is only before such<br />

an embodied and socio-culturally situated consciousness that the world of meaning, immersed<br />

in semiosis, can unfold. Meaning is therefore shown to be relativized to the subject situated in<br />

intersubjective experience and expression by way of his psychosomatic architecture. Meaning<br />

emerges from the interaction of contextual stimuli with conventional conceptual and verbal<br />

material. In this interaction, situational frames are imposed by the subject upon relevant<br />

segments of background knowledge, managed by means of signifying relations. In the<br />

significant triad of cognition, convention and context, the first component stands behind the<br />

phenomenon present to consciousness, the second one relates to the activated linguistic<br />

material, whereas context provides for the online conceptual structure that arises from the<br />

interaction of the three elements in the mind. Naturally, cognition is of critical consequence,<br />

but it would remain a meaningless stream without the intervention of context, and an<br />

inexpressible consciousness without the interplay of intersubjectively perpetuated convention.<br />

The conceptual perspective of the considerations outlined above embraces three<br />

supposedly remote lines of thought – cognitive linguistics, Peircean semiotics, and<br />

phenomenology, as construed by Husserl and his intellectual heir Merleau-Ponty. It is<br />

demonstrated how these theoretical routes converge on a relatively parallel view of the<br />

concepts under scrutiny, which, in turn, indicates how the field of cognitive linguistics can be<br />

historiographically and conceptually enriched.<br />

Selected references :<br />

Burks, Arthur W. (ed.) 1958. The collected papers of Charles Sanders Peirce. Vols. VII-VIII.<br />

Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. (electronic version)<br />

Hickey, Raymond (ed.). 2003. Motives for language change. Cambridge: CUP.<br />

Husserl, Edmund. 1989. Ideas pertaining to a pure phenomenology and to<br />

phenomenological philosophy. Dordrecht – Boston – London: Kluwer Academic<br />

Publishers.<br />

Langacker, Ronald W. 1987. Foundations of cognitive grammar. Vol.1. Stanford: SUP.<br />

Langacker, Ronald. 1990. “Subjectification”. In: Cognitive Linguistics 1-1, 5-38.<br />

Langacker, Ronald. 1991. Concept, image and symbol: The cognitive basis of grammar.<br />

Berlin – New York: Mouton de Gruyter.<br />

Langacker, Ronald. 1999. Grammar and conceptualization. Berlin – New York: Mouton.<br />

Langacker, Ronald. 2006. “Subjectification, grammaticalization and conceptual archetypes”.<br />

Berlin – New York: Mouton de Gruyter.<br />

Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. 1976. Proza świata. [La Prose du monde]. Warszawa: Czytelnik.<br />

Saussure, Ferdinand de. 1981.Course in general linguistics. Fontana: Collins.<br />

57


58<br />

Agnieszka Kułacka<br />

University of Wrocław, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

On the Nature of Statistical Language Laws<br />

Mauro Dorato in The Software of the Universe. An Introduction to the History and Philosophy<br />

of Laws of Nature says: “Although the discovery of laws is commonly regarded as the most<br />

important goal of the scientific enterprise, as well as being the engine of the technological<br />

revolutions that continue to transform our lives, the role of the law of nature play in our<br />

knowledge has not been understood, and is still at the centre of lively discussions among both<br />

scientists and philosophers” (Dorato, 2005: IX). Is the nature of the law and its role in<br />

Linguistics fully and well understood by the researchers?<br />

In my presentation I will draw an outline of the definition of law of science and one of its<br />

types: the statistical law. I will shortly discuss the approach of Neogrammarians to studying<br />

language laws. My main focus will be on the contemporary state of art in Statistical<br />

Linguistics with regard to discovery and verification of statistical language laws.<br />

References<br />

Dorato, M. 2005. The Software of the Universe. An Introduction to the History and<br />

Philosophy of Laws of Nature. Hants: Ashgate Publishing Limited.


Alina Kwiatkowska<br />

University of Łódź, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

A plea for a cognitive multimodal semiotics<br />

The purpose of this paper is to postulate a closer collaboration between researchers in<br />

language and the scholars analyzing visual images. The cognitive linguistics enterprise has<br />

opened the way, perhaps for the first time ever, for the representatives of both disciplines to<br />

meet on a common ground. They may now begin their study at a common point of departure -<br />

the laws and mechanisms of perception, cognition, and mental construal, which determine the<br />

form of both visual and verbal realizations. If one takes this vantage point, one may expect to<br />

find that the differences between images and texts are largely superficial, resulting mainly<br />

from the properties of their material substance, and that they are constructed on similar<br />

principles. In my paper, I would like to examine some of such similarities of organization<br />

between pictorial images and texts - both icons of what should be called "the syntax of<br />

perception", and I will argue for the need to broaden the cognitive framework so that it would<br />

enable a unified analysis of both of these forms of representation.<br />

59


60<br />

Agnieszka Libura<br />

University of Wrocław, Poland<br />

Maria Libura<br />

Lazarski University, Warsaw, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Language gene found and lost. The unhappy marriage of linguistics and<br />

genetics<br />

Back in the 1990s, FOXP2, a gene found on chromosome 7, was proclaimed to be "the first<br />

language gene", or even the gene for grammar. The association between FOXP2 and language<br />

development was first reported in a unique family known as the KE family. Nearly half of the<br />

family members presented a phenotype the most striking feature of which was a severe speech<br />

and language disorder. The early studies focused on the apparent grammatical processing<br />

problems. When a single mutation was identified as the cause underlying the disorder, the<br />

discovery was boasted as the ultimate proof of linguistic nativism. However, it soon turned<br />

out that the impairment was not as selective as the first reports claimed. Far from it, the<br />

mutation was found to affect brain development in general.<br />

This paper shows how a linguistic ideology led to a misconceived view of genetics. It also<br />

addresses the more general question: Can language be tracked back to specific genes at all?


Jakub Mácha<br />

Dep. of Philosophy<br />

Masaryk University Brno,<br />

Brno, Czech Republic<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Metaphor in the Twilight Area between Philosophy and Linguistics<br />

Metaphor as a linguistic phenomenon has been studied by philosophers since Aristotle and by<br />

linguists as well. The key question addressed by philosophers since the last century is whether<br />

metaphor has meaning or not. Although the question is ambiguous in many ways, from a<br />

linguistic point of view, it makes no sense. From this point of view, every metaphor must<br />

have some meaning or else it is meaningless, i.e., nonsense. This outlook is altogether correct<br />

and can shed light on the philosophical character of our question. It should rather read,<br />

whether the concept of a linguistic meaning is an appropriate tool to explain the intricate<br />

nature of the metaphor. The positive answer is prevalent in the philosophical linguistics and<br />

by the majority of philosophers of language. However, it can be argued that such a<br />

categorization of the metaphor under the wings of the linguistic meaning makes it a marginal<br />

phenomenon of language: it says every metaphor has a similar meaning as a literal statement,<br />

but is in some way harder to find. Some additional effort is necessary to find a specific<br />

metaphorical meaning of a given metaphor. The negative answer to our question would imply<br />

that not every metaphor can be studied in the framework of the linguistic meaning or at least it<br />

is not convenient to do so. This idea (raised by Max Black and developed by Donald<br />

Davidson) opens us a new way of classification of metaphors. There are strong metaphors,<br />

which cannot be analyzed in terms of a linguistic meaning; and there are extinct or dormant<br />

metaphors to which can be assigned some meaning or meanings. These metaphorical<br />

meanings can be studied by empirical linguistics and subsequently listed in a lexicon. Such<br />

inquiry can be made with strong metaphors as well, but there will be no end to what a<br />

metaphor means or can mean. In linguistic terminology, strong metaphors are extensively<br />

polysemous. There are cases in between, e.g. metaphors having a single meaning which varies<br />

according to the context (a scheme suggested by John Searle). It would be wrong to maintain<br />

that strong metaphors cannot be studied by empirical linguistics. This discipline cannot study<br />

their meaning, however, but particular ways of construction of a metaphorical meaning. It can<br />

investigate a procedure, which on occasion does not lead to a single outcome. This setting has<br />

many notable advantages: One abstract scheme concerns all metaphors (strong and extinct)<br />

alike and the empirical linguistics can investigate its particular manifestations. Further,<br />

metaphors can be analyzed according to word classes or other linguistic categorizations (in<br />

addition to the ordinary predicative form). Another attractive linguistic issue is to study the<br />

process of dying of metaphors and to find extinct metaphors behind ordinary literal statements<br />

(the project of George Lakoff). In conclusion, it can be said that a clear borderline between<br />

philosophy of language and linguistics is a way to a better understanding of metaphor and<br />

language in general.<br />

61


62<br />

Wojciech Majka<br />

Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny, Kraków, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

...Deliberately Man Dwells... On the essence of thinking<br />

For Heidegger language is not limited to performative or communicative aspect. Rather, it is<br />

one of the ways in which being discloses itself. The language that we have in mind here is<br />

what Heidegger calls Sprachwesen (linguistic essence). In other words, we are dealing here<br />

with a primordial form of language that, as Heidegger understands, speaks us rather than we<br />

speak it. Henceforth, the basic attitude that we should adopt towards language is that of<br />

listening (not speaking) to this primordiality from within which we speak and letting it be<br />

articulated and predicated of being. More than being connected with the formation of actual<br />

utterances primordial language structures our moods in the sense that it construes the<br />

existential relations that hold between us and the world. In this way it is more connected with<br />

mood than with abstraction and logic. Primordial language discloses mood which we may<br />

here, ad libitum, compare with linguistic essence. The very idea of essence is also worthy here<br />

of our heedfulness. Traditionally, essence was seen as a static concept that corresponded to<br />

the Platonic conception of eidos or the Aristotelian postulate of morphe (form). Heidegger,<br />

however, makes the concept dynamic by averring that essence changes together with our<br />

Weltanschauung. Henceforth, primordial language by referring to essence submerges us in a<br />

certain mood or attitude that we have towards being. Ours is the age where all ontological<br />

value is reduced down to resourcefulness, usability and technology, whilst the medieval<br />

attitude, for example, was pervaded with a variety of forms of religious associations. In short,<br />

our understanding of essence is victim of the same élan vital as we are ourselves.


Philang 2009<br />

Luis Fernández Moreno<br />

Department of Logic and Philosophy of Science,<br />

Complutense University of Madrid, Spain<br />

On a Philosophy of Language Dogma: Has Descriptivism Been Refuted?<br />

In contemporary Philosophy of Language it is usually claimed that the description theory<br />

of reference – for short, descriptivism concerning different sorts of terms, such as proper<br />

names and natural kind terms, has been refuted, due to the objections from the causal theory’s<br />

advocates, like Kripke and Putnam, put forward on the seventies of the last century. I will<br />

question that claim, that has acquired the character of a dogma, and allege that descriptivism,<br />

at least concerning natural kind terms, can still be maintained. I will concentrate my<br />

considerations on one of the main sorts of natural kind terms, the so-called “substance terms”,<br />

such as “gold” and “water”, and will sketch a version of descriptivism on them which proves<br />

to be immune from the main objections from the causal theory’s advocates. That version of<br />

descriptivism is grounded on the extension to substance terms of some proposals by classical<br />

descriptivists such as Searle and Strawson about proper names.<br />

According to Searle and Strawson the reference of a proper name is determined by a<br />

sufficient number of descriptions that speakers associate with the name, but these authors<br />

admit different sorts of descriptions, and in spite of Kripke’s claims to the contrary, not only<br />

those formulated in purely general terms. Among the descriptions that the average speaker<br />

can associate with a term, both authors include descriptions in which the speaker defers the<br />

reference of the term to other speakers. In this regard descriptivism can accept Putnam’s<br />

thesis of the division of linguistic labour, according to which the average speaker is disposed<br />

to defer the determination of the reference of natural kind terms to other members of his<br />

linguistic community, namely the experts, and descriptivism can claim that all speakers<br />

associate descriptions with the substance terms they use, though some of the descriptions<br />

associated by non-experts have the function of deferring the reference of those terms to their<br />

reference in the use by experts. Now, experts regarding a substance, like gold, will associate<br />

with the term “gold” a set of identifying descriptions, and at least some of them will not<br />

involve the notion of reference; so Kripke’s non-circularity condition is fulfilled. Come to this<br />

point, descriptivism can maintain that the referent of the term “gold”, such as it is used by<br />

experts and hence also by the rest of the members of our linguistic community, is the<br />

substance that satisfies a sufficient number of the descriptions that experts concerning gold<br />

associate with the term “gold”. Therefore the thesis of descriptivism according to which the<br />

reference of substance terms is determined by a sufficient number of the descriptions<br />

associated with them applies, strictly speaking, according to this version of descriptivism,<br />

only to experts concerning the substance in question.<br />

63


64<br />

Yrsa Neuman<br />

Åbo Akademi University, Finland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Scientism? Some thoughts on the historiography of modern linguistics and<br />

the philosophy of language<br />

In historical accounts, the linguistic turn is often placed around the time of Frege and<br />

Saussure at the end of the 19th Century. In popular accounts by linguists as well as by<br />

philosophers of language, it is often presented as a decisive breakthrough within all language<br />

research; language became an object of study. The foundations for modern linguistics were<br />

set, and along with the emergence of analytic philosophy, philosophy of language was born.<br />

This connection is no accident, but it is rendered very differently by different scholars.<br />

Langacker, in his introduction to linguistics, gives a very short thumbnail history of<br />

linguistics. He warns against belittling the deep contributions by traditional grammarians, but<br />

nevertheless presents the history of linguistics as progressive: “As our theories of language<br />

structure become more sophisticated, we become more conscious of the fact that traditional<br />

grammarians were not so far off the track” (Langacker 1967: 8) Their accounts, in<br />

Langacker’s view, were just incomplete. “In recent years linguists have recognized that<br />

meaning and syntax are crucial to an understanding of language… language cannot be studied<br />

fruitfully just by observing linguistic behaviour…Generative grammar… represents both a<br />

revolution in grammatical thinking and a reaffirmation of the validity of structural insights<br />

about language that have been accumulating for many centuries” (Langacker 1967: 10).<br />

Langacker sees generative grammar as the culmination of a development and as a crucial<br />

insight. Linguists know more and more about language as time goes by. Scientific progress is<br />

a general expansion of “our” knowledge thanks to specific insights or breakthroughs. Within<br />

philosophy, an analogous mode of thinking about the progress of philosophy is exemplified<br />

by Collin & Guldmann (2000), according to whom Locke simply did not realise how<br />

important language was for philosophy. Locke, in Collin and Guldmann’s account, is to say<br />

the least, primitive.<br />

A very different account of the linguistic turn is given by the philosopher Sören Stenlund<br />

(2002). He is interested in the way the world was conceived around the time Frege and<br />

Saussure; the ways of thinking that were prevalent at the time. The linguistic turn, in his<br />

account, is not a scientific break-through but rather a shift of interest. New conceptions of<br />

language came to be in connection with new world views; for example, the discovery of new<br />

continents had challenged the idea that there is a common humanity, an innate common sense<br />

which all human beings possess.<br />

These different accounts of the history of language study manifest very different<br />

perspectives of our intellectual history and of the theoretical questions which linguistics and<br />

philosophy of language both engage with. The differences may be characterised with the help<br />

of dichotimies like internalist-externalist and concepts like scientism.<br />

References<br />

Collin, Finn & Guldmann, Finn: Språkfilosofi, Nya Doxa, Stockholm 2000 (Danish original<br />

1998).<br />

Langacker, Ronald W: Language and Its Structure: some fundamental linguistic concepts,<br />

2nd Ed, Harcourt, NY 1973.Stenlund Sören: “On the Linguistic Turn in Philosophy”, in<br />

The Practice of Language, ed. Gustafsson & Hertzberg, Kluwer Academic Publishers,<br />

Dordrecht 2002.


Philang 2009<br />

Joanna OdrowąŜ-Sypniewska<br />

Institute of Philosophy, University of Warsaw, Poland<br />

Vagueness and Contextualism<br />

Vagueness is by no means a new problem in the philosophy of language. The sorites<br />

paradox – which is due to vagueness – dates back to the times of Eubulides of Miletus.<br />

However, recently a new theory of vagueness has been offered.<br />

One of the most characteristic features of vague expressions, the feature that distinguishes<br />

them from all other expressions, is that they admit of borderline cases, i.e. cases of which it is<br />

doubtful whether a given expression applies to them or not. For each of vague predicates there<br />

are some positive cases, i.e. cases which clearly possess the relevant property, some negative<br />

cases, i.e. cases which clearly do not possess the relevant property and some borderline cases.<br />

Since it is unclear whether or not borderline cases should be included into one of the clear<br />

extensions, one does not know which truth-value should be ascribed to statements referring to<br />

these cases. The apparent lack of sharp boundaries between different kinds of cases makes<br />

vague expressions susceptible to sorites paradoxes (such as the Bald Man paradox, which<br />

may be formulated thus: A man with 0 hairs on his head is bald. For every n, if a man with n<br />

hairs on his head is bald, then a man with n+1 hairs on his head is bald. Therefore, a man with<br />

1.000.000 hairs on his head is bald.) Moreover, there seems to be no sharp boundaries<br />

between positive, borderline and negative cases, which amounts to the existence of the<br />

phenomenon of higher-order vagueness. Since there is no sharp boundary between, e.g.,<br />

positive and borderline cases, borderline cases of borderline cases must exist.<br />

Thus, an adequate theory of vagueness should fulfil at least the following three conditions:<br />

(a) it ought to decide which truth-value the borderline statements possess;<br />

(b) it should resolve the sorites paradox;<br />

(c) it should explain the existence of higher-order vagueness.<br />

The most popular theories of vagueness are supervaluationism (which is a semantic theory)<br />

and Timothy Williamson’s epistemic conception. However, neither of these theories enjoys<br />

common acceptance amongst philosophers. The former has problems explaining higher-order<br />

vagueness, the latter rests on counterintuitive assumptions.<br />

Recently, a new solution has been proposed: contextualism. It is argued that vague terms<br />

resemble indexicals and this claim allows contextualists to argue that although the sorites<br />

premises are true, they do not support the disastrous conclusion. According to contextualists<br />

the sorites reasoning commits a fallacy of equivocation: vague terms appearing in the<br />

premises have different meanings because of the context -shift.<br />

In my talk I will try to assess the contextualist theories of vagueness and show whether<br />

their solution to the sorites paradox is adequate and whether they explain the phenomenon of<br />

higher-order vagueness correctly.<br />

Selected bibliography<br />

Delia Graff Fara, Profiling Interest Relativity, Analysis 68 (2008), 326-335.<br />

Delia Graff Fara, Shifting Sands: An Interest-Relative Theory of Vagueness, Philosophical<br />

Topics 28 (2000), 45–81.<br />

Joanna OdrowąŜ-Sypniewska, Zagadnienie nieostrości [The Problem of Vagueness], WFiS<br />

UW, Warszawa 2000.<br />

Diana Raffman, Vagueness and Context-Relativity, Philosophical Studies 81 (1996), 175-92.<br />

Jason Stanley, Context, Interest-Relativity and the Sorites, Analysis 63 (2003), 269-281.<br />

65


66<br />

Ratikanta Panda<br />

Department of Humanities & Social Sciences<br />

IIT Bombay, India<br />

Is Anything Static About Meanings?<br />

Philang 2009<br />

The two disciplines of philosophy of language and linguistics can not be compartmentalized<br />

into theoretical or practical aspects of language study. Whereas philosophy of language<br />

concerns itself with the ultimate end of any language, i.e. the origin and meaning of its<br />

constituent words, linguistics concerns itself broadly with syntactic organization of those<br />

words, their semantic evolution. Thus, semantics comes out as the meeting ground between<br />

the two disciplines. On this meeting ground, the two sciences can profitably benefit from each<br />

other. This paper focuses on the semantic aspect of a language as to how ‘Meaning’ emerges<br />

within a given context. The context can be seen as a dynamic scenario which is influenced by<br />

the sociological reality of the speakers and the listeners most of all. Internet and technology<br />

revolution will be seen as the major influencing agencies in creating and modifying contexts<br />

in 21st century. The coming up of internet discussion forums, mobile SMSs are the new<br />

contexts wherein Meanings of the words are defined and redefined constantly. Immediately, it<br />

raises the question - is anything static about meanings? How do people understand meanings<br />

amid this technology revolution? Wittgenstein’ ideas will be explored in the end and it will be<br />

argued that despite of its apparent disadvantages, Wittgensteinian use theory still offers a<br />

satisfactory answer regarding the static-ness of meanings amid the 21st century information<br />

explosion.


Andrzej Pawelec<br />

Jagiellonian University, Kraków, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Language as ‘the House of Being’ vs. language as organon:<br />

The ‘formalism’ of linguistics from a hermeneutic perspective<br />

The ‘formalist’ nature of linguistics is explained by Gadamer in his discussion of<br />

Humboldt (Gadamer 1993: 439-443). His argument is embedded in the hermeneutic vision of<br />

language as “opening up a world” for human beings (the Heideggerian ‘House of Being’).<br />

Gadamer points out that linguistics divorces language from this primary (‘originary’ in the<br />

phenomenological sense) context of 'opening up' for us a range of experience and treats<br />

language merely as a tool (Buehler’s organon, cf. Buehler 1965: 24-8). Gadamer’s<br />

observation is not conceived as a criticism of linguistics: the discipline – a set of ‘methods’ or<br />

controlled ways of dealing with linguistic phenomena – must 'objectify', i.e. focus on<br />

language as separate from the world it ‘reveals’. The argument shows that language is not just<br />

a tool (but a way of being specific to humans), while any linguistic method is necessarily<br />

‘perspectival’ – its validity is limited.<br />

Against this background, I want to discuss McNeill’s attempt (2005) to explain<br />

linguistic/gestural expression. McNeill shows how the notion of ‘inhabiting language’<br />

(proposed by Merleau-Ponty) may be integrated into a dynamic conception of linguistic<br />

expression (or “imagery-language dialectic”, as he calls it). McNeill’s work – as well as<br />

Chafe’s (1994) – may be viewed as an important call to reconsider the current status of<br />

linguistics.<br />

References<br />

Buehler, K. (1965). Sprachtheorie. Die Darstellungsfunktion der Sprache, Stuttgart.<br />

Chafe, W. (1994). Discourse, consciousness, and time, Chicago.<br />

Gadamer, H.-G. (1993). Truth and Method, London.<br />

McNeill, D. (2005). Gesture and Thought, Chicago.<br />

Merleau-Ponty, M. (1962). Phenomenology of Perception, London.<br />

67


68<br />

Wit Pietrzak<br />

University of Łódź, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Towards a Hermeneutics of Deconstruction: the Case of Metaphor.<br />

The aim of this presentation is to explore the disparate discourses in two philosophies of<br />

language of the twentieth century: the Heideggerian post-Kehre hermeneutics and Derrida’s<br />

deconstruction, in order to specify an area of exchange between them. In the present paper it<br />

is argued that the relation between the two philosophies may be traced to the various uses of<br />

metaphor. Both Heidegger and Derrida throughout their writings employ a number of<br />

complex metaphorical expressions to elucidate their theories and it is these metaphors that<br />

rivet the attention inasmuch as, when inspected at close quarters, an affinity appears to arise<br />

between them. First, Heidegger’s writings are probed into in order to amplify his concept of<br />

“language as Saying or letting appear” (1982: 47) which he conceived of in his essays from<br />

On the Way to Language; a scrutiny of his metaphor of “godhead’s appearance in the<br />

manifestness of the sky” (1975: 223) unearths its essentially deconstructive potential that<br />

shows itself in the way the passage unfolds to conclude with an irresolvable paradox. Then a<br />

reference to Derrida’s key analysis of metaphor in philosophical texts that he carries out in his<br />

meditations of “White Mythology” allows to view Heidegger’s perception of language as<br />

being on the threshold of severing its links with logocentrism. Once Heidegger’s project has<br />

been sketched, it can be argued that, in turn, Derrida falls prey to the German philosopher’s<br />

understanding of language as Saying in his essay on Kafka’s parable “Before the Law.” An<br />

analysis of a passage on the role of the guardian in the story (1992: 204) in the present article<br />

goes to show that Derrida reposes his hope, if only implicit, of the teleological fulfilment of<br />

his efforts in the space of metaphorical language. In conclusion a delineation of the sphere of<br />

metaphor as an exchange ground is provided. As a result, metaphorical language becomes the<br />

scene of the quest for the Being in language that was undertaken by Heidegger as well as the<br />

multi-level space of writing in a Derridean sense which now seems to explode the meanings<br />

into traces and supplements with a view to purging language so that it might reconstitute itself<br />

anew. The recurrence through metaphor thus becomes the telos of language in that in its<br />

continuous re-emergence consist the promise of an eternal return of the life-bestowing and<br />

sense-giving force. In this way deconstruction and hermeneutical exegesis may finally be seen<br />

attired in their proper garbs of the shepherds of language that impel it to be ever more<br />

productive and lively; falling back on Heidegger, in the being (deconstructive recurrence) of<br />

language dwells its potential for the unconcealment of its Being.<br />

References<br />

Derrida, Jacques. 1992. “Before the Law.” Acts of Literature. Ed. Derek Attridge. London:<br />

Routledge.<br />

Derrida, Jacques. 1982. “White Mythology. Metaphor in the Text of Philosophy.” Margins of<br />

Philosophy. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.<br />

Heidegger, Martin. 1982. “A Dialogue on Language.” On the Way to Language. Trans. Peter<br />

D. Hertz. San Francisco: HarperCollins.<br />

Heidegger, Martin. 1975. “…Poetically Man Dwells….” Poetry, Language, Thought. Trans.<br />

Albert Hofstadter. New York: Harper Colophon Books.


Philang 2009<br />

Salvatore Pistoia Reda<br />

Doctoral school Cognitive Science, University of Siena, Italy<br />

Game Theory and Scalar Implicatures<br />

According to a position inspired by Grice (1989), that received some further contributions<br />

from Horn (1972) and Krifka (1995), derivation of implicatures occurs at level of the whole<br />

sentence, after that compositional mechanisms have done their job. This approach gave birth<br />

to other researches focused on the possibility of interpreting scalar implicatures using tools<br />

and concepts of game theory. For instance, Jäger has recently proposed an interesting<br />

parallelism between Grice conversational maxims and solutions concepts of game theory in<br />

deriving scalar implicatures: rational speakers use different strategies in order to strengthen<br />

the correct interpretation of their statements.<br />

Chierchia (2005) tries to demonstrate, by the way of an ingenious formalism, the<br />

possibility of embedded scalar implicatures, i.e. processed in parallel with the computation of<br />

"standard" meaning. Such a possibility seems to contradict the use of alternative implicatures<br />

as rational strategies in order to strengthen the informational content of the sentences.<br />

According to Chierchia, scalar implicatures are grammatically-driven.<br />

In this talk I will present some arguments that seem to support the suitability of an<br />

interpretation of scalar implicatures in terms of a particular branch of game theory,<br />

evolutionary game theory. Being a grammatical computed process, scalar implicatures will be<br />

considered, according to this approach, as the result of an evolutionary process coherent with<br />

Universal Grammar principles, specifically the perfect integration of the different interfaces.<br />

The concepts and tools of evolutionary game theory will be used in order to try to reconstruct<br />

the phenomenon.<br />

69


70<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Wiktor Pskit<br />

Nicolaus Copernicus University, Toruń, Poland<br />

Categories and Constructions in Current Syntactic Theory<br />

This paper is concerned with the issue of basic theoretical constructs in linguistic theory. It<br />

attempts to analyse the status of such concepts as ‘category’ and ‘construction’ in current<br />

approaches to syntax. The major concern is the category-construction distinction and its role<br />

in the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995), Simpler Syntax (Culicover and Jackendoff 2005)<br />

and Radical Construction Grammar (Croft 2001). An attempt is made to identify<br />

philosophical assumptions that underlie this distinction as well as to reflect on certain general<br />

trends in linguistic theory that this opposition appears to illustrate.<br />

One of the major issues is the problem of what constitutes syntactic primitives and what is<br />

merely epiphenomenal. Different views on this matter represented by the above-mentioned<br />

approaches appear to stem from different sets of linguistic data that are analysed by<br />

researchers, and, above all, different methodologies, which in turn involve certain<br />

philosophical assumptions, including traditional philosophical oppositions such as<br />

rationalism-empiricism, realism-antirealism, objectivism-subjectivism.<br />

A significant shift might be observed from the treatment of units in syntactic structure as<br />

classical (Aristotelian) categories to a view postulating a continuum of linguistic structures.<br />

This change of perspective has some consequences for linguistic universals and the level of<br />

description at which they should be sought.<br />

References:<br />

Chomsky, N. (1995) The Minimalist Program. MIT Press.<br />

Croft, W. (2001) Radical Construction Grammar. Oxford University Press.<br />

Culicover, P.W. and Jackendoff, R. (2005) Simpler Syntax. Oxford University Press.


Philang 2009<br />

Małgorzata Pytlas<br />

Departament of English<br />

Nicolaus Copernicus University, Toruń, Poland<br />

Speech Act Theory and philosophy – convergence or divergence?<br />

The aim of this paper is a philosophical analysis of Speech Act Theory from the perspective<br />

of hermeneutics and semiotics. Comparison and contrast of the three aforementioned theories<br />

might incite a discussion over reciprocal relations of philosophy and linguistics which seem to<br />

separate themselves from each other. A compound interpretation of sets of actions on the<br />

basis of Speech Act Theory and philosophical approaches may be far more explanatory and<br />

profound than on the three isolated bases. Therefore, the fields ought to be perceived as<br />

interrelated and complementary rather than distant and excluding. According to Speech Act<br />

Theory, meaning of the acts sets conditions to comprehension and further possible actions to<br />

be undertaken by the participants of the situation. Thus, a proper understanding and feedback<br />

are anticipated. Furthermore, in terms of interpreting, hermeneutics and semiotics are both<br />

incorporated in the speech acts as one ought to comprehend and analyze a particular act in<br />

order to react to it properly in a consecutive message. Moreover, logical positivism of Vienna<br />

Circle, with verificationist theories of meaning and rationalism, are an ideal medium for the<br />

acts interpretation. Last but not least, symbolic interactionism proposes the value of meaning<br />

which when ascribed to people’s actions provokes their feedback to these particular acts.<br />

Bearing in mind proposals of John Langshaw Austin and John Searle about utterances and<br />

further notes on the intentions and thoughts accompanying the performance of speech acts,<br />

one can construct a linguistic interpretation of certain social actions. Incorporating Charles<br />

Sanders Peirce’s and Roman Jakobson’s views on the process of communication and the<br />

value of meaning, one may enrich a primary version of the speech acts interpretation.<br />

Together with a hermeneutical theory of mind and Hans-Georg Gadamer’s opinions on<br />

interpretation, it is plausible to create a philosophical and linguistic model of speech analysis.<br />

When employing sociological approach towards meaning, proposed by George Herbert Mead<br />

and Herbert Blumer, one may amplify a primarily one-way interpretation and attitude towards<br />

speech acts. All in all, this paper attempts to demonstrate how an interdisciplinary cooperation<br />

may facilitate scientific achievements.<br />

Selected bibliography:<br />

Austin, John Langshaw. 1962. How to Do Things With Words. Cambridge: Massachusetts.<br />

Dybel Paweł. 2004. Granice rozumienia i interpretacji. O hermeneutyce Hansa-Georga<br />

Gadamera. Kraków: Universitas.<br />

Gadamer Hans-Georg. 2004. Prawda i metoda. Zarys hermeneutyki filozoficznej. Warszawa:<br />

PWN.<br />

Peirce, Charles Sanders. 1997. Wybór pism semiotycznych. Hanna Buczyńska-Garewicz (ed.)<br />

Warszawa: Polskie Towarzystwo Semiotyczne.<br />

Peirce, Charles Sanders. 1991. Peirce on Signs: Writings on Semiotic. James Hoopes (ed.)<br />

Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press.<br />

Searle, John. 1969. Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language. Cambridge<br />

University Press.<br />

Silverman, Hugh (ed.) 1991. Gadamer and hermeneutics. London and New York: Routledge.<br />

Turner, Jonathan. 1988. A Theory of Social Interaction. Stanford, CA: SUP.<br />

Turner, Jonathan. 1991. The Structure of Sociological Theory. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.<br />

71


72<br />

Jiří Raclavský<br />

Dept. of Philosophy, Masaryk University<br />

Brno, the Czech Republic<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Is the logico-semantical analysis of natural language expressions a<br />

translation?<br />

The logico-semantic analysis of natural language (LANL) aims at explication of meanings<br />

of natural language expressions by means of rigorous means. It is explication, since an<br />

analytician (a logician or linguist using logic) does understand the meaning of a given<br />

expression ‘E’ already, but the pre-theoretically grasped meaning is turned into an exact one.<br />

His/her finding(s) usually takes form of an analytician’s sentence: (In the language L,) the<br />

meaning (analysis) of the expression:<br />

E<br />

is:<br />

ϕ<br />

Seeing expressions ‘E’ and ‘ϕ’ and ‘is’, one is tempted to conclude that the logico-semantical<br />

analysis of natural language expressions consists in the translation of natural language<br />

expressions onto formal language ones; let us call this view translational thesis, TT. (It is<br />

entirely correct to maintain that the analytician must use certain expression (such as ‘ϕ’) in<br />

order to communicate his/her finding about the meaning of ‘E’. It does not follow, however,<br />

that she provides a translation.) Despite that TT seems to be the right thesis, it produces<br />

serious problems. For instance, one must ask what the meaning of ‘ϕ’ is. In accordance to TT,<br />

the analytician should offer some third expression of some (perhaps) third language which has<br />

the same meaning, thus these three expressions are intertranslatable. Vicious infinite regress<br />

of translations results from this. Another odd consequence of TT is that the analytician is<br />

construed as proposing congruence of two descriptions; i.e., the analytician’s sentence is<br />

paraphrased to ‘The meaning of ‘E’ (in L) is the same as the meaning of ‘ϕ’ (in the formal<br />

language Lϕ)’. However, ‘the meaning of ‘E’ (in L)’ does not really present the rigorously<br />

modelled meaning of ‘E’; thus the meaning of ‘E’ is in fact left unexplicated. Therefore,<br />

provided that the very project of LANL is not idle at all, TT must be wrong. Thus when doing<br />

LANL, we do not provide translations.<br />

Various related details must then be explained. Among others, the present author offers the<br />

logico-semantic analysis of the analytician’s sentence by means of Pavel Tichý’s transparent<br />

intensional logic. The role of the analytician formal language Lϕ within his/her natural<br />

language L is elucidated too. (The linear form of the analytician’s sentence is ‘(In L,) the<br />

meaning of the expression ‘E’ is ϕ’ − not, as a defender of TT puts it, ‘(In L,) the meaning of<br />

the expression ‘E’ is the expression ‘ϕ’ ’.) The author also explains the way we were able to<br />

understand Lϕ when it was originally exposed to us and explained, e.g., by means of L. All<br />

these themes revolve around the substantial difference between investigated language and<br />

explicative language (this distinction has only insignificant connection with objectlanguage/meta-language<br />

distinction). The function of the explicative language within the<br />

investigated language is ‘conceptual’ (not ‘usual’). Thus it is quite natural that the parts<br />

(expressions) of the explicative language within the investigated language have distinct<br />

‘supposition’ than the usual parts of the investigated language; as a result their meanings are<br />

categorically distinct, hence they cannot be inter-translatable at all.


J. Randolph Radney<br />

Trinity Western University of Langley,<br />

British Columbia, Canada<br />

Philang 2009<br />

The Identity of Participants in Communication<br />

In the examination of the nature of communication, the nature of the identities of the<br />

communication participants is often assumed uncritically or presumed irrelevant to an<br />

understanding of the communication event. Further, the question of how participants<br />

experience their own identities and those of others in the communicational context, in terms<br />

of a description, is left out of discussion. The examination of these questions is vital to<br />

development of an integrated theory of language and communication, such as is proposed by<br />

Roy Harris, Nigel Love, and others.<br />

While the behaviour of participants in communication events is observable (and, to some<br />

limited extent, recordable for later analysis) and the experience of any of the participants is<br />

directly perceived by the participants themselves, the nature of that lived experience has not<br />

been investigated—still less the lived experience of an Other in conversation. Although the<br />

nature of communication from the standpoint of the relative status of the participants has been<br />

noted in psychology, sociology, and linguistics work—such topics as patient-doctor, studentteacher,<br />

and employee-employer conversations, to name a few—and what might be called<br />

genderlects have been documented in English, the establishment, maintenance, and<br />

negotiation of such identities, and in particular, the lived experience of such identities, have<br />

not.<br />

The claim is made and supported in this essay that three crucial processes occur in<br />

communication that establish, negotiate, and maintain the identities of those who participate<br />

in communication. These are hospitality, charity, and compassion; they are processes initiated<br />

not by speakers, but rather by the community as a whole (the total group of people in the<br />

communication event). This presentation assumes certain perspectives in addition to those<br />

typically associated with integrationist linguistics. The most well-known of these perspectives<br />

is usually attributed to a line of philosophical thinking initiated by Edmund Husserl and<br />

developed by Martin Heidegger, Paul Ricoeur, and Hans-Georg Gadamer. An important<br />

contributor to these discussions is Gemma Corradi Fiumara, whose examination of<br />

unexplored aspects of communication from the standpoint of philosophy of language<br />

contributes a helpful perspective to this essay. In addition, less well-known insights are drawn<br />

from some linguists, particularly the work of Ken and Evelyn Pike and Helen Fraser.<br />

The importance of such a presentation cannot be overstated, for, if we wrongly understand<br />

the nature of participants’ experience of themselves in communication, no amount of<br />

creativity in exploring communicative events can make up for the errors that will necessarily<br />

evolve from such misunderstanding.<br />

73


74<br />

Ewa Rosiak<br />

Department of Sociology and Philology<br />

The State College in Skierniewice, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

The Problem with the Notion of Meaning and Reference in the field of<br />

Analytic Philosophy<br />

Although there were some significant attempts to build up a proper theory of the meaning and<br />

reference of expressions, nevertheless in the field of philosophy of language the 20th century<br />

seems to have been predominated by tendencies of quite the opposite kind. The great part of<br />

contribution to the latter was made by some representatives of analytic philosophy, who are<br />

well known from their efforts to attack step by step almost everything that could be taken as<br />

the foundation of such a theory (e.g. Vienna Circle, Quine, or Rorty). However, some of them<br />

made their own attempts to work out an explanation of the notion of meaning, or reference as<br />

well – e.g. Wittgenstein and his picture theory of meaning, Putnam and his causal theory of<br />

meaning etc. What seems particularly interesting is the case of Quine, who after becoming<br />

famous for his frontal attack on the notion of analyticity and, consequently, the notion of<br />

meaning, proposed some explanation for both of them. It seems that however the problem of<br />

meaning and reference of expressions appears to be far from being conclusively solved, the<br />

refutation of some dogmas does not mean farewell to these notions.


Monika Rymaszewska-Chwist<br />

University of Gdańsk, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

So who is right? In search of philosophy behind cognitive science<br />

The purpose of this paper is to present an account of the nature of human mental activity and<br />

interaction with the external world from the perspective of the theory of embodied realism<br />

advocated by cognitive linguists Lakoff and Johnson, and to search for philosophical<br />

assumptions over time which underpin contemporary cognitive science. The body-mind<br />

problem has inspired philosophers to come up with a number of diverse, often contradictory<br />

theories aiming to delineate the nature of human thought and reason in reference to our<br />

corporeal existence in the world. Materialists and idealists have always been in dispute over<br />

what reality is and how it is received. Idealistic philosophy stood in opposition to the<br />

materialists' holding that the external world is somehow created by the mind, for material<br />

objects are mere ideas not to be studied independently of the mind. The materialistic<br />

viewpoint assumes an inseparable relationship of material substance (body) and soul (mind).<br />

Reality from this perspective has a material character and all mental processes are derivative<br />

of matter. Nevertheless, moderate materialists took account of multiple physical, biological,<br />

social or cultural factors that affect perception and thus consciousness. Embodied realism<br />

challenges this most pervasive philosophical dichotomy. It takes on the materialistic outlook<br />

in that it regards human cognition as a matter of neural activity in the brain which is triggered<br />

by series of organism-environment interactions. Yet, the theory is not devoid of inherent<br />

idealistic aspects. Therefore, in the context of an overview of major philosophical<br />

assumptions, I would attempt to indicate that the philosophy behind cognitive sciences is a<br />

fruit of multi-generational struggle to answer crucial ontological and epistemological queries.<br />

And that, in fact, embodied realism is an eclectic and unifying approach to the body-mind<br />

problem which has emerged in its definite form mainly thanks to the advancement of<br />

neurosciences allowing for an insight into the nature of human brain and processes governing<br />

cognition.<br />

Basic references:<br />

Johnson, Mark (1987). The Body in the Mind. The Bodily Basis of Meaning, Imagination, and<br />

Reason. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.<br />

Johnson, Mark, George Lakoff (2002). Why cognitive linguistics requires embodied realism.<br />

In: Cognitive Linguistics 13-3. Walter de Gruyter. 245-263.<br />

Kucner, Andrzej. Przedmiot, źródła i drogi poznania. W: Opara, Stefan, Andrzej Kucner,<br />

Beata Zieleniewska (red.) (2003). Podstawy Filozofii. Olsztyn: Wydawnictwo<br />

Uniwersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego, 33-44.<br />

Stumpf, Samuel Enoch (1993). Socrates To Sartre. A History of Philosophy. New York:<br />

McGraw-Hill, Inc.<br />

Tatarkiewicz, Władysław (1988). Historia Filozofii. Tom I-III. Warszawa: PWN.<br />

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Joanna Sadowska<br />

University of Łódź, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Early modern linguistic colonialism and postcolonial appropriation of<br />

language<br />

This paper offers a survey of the postcolonial approaches to language. In the prefatory part,<br />

the rise of postcolonialism and its subsequent establishment as one of the major critical<br />

discourses in today’s humanities is briefly sketched out. The context of the ensuing analysis is<br />

largely informed by the historico-political critique. The status of language in today’s<br />

postcolonial discourse is determined to a significant extent by its role in the early modern<br />

colonial context, which not only predated it but, perhaps much more importantly, conditioned<br />

the rise and development of the postcolonial studies. Therefore, in the first part of the analysis<br />

the notion of linguistic colonialism is investigated. Questions are posed such as: In what sense<br />

was language “the perfect instrument of empire” (Nebrija 1492 qtd Greenblatt 2007: 23)?;<br />

How did it not only carry meaning but was rather performative of it and, thus, organized and<br />

legitimatized power-relations? In the subsequent part of the paper, the focus is shifted to the<br />

twentieth-century postcolonial perspective and the status of language within its conceptual<br />

framework. Firstly, the postcolonial paradigm is charted with special attention given to the<br />

role of Foucault’s discourse theory and his elaboration of the concept of power, as well as<br />

Edward Said’s Orientalist discourse and his notion of knowledge. Furthermore, the<br />

postcolonial approaches to ideology, resistance, truth and representation are brought into the<br />

interpretative orbit. Subsequently, the role of language is scrutinized with reference to all<br />

above outlined notions constituting the postcolonial paradigm. Finally, having arrived at the<br />

postcolonial view of language as an ultimate medium of power and carrier of hierarchy, the<br />

process of language appropriation is delineated. How is the language of the colonizer<br />

recaptured and remoulded in the twentieth and the twenty first century so as to ‘bear the<br />

burden’ of the colonized peoples’ own cultural experience (Ashcroft et al. 2002:38). In<br />

conclusion, language appropriation in the postcolonial context is perceived as one of the most<br />

complex and gripping linguistic processes, which has a philosophy of survival hidden behind<br />

it.<br />

References:<br />

Greenblatt, S. 2007. Learning to Curse. Essays in early modern culture. New York and<br />

London: Routledge.<br />

Ashcroft, B., G. Griffiths, H. Tiffin. 2002. The Empire Writes Back. London: Routledge.


Philang 2009<br />

Fabien Schang<br />

LHSP H. Poincaré, University of Nancy 2, France<br />

Alessio Moretti<br />

University of Neuchâtel, Switzerland<br />

Beyond the Fregean myth: the value of logical values<br />

Two of the main topics are considered in the following paper, namely: myths of<br />

objectivism and subjectivism in philosophy and language, on the one hand; the concept of<br />

truth in philosophy and language, on the other hand. In a nutshell, the point is to make use of<br />

logical values as mere algebraic objects from an information-theoretical approach of meaning.<br />

One of the most prominent myths in the contemporary analytic philosophy is the so-called<br />

“Fregean Axiom” from [1], as dubbed by Suszko in [8]. It has been depicted in [5] as follows:<br />

The theory with which Frege's name is especially associated is one which is apt to strike one at first as rather<br />

fantastic, being usually expressed as a theory that sentences are names of truth-values.<br />

In contrast to this Fregean objectivist myth of truth-values, a Peircean revival insisted upon<br />

the role of use in order to determine the meaning of any expression in a language. The result<br />

of such a theoretical division is a general opposition between two views of semantics: a realist<br />

referential semantics (Frege, Davidson), according to which the meaning of any expression is<br />

given by its referent; an anti-realist use-based semantics (Dummett, Lorenzen), according to<br />

which the meaning of any expression depends upon the way it is used in a context-dependent<br />

discussion.<br />

Does it mean that the formal advantage of computability (truth-functionality, recursive<br />

definitions, and the like) that prevailed in referential semantics should be abandoned by<br />

whoever rejects the Fregean myth of meaning? The present paper wants to answer negatively:<br />

there is room for a use-based formal semantics, in which the logical value of a sentence is not<br />

its putative referent but the information it conveys. Let us call by “Question Answer<br />

Semantics” (thereafter: QAS) the corresponding formal semantics (in [6]): a non-Fregean<br />

many-valued logic in the trend of product systems (Jaskowski in [3], Prior), where the<br />

meaning of any sentence is an ordered n-tupled of yes-no answers to corresponding questions.<br />

The technical device is an algebraic semantics with logical values, but the classical concepts<br />

of truth and falsehood are rejected into the metalanguage and replaced by two basic values of<br />

affirmation (yes = 1) and denial (no = 0).<br />

If the relevance of a theoretical model is to be tested by its explanatory capacity, a sample<br />

of philosophical problems will be approached in order to justify the relevance of QAS. These<br />

include: (a) the meaning of logical negation, and its deep connection with the theory of<br />

opposition (in [4]); (b) illocutionary forces, and the logical analysis of speech-acts (denial,<br />

scalar implicature in [2]); (c) change in meaning, and the use of dynamic operators for belief<br />

sets (in [7]).<br />

References<br />

[1] Frege, G.: “Negation”, in M. Black and P. T. Geach (eds.), translations from the<br />

Philosophical Writings of Gottlob Frege, Blackwell, Oxford (1960)<br />

[2] Horn, L.: A Natural History of Negation, Univ. of Chicago Press (1989)<br />

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[3] Jaskowski, S.: “Recherches sur le système de logique intuitionniste”, in Actes du Congrès<br />

International de Philosophie Scientifique (1936), 58-66; reprinted in S. McCall (ed.),<br />

Polish Logic (1920-1939), Oxford University Press (1967)<br />

[4] Moretti, A.: The Geometry of Logical Oppositions, PhD Thesis, University of Neuchâtel<br />

(2009)<br />

[5] Prior, A.N.: Time and Modality, esp. Ch. 6, Univ. of Oxford (1957)<br />

[6] Schang, F.: “Truth-values are not the whole story (A question-answer semantics for<br />

paraconsistent speech-acts)”, Proceedings of WCP4, submitted.<br />

[7] Schang, F.: “Belief revision from an algebraic perspective (A four-valued dynamic<br />

doxastic logic and its applications within n-valuation)”, Proceedings of LOCCOL08,<br />

to be submitted.<br />

[8] Suszko, R.: The Fregean axiom and Polish mathematical logic in the 1920’s”, Studia<br />

Logica 36(1977), 377-380.


Philang 2009<br />

Andrew Schumann<br />

Department of Philosophy and Science Methodology,<br />

Belarusian State University,<br />

Minsk, Belarus<br />

Modal Calculus of Illocutionary Logic<br />

Illocutionary logic plays an important role in modern analytical philosophy of language<br />

and in logical models of speech acts: its aim is to explain how context can affect the meaning<br />

of certain special kinds of performative utterances. Recall that performative utterances are<br />

understood as follows: a speaker performs the illocutionary act (e.g. act of assertion, of<br />

conjecture, of promise) with the illocutionary force (resp. assertion, conjecture, promise)<br />

named by the performative verb by way of representing himself as performing that act.<br />

The first formalization of illocutionary logic was created by J.R. Searle and D.<br />

Vanderveken in [1]. In our paper we proposed a modal calculus in that illocutionary forces<br />

and performances are considered as logical operations of a special kind. As a result, we<br />

constructed an easier formalization of illocutionary acts than usual ones. We also developed<br />

some applications of this logic to model-theoretic semantics of natural language and to natural<br />

language programming. In abstract we give only general definitions of performance and<br />

illocutionary force.<br />

Consider a propositional language L that is built in the standard way with the additional<br />

unary operator F (it is called performance). The atomic propositions (Var := {p, p1, p2, …})<br />

can have only one of two truth values: 1 and 0. These truth values – for various illocutionary<br />

points – have various interpretations, and we consequently have various interpretations of<br />

performance.<br />

• Assertive illocutionary point: 1 is an abbreviation for “satisfiability in reality” (true), 0 is<br />

an abbreviation for “unsatisfiability in reality” (false).<br />

• Commissive illocutionary point: 1 is an abbreviation for “satisfiability by an action of a<br />

speaker”, 0 is an abbreviation for “unsatisfiability by an action of a speaker”.<br />

• Directive illocutionary point: 1 is an abbreviation for “satisfiability by an action of a<br />

hearer”, 0 is an abbreviation for “unsatisfiability by an action of a hearer”.<br />

• Declarative illocutionary point: 1 is an abbreviation for “satisfiability by a state of affairs”,<br />

0 is “unsatisfiability by a state of affairs”.<br />

• Expressive illocutionary point: 1 is an abbreviation for “expressibility by an attitude”, 0 is<br />

an abbreviation for “inexpressibility by an attitude”.<br />

The language L is associated with some matrix M = in<br />

that<br />

(1) {1, 1/2, 0, -1/2} is the set of truth values and 1 is the designated truth value,<br />

(2) ¬ and F are unary operators for negation and performance, respectively:<br />

¬ x = 1 - x if x ∈ {1, 0} and ¬ x = -x if x ∈ {1/2, -1/2}.<br />

F x = x - 1/2 if x ∈{1, 0} and F x = x if x ∈ {1/2, -1/2}.<br />

(3) ∧, ∨, ⇒ are binary operations for conjunction, disjunction, and implication, respectively:<br />

x ∧ y = max(x, y) if x, y ∈ {1/2, -1/2} and x ∧ y = min(x, y) in other cases.<br />

x ∨ y = min(x, y) if x, y ∈ {1/2, -1/2} and x ∨ y = max(x, y) in other cases.<br />

x ⇒ y = max(y, min(¬(x ∨ 0), ¬ y), min(¬ (x ∨ 0), ¬ (¬ y ∨ 0))).<br />

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From various interpretations of the truth values 1 and 0 and interpretation of F it follows<br />

corresponding interpretations of truth values 1/2 and -1/2. The value 1/2 (resp. -1/2) is for<br />

performance of propositions with 1 (resp. 0).<br />

Let e be an evaluation of atomic propositions, i.e., e : Var → {0, 1}. We can extend of e to Ve<br />

: L → {1, 0, 1/2, -1/2} by the operations in the matrix M.<br />

Let ϕ ∈ L and e : Var → {0, 1}. The performance of ϕ, i.e. F(ϕ), is called defective for e if<br />

Ve(F(ϕ)) = -1/2, i.e. Ve(ϕ) ∈ {0, -1/2}.<br />

On the base of the language L, we can build a new language in the Montegue style with the<br />

additional modal operators F + σ for σ ∈ {s, s1, s2, …}. The objects s, s1, etc. are “situations”.<br />

For the operator F + s we have the following interpretation:<br />

F + s(ϕ) = in the situation s, the performance of ϕ is not defective.<br />

The modal operators F + σ are called a successful illocutionary force.<br />

In our theory we can analyze the performative verbs (e.g. ‘order’ and ‘ask’). For any<br />

performative verb A and for any proposition p we put S(A.p) := {s : F + s(p)}. Moreover, for<br />

any performative verbs A and B, we will say that A is stranger than B if for every proposition<br />

p:<br />

S(A.p) ⊂ S(B.p).<br />

As Searle wrote, in our theory we can prove that ‘order’ is stranger than ‘ask’.<br />

References<br />

J.R. Searle and D. Vanderveken, Foundations of Illocutionary Logic. Cambridge: Cambridge<br />

University Press, 1984.


Barbara Sonnenhauser<br />

Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitaet Muenchen<br />

Institut fuer Slavische Philologie<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Subjectivity in philosophy and linguistics<br />

Since Benveniste (1974/1958) and Lyons (1982), the notion of ‘subjectivity’ has been<br />

playing an increasing role in linguistics (cf., e.g., Traugott 1989, Langacker 1990). However,<br />

this notion carries with it a number of problems that have been a matter of renewed interest<br />

for philosophy since the 1960s. These problems basically amount to the question of how to<br />

objectify ‘the subjective’ and cannot be ignored in linguistics by simply ignoring philosophy,<br />

as Lyons (1994) prefers to do. Not taking into account the philosophical aspects, the notion of<br />

subjectivity becomes superfluous for linguistics which may instead resort to something like<br />

‘egolinguistics’ as exemplified, e.g., by Dahl’s (2000) notion of ‘egophoricity’. If, however,<br />

one decides to stick to ‘subjectivity’, philosophical aspects have to be taken into account as<br />

well – a rather fruitful endeavour as will be argued in this paper.<br />

In linguistics, ‘subjectivity’ is commonly understood as the „expression of self and the<br />

representation of a speaker’s […] perspective or point of view in discourse“ (Finegan 1995:<br />

1), obviously assuming the existence of some subject (whatever that may be) subjectivity can<br />

be ascribed to. This assumption, in turn, is based on an inadequate model of communication<br />

which can be traced back to Jakobson’s (1971/1960) analogy of linguistics and<br />

communication theory and regards the speaker as agentive subject, language as ready-made<br />

object and the hearer as passive recipient. The main problems linguistics is faced with dealing<br />

with subjectivity are quite the same as philosophy is – duality (partitioning the world into<br />

‘the’ subjective and ‘the’ objective actually reduces to merely one ontological notion, cf.<br />

Günther 1978), identity (is it possible to assume the subject’s or self’s identity over time?),<br />

circularity (reference to a speaking subject as the origin of subjectivity) and tautology (every<br />

choice of linguistic entities reflects some kind of speaker’s choice).<br />

This paper argues that a semiotic conception of subjectivity is able to overcome most of<br />

these problems, provided that the sign is conceived in the sense of Peirce, i.e. as triadic<br />

relation starting off a dynamic and dialogical sign process. This triadic relation establishes the<br />

sign as agent, it overcomes dyadic thinking and thus allows for the establishment of a<br />

distributed subjectivity (cf. Günther 1978) that is not tied to some a priori given subject. The<br />

dynamicity of the sign process makes it possible to escape circularity and helps to solve the<br />

problem of identity over time – the ‘self’ arises in the course of this very process and as its<br />

necessary consequence. The tautology linguistic analysis are faced with may thereby also be<br />

accounted for. Subjectivity is nothing exceptional, but is immanent in the sign process; it has<br />

nothing to do with lexical content of specific expressions, with speaker’s perspective or<br />

attitude. Languages may render this inherent subjectivity explicit, e.g. by introducing a<br />

parallel sign process into the current one. This is the case, for instance, with parentheticals<br />

and other means to indicate speech within speech, and speech about speech, as Vološinov<br />

(1993/1929: 125) calls it.<br />

References<br />

Benveniste, É. 1974/1958. Über die Subjektivität in der Sprache. Benveniste, É. Probleme der<br />

allgemeinen Sprachwissenschaft. München, 287-297<br />

Dahl, Ö. 2000. Egophoricity in discourse and syntax. Functions of Language 7/1, 37-77<br />

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Finegan, E. 1995. Subjectivity and subjectivisation: an introduction. Stein, D. & Wright, S.<br />

(eds.). Subjectivity and subjectivisation. Cambridge, 1-15<br />

Günther, G. 1978. Idee und Grundriß einer nicht-Aristotelischen Logik. Hamburg<br />

Jakobson, R. 1971/1960. Linguistics and communication theory. Selected Writings, Vol. II.<br />

The Hague, 570-579<br />

Langacker, R. 1990. Subjectification. Cognitive Linguistics 1/1, 5-38<br />

Lyons, J. 1982. Deixis and Subjectivity: Loquor, ergo sum? Jarvella, R. & Klein, W. (eds.).<br />

Speech, place, and action. Chichester, 101-124<br />

Lyons, J. 1994. Subjecthood and subjectivity. Yaguello, M. (ed.). Subjecthood and<br />

subjectivity. The status of the subject in linguistic theory. Paris, 9-17<br />

Traugott, E. 1989. On the rise of epistemic meanings in English: an example of<br />

subjectification in semantic change. Language 65/1, 31-55<br />

Vološinov, V. N. 1993/1929. Marksizm i filosofija jazyka: osnovnye problemy<br />

sociologičeskogo metoda v naukeo jazyke. Moskva.


Piotr Stalmaszczyk<br />

Chair of English and General Linguistics<br />

University of Łódź, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Foundational Issues in the Philosophy of Language<br />

and the Legacy of Frege<br />

According to Davies (2006: 29) the “foundational questions in philosophy of language<br />

concern the nature of meaning, understanding, and communication”, which basically means<br />

that “philosophers are interested in three broad aspects of language: syntax, semantics and<br />

pragmatics” Martinich (2009: 1). A possible – though indirect – way of approaching those<br />

important questions is to view them from the perspective of other disciplines, such as, for<br />

example, logic. Inquiry into language from the perspective of logic, especially formal logic,<br />

has often resulted in interesting theoretical claims, incorporated subsequently into linguistic<br />

research.<br />

One of the most important logicians whose influence upon the philosophy of language and<br />

modern linguistics, especially semantics, has been profound throughout the twentieth century,<br />

was Gottlob Frege, the co-founder of analytic philosophy. Frege is usually associated with<br />

revolutionising propositional logic, devising a symbolic language for logic, providing the<br />

seminal analysis of the meaning of an expression, and formulating the compositionality<br />

principle. In this paper I concentrate on only one issue: Frege’s views on language and their<br />

possible implications for contemporary philosophy of language and linguistics.<br />

Frege was one of the first modern logicians to see the need for a conceptual notation, and<br />

devoted his first major work, Conceptual Notation. A Formula Language of Pure Thought,<br />

modelled on Arithmetic, 1879, to this problem. In the Preface to that work, he claimed that: “it<br />

is a task of philosophy to break the power of words over the human mind, by uncovering<br />

illusions that through the use of language often almost unavoidably arise concerning the<br />

relations of concepts, by freeing thought from the taint of ordinary linguistic means of<br />

expression”. As it is clear from the quote, Frege did not consider spoken language as a<br />

sufficiently precise instrument for logic. He pointed to the need for a language made up of<br />

signs, clear of any double meaning, and even claimed that “the main task of the logician is to<br />

free himself from language and to simplify it. Logic should be the judge of languages” (in<br />

“Letter to Husserl”, 1906). Elsewhere, he stated that “Instead of following grammar blindly,<br />

the logician ought rather to see his task as that of freeing us from the fetters of language”<br />

(Logic, 1897).<br />

Pietroski (2004: 29-30) has recently remarked that Frege “bequeathed to us some tools –<br />

originally designed for the study of logic and arithmetic – that can be used in constructing<br />

theories of meaning for natural languages”. The claim of the present paper is that some of the<br />

‘Fregean tools’ may prove useful in analyzing also such traditional linguistic notions as<br />

‘predication’. The paper also discusses some of the consequences of Frege’s “struggle against<br />

language and grammar”, and implications for contemporary research in philosophy of<br />

language and linguistics.<br />

Selected bibliography:<br />

Beaney, Michael. (ed.) 1997. The Frege Reader. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.<br />

Carl, Wolfgang, 1994. Frege’s Theory of Sense and Reference. Its Origins and Scope.<br />

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />

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Davies, Martin, 2006. Foundational Issues in the Philosophy of Language. In: Michael Devitt<br />

and Richard Hanley (eds.), The Blackwell Guide to the Philosophy of Language.<br />

Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 19-40.<br />

Dummett, Michael, 1973. Frege: Philosophy of Language. London: Duckworth.<br />

Gut, Arkadiusz, 2005. Gottlob Frege i problemy filozofii współczesnej [Gottlob Frege and<br />

Problems of Contemporary Philosophy]. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL.<br />

Heck Richard and Robert May, 2006. Frege’s Contribution to Philosophy of Language. In:<br />

Ernest Lepore and Barry C. Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy of<br />

Language, Oxford: OUP, 3-39.<br />

Martinich, A. P. 2009. General Introduction. In: A. P. Martinich (ed.), Philosophy of<br />

Language. Critical Concepts. Volume 1. London & New York: Routledge, 1-18.<br />

Morris, Michael, 2007. An Introduction to the Philosophy of Language. Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press.<br />

Pietroski, Paul M. 2004. Events and Semantic Architecture. Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />

Sainsbury, R. M., 2002. Departing from Frege. Essays in the Philosophy of Language.<br />

London and New York: Routledge.<br />

Stalmaszczyk, Piotr, 2006. Fregean Predication: Between Logic and Linguistics. Research in<br />

Language 4, 77-90.<br />

Thiel, Christian, 1968. Sense and Reference in Frege’s Logic. Dordrecht: D. Reidel<br />

Publishing Company.<br />

Tichý, Pavel, 1988. The Foundations of Frege’s Logic.<br />

Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter.


Pierre Steiner<br />

Compiègne University of Technology, France<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Linguistic Representationalism and Cognitive Representationalism:<br />

Representation as a Twofold Dogma in Philosophy of Language and<br />

Cognitive Linguistics<br />

In this paper, I will first clarify the contents of two different kinds of representationalism<br />

on language: linguistic representationalism (LR) and cognitive representationalism (CR).<br />

Recent philosophy of language easily deflates the former one, but considers the latter one as<br />

an undeniable premise (a dogma) in the philosophical explanation of linguistic productions,<br />

since the latter ones are seen as expressing mental phenomena – and so does cognitive<br />

linguistics, according to which language is an appendage of cognition (cognition in brain).<br />

In order to point to the stakes and problems underlying this assimilation of language to an<br />

expression of mind or to an appendage to cognition, I will then present a constructive<br />

criticism of CR, addressed to both philosophers of language and cognitive linguists – since it<br />

relies on conceptual arguments, but also on empirical ones borrowed from non-classical<br />

cognitive science.<br />

Crucial authors of twentieth century philosophy of language (amongst others Dewey,<br />

Wittgenstein, Quine, Austin, Rorty, Davidson) have proposed influential criticisms of LR<br />

understood as the thesis according to which the primary purpose of language is to represent<br />

reality. Linguistic productions (utterances, inscriptions) are meaningful by depicting,<br />

describing or mirroring some part of reality. Their truth depends on their accurateness or<br />

correspondence with reality.<br />

Following the authors mentioned above, language is not a mirror of reality; it is first a tool<br />

for acting, communicating and thinking in some context. Linguistic productions have<br />

referring properties in so far as they are contentful; their content is inherited from their<br />

contextual use. The representing, describing or mirroring functions of linguistic productions<br />

are contingent; they consist in one contextual application amongst others of language. The<br />

representing purposes of language are always embedded in wider contexts of use.<br />

Recent philosophy of language generally agrees with this criticism of LR, while it still<br />

endorses a more fundamental (and pernicious) kind of representationalism: CR, namely the<br />

thesis according to which the aboutness relations between the linguistic productions of agents<br />

and the context of activities these agents refer to by means of these productions is necessarily<br />

mediated by subpersonal cognitive (“mental”) representations (occurring in the producer (in<br />

forms of meaning-intentions) and in the receiver (in forms of understanding or interpreting<br />

conceptual acts) of these productions). Mental representations (intracranial tokens of<br />

concepts) have intrinsic intentionality, while linguistic representations only have derived<br />

representational powers (Searle, Fodor).<br />

According to CR, the manifold non-representational uses of language crucially depend on<br />

the existence and production of mental representations. Even if linguistic activity involves the<br />

production of linguistic representations for the sake of or in action, it basically remains a<br />

representation (or expression) of mental representations: linguistic representations produced<br />

in (or made for) action are necessarily understood and used by representational mental<br />

processes that take the context of use of these linguistic representations into account<br />

(Récanati). To get meaning from use (having no representational purpose), computations on<br />

mental representations of use are still required. These representational processes have several<br />

names, depending on the linguistic framework in which they take place: concepts (Fodor),<br />

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conceptual frames (Fillmore, Minsky), structures of expectancy (Tannen), scenes, scripts<br />

(Shank), domains, mental images (Croft), mental spaces (Fauconnier, Turner).<br />

Some philosophers of language (Travis, McDowell) have already proposed interesting<br />

criticisms of cognitive CR, but without considering that there also are empirical or naturalistic<br />

arguments against it, arguments we can find in extracranial cognitive science (putting<br />

cognition out of the head).<br />

1) Once one seriously considers the ways intracranial<br />

entities that are supposed to be mental representations and linguistic representations work,<br />

it appears that there are too many differences between them so that they may not be<br />

different instances of the same kind, the representational kind. Recent works in distributed<br />

cognition show how peculiar external representations (including linguistic representations)<br />

are, and how their work is cognitively crucial for the mind.<br />

2) In order to be meaningful here and now, linguistic<br />

productions obviously need to be used, understood or interpreted by agents. But there is an<br />

alternative story for understanding how the mental acts by which agents achieve these<br />

conceptual performances work without positing the existence of mental representations. It<br />

consists in explaining how the conceptual dimensions of cognitive acts of meaning,<br />

understanding or interpreting is gained from the embeddedness of linguistic agents in<br />

institutional practices of interpretation (Brandom). On this matter, links between<br />

conceptual externalism and distributed cognition can be advantageously established.


Philang 2009<br />

William J. Sullivan<br />

University of Wrocław / Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, Poland<br />

Order<br />

Since the 18th century, research in linguistics has followed in the footsteps of other<br />

scientific disciplines: Linnean classificatory biology leading to the discovery of Indo-<br />

European, Darwinian evolutionary biology leading to the Neogrammarians, behavioral<br />

psychology influencing Bloomfield and his school (cf. Robins 1968), mathematics with<br />

Chomsky (1957) and his school, physics with Yngve (1996), and cognitive psychology<br />

(Langacker 1990). (See also Hockett 1983 and Koerner 1979.) None of these approaches,<br />

however, has answered the major question of where the linear order in speech arises. A pure<br />

relational network theory that is compatible with what is known about neurology and<br />

cognition is shown to solve this problem.<br />

Every act of communication begins with a message that the speaker wishes to<br />

communicate. The knowledge underlying that message is stored in the neurological<br />

connections in the speaker’s brain, all of which exist simultaneously at the moment the<br />

decision to speak is made. Yet what emerges from the speaker’s mouth is a linear chain of<br />

syllables. It is a reasonable hypothesis that this linear order is imposed in the process of<br />

encoding the message into sound. Using a logically-defined model of neurocognitive<br />

stratificational theory I show how alternate linear orders are imposed on simultaneous<br />

semantic inputs that differ minimally in meaning to produce Russian pjat’ rublej ‘5 rubles’<br />

and rublej pjat’ ‘about 5 rubles’, where the difference in meaning is communicated by the<br />

differing linearizations. By extension, this approach can be shown to account for all<br />

linearization in language and, when combined with neurological considerations (cf. Dell<br />

1986), to predict the common types of speech errors known as anticipation, perseveration, and<br />

Spoonerisms (Dell & Reich 1977, Dell 1986).<br />

References<br />

Chomsky, Noam. 1957. Syntactic structures. The Hague: Mouton.<br />

Dell, Gary S. 1986. A spreading-activation theory of retrieval in sentence production.<br />

Psychological Review, 93(3):283-321.<br />

Dell, Gary S., & Peter A. Reich. 1977. A model of slips of the tongue. LACUS Forum III:438-<br />

47.<br />

Hockett, Charles. 1983. The changing intellectual context of linguistic theory. LACUS Forum<br />

IX: 9-42.<br />

Koerner, E. F. K. 1979. Pilot and parasite disciplines in the development of linguistic<br />

sciences. LACUS Forum V:525-34.<br />

Langacker, R. W. 1990. Concept, Image and Symbol: The Cognitive Basis of Grammar.<br />

Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.<br />

Robins, R. H. 1968. A short history of linguistics. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.<br />

Yngve, Victor H. 1996. From grammar to science: New<br />

foundations for general linguistics. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins.<br />

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88<br />

Xymena Synak-Pskit<br />

Uniwersytet Gdański, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Beyond Linguistics: Philosophy of Sign and Effacement of Metaphor.<br />

Simon and Derrida.<br />

In the second volume of Logische Untersuchungen Husserl distinguishes three meanings of<br />

the content of linguistic expressions: 1. content as the intended sense or meaning. 2. content<br />

as fulfilling sense, 3. content as object.<br />

Expression – Husserl writes – has (…) a meaning if its intention is accompanied by a possible filling out, that<br />

is, a possibility of uniform demonstration (visualization). This possibility, of course, is thought as ideal; it<br />

does not concern accidental acts of expression and accidental acts of filling out, but it concern their ideal<br />

content; meaning as an ideal unity (here it should be marked as intending meaning) and in a certain reference<br />

as fulfilling sense adjusted directly to this ideal unity.<br />

This possibility of filling out resides, in phenomenological examination, on the possibility of<br />

reconciliating fragmentary meanings within the intended unity of fulfillment. For example,<br />

redness present in certain objects consists of partial cases of red in specie – the redness exists<br />

in reality neither in any objects no somewhere in the world. The ideality of meaning does not<br />

possess normative sense but it is ideality of “unity in multiplity”, it is an ideal being in specie<br />

considered existing within the act of self-presenting obviousness. Idea means abstractum in<br />

logical sense, or – in other words – consciousness grasping a certain specific unity intuitively.<br />

The question we ask is: what is the meaning of sign grounded in phenomenological<br />

position and displaced by Derrida, and what is philosophy of sign being neither philosophy of<br />

language nor philosophy of meaning? Adapting Simon’s view that philosophy of sign does<br />

not transgress any sign and adapting Derrida’s opinion that language – as an effaced metaphor<br />

– possess an ontological status, we are going to consider the statement made by Simon that<br />

the interpretation of a sign ends in a conclusion merely from pragmatic point of view (always<br />

conditioned by time). If sign is irreducibly a sign of time, is not the question about the genesis<br />

of meaning the question about the temporality that conditions the synthesis of being and sense<br />

within a dialectic relation?<br />

If language means effaced metaphor, the facticity of metaphor also becomes a problem<br />

explication of which Derrida undertakes by founding his analysis of time in Husserl’s<br />

philosophy, only to initiate a polemic fight with him.


Philang 2009<br />

Aleksander Szwedek<br />

School of English, Adam Mickiewicz University<br />

Poznań, Poland<br />

The Ultimate Experiential Basis for Metaphors<br />

One of the most fundamental problems of metaphorization that has not been solved yet is<br />

the problem of experiential basis, i.e. the ultimate source domain, and its ontology.<br />

Lakoff and Johnson’s whose typology of metaphors lacks a logical, uniform criterion,<br />

admitted that they “do not know very much about the experiential bases of metaphors.”<br />

(1980:19).<br />

Grady, Taub and Morgan also confessed that “…there is no clear or consistent<br />

understanding of what counts as experiential basis, …” (1996:179).<br />

Despite a general consensus on the primacy of the ‘concrete to abstract metaphorization’,<br />

the two domains commonly considered as prime candidates for the ultimate source domains –<br />

structure and space – are not concrete but abstract.<br />

Grady, Taub and Morgan proposed LOGICAL STRUCTURE IS PHYSICAL<br />

STRUCTURE as a metaphoric primitive. However, (physical) structure cannot be the ultimate<br />

source domain, because it is only an aspect of objects.<br />

SPACE, the other domain, was described by Radden (2005:117) as “The most important<br />

metaphorical source domain…” (emphasis A.S.) (cf. also Grady’s ACTIONS ARE<br />

LOCATIONS).<br />

Authors confusingly mistake space for physical objects, always describing space relative to<br />

objects that occupy it (Rummelhart, Miller and Johnson-Laird). Space itself is conceptualized<br />

as an object (Szwedek: in print). My typology of metaphors is based on a clear ontological<br />

criterion, our experience of the concrete, physical world, as opposed to the abstract worlds.<br />

The concrete – abstract ontological distinction allows for four source domain – target domain<br />

combinations:<br />

concrete to concrete – She is an iceberg;<br />

concrete to abstract – THOUGHT IS AN OBJECT;<br />

abstract to abstract – LIFE IS A JOURNEY;<br />

abstract to concrete - He is a nuisance.<br />

The typology reflects the phylogenetic development of metaphorization, eo ipso, development<br />

of abstract thinking. Concrete to concrete metaphorization requires abstracting a property<br />

from an existing source and transferring it to an existing target. In concrete to abstract<br />

metaphorization the target must be created. It is created, i.e. acquires objecthood, in the<br />

process of objectification, conceptualization in terms of an object (THOUGHT IS AN<br />

OBJECT). The present paper focuses on this type as by far the most important stage of<br />

development of abstract thinking.<br />

Objectification is primarily revealed through an analysis of expressions we use when<br />

talking about abstract concepts: THOUGHT, FEAR and RACE (contest) which are<br />

objectified as OBJECTS, CONTAINERS (OBJECTS), MOVING OBJECTS, ANIMATE<br />

BEINGS and HUMAN BEINGS, and are assigned object properties – weight, brilliance,<br />

strength, etc.<br />

Supporting evidence for objectification, current importance and primeval role of OBJECT<br />

and OBJECT SCHEMA comes from the Great Chain of Being, Kotarbiński’s philosophy of<br />

reism, and neuroembryology.<br />

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The Great Chain model contains levels of physical objects only, which points to the<br />

primacy of physical objects in human thought.<br />

Kotarbiński (1929) reduced all Aristotelian categories to the category of THINGS (including<br />

animate ‘things’), the position he called reism.<br />

As neuroembryology shows, in the 8th week of pregnancy the fetus is sensitive to touch<br />

which is a primeval experience of objecthood through density (the most fundamental feature<br />

of physicality). This experience is programmed earliest, simultaneously with the formation of<br />

the neural system. This earliest and deepest programming explains our total unawareness of<br />

the fundamental level of objects – as Wittgenstein observed “The aspects of things that are<br />

most important for us are hidden because of their simplicity and familiarity. (One is unable to<br />

notice something – because it is always before one’s eyes.)” (1953:30).<br />

References<br />

Radden, G. (2005). The metaphor TIME AS SPACE across languages. In E. Górska & G. Radden<br />

(Eds.), Metonymy – Metaphor – Collage (pp. 99-120). Warszawa: Warsaw University<br />

Press.<br />

Lakoff, G. & Johnson, M. (1980). Metaphors We Live By. Chicago. University of Chicago<br />

Press.<br />

Grady, J., Taub, S. & Morgan, P. (1996). Primitive and Compound Metaphors. In A.<br />

Goldberg (Ed.), Conceptual Structure, Discourse and Language (pp. 177-187). Stanford,<br />

CA: CSLI Publications.<br />

Szwedek, A. (in print). Conceptualization of space and time. In P. Łobacz, P. Nowak & W.<br />

Zabrocki, (Eds.), Language, Science and Culture. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe<br />

UAM.<br />

Kotarbiński, T. (1990 [1929]). Elementy teorii poznania, logiki formalnej i metodologii nauk.<br />

[Elements of the theory of knowledge, formal logic and methodology of the sciences]<br />

Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich.<br />

Wittgenstein, L. (1953). Philosophical Investigations. (Translated by G.E.M. Anscombe).<br />

Oxford: Basil Blackwell.


Ali Taheri<br />

Islamic Azad University, Hamedan, Iran<br />

Mehdi Damali Amiri<br />

Islamic Azad University, Hamedan, Iran<br />

Syntax and Logic<br />

Philang 2009<br />

This paper attempts to survey language, syntax and logic briefly. It also aims at clarifying the<br />

interelationships between logic and language or logic and syntax. The position taken here is<br />

specifically limited to the Abaseed period. The statements of different intellectuals of the<br />

period :namely, Abusaeed Sirafi and Alsadgestani, the literary figures and logicians will<br />

further be elaborated so that the historical significance of logic and linguistic controversies of<br />

the Islamic studies can be elucidated. As is elaborated in the followings:<br />

Human beings are interrelated since they have mutual concepts to express when they come<br />

together. Hence the existence of the very bilateral understanding and shared views have made<br />

all the ethnic groups think of designing and coining words so that they will easily be<br />

conveying what goes in their minds to their own species. To create his certain mental chain of<br />

events in the minds of the audience, man is obliged to develop his specific wording. Indeed,<br />

one form of his wording system for the conceptualization is realized through the application<br />

of Arabic, which tends to be utilized as a vehicle to communicate man’s intentions and wishes<br />

to his kinds. Its syntactic devices have enabled the readership of the current period like the<br />

primitive Arabic ethnic groups to use the Arabic versification and prose compositional system<br />

very skillfully to meet their ends.<br />

Arabic syntax, in fact, presents a cornerstone upon which Arabic academic studies are<br />

based. Other fields of humanism benefit a lot from the Arabic syntax :accordingly, one<br />

seldom locates a field of study which does not require Arabic syntactic awareness to cope<br />

with its consequent developments. Generally speaking, the study of Arabic syntax became a<br />

necessity within the domain of Islamic studies even after the passage a half a century from the<br />

advent of Islam and the successive victories of Muslems over their enemies while the western<br />

communities began to pay attention to Islamic belief more and more. When the Arabs<br />

intermingled with the Syrianis, they embarked upon recognizing the Syriani literature<br />

;likewise, they admired its syntax in particular. For them the beauty of Syriani style meant a<br />

great deal, so they decided to imitate it in their own expressive rules. Abulasvad initiated the<br />

enterprise and made the Arabic syntax a specialized field of academy. During the Abaseed<br />

dynasty, it accomplished its perfection.<br />

Logic has been regarded as an important field in the Islamic world since the Greek<br />

knowledge was given a special heed in the scientific fields of Islam even though logic<br />

received its own pros and cons among the scholars. Logic was used to substantiate and further<br />

the classification of language and its syntax while it was purported to play an<br />

implementational role during the process. This logical approach continued to influence all<br />

aspects of syntax to the extent that it was claimed, ”Language is a perception of mental<br />

concept which is logic-governed.” Consequently, Rommani, on the one hand, inferred the<br />

logical propositions in terms of the syntactic grounds, on the other hand, he justified the<br />

position of syntactic rules by means of the logical propositions. Other scholars maintained<br />

that syntax was an Arabic logic and logic was a rational syntax. There were expressions on<br />

agreements and disagreements among the community of intellectuals regarding the point that<br />

whether logic influenced syntax or not; nevertheless, the scholars ultimately felt constrained<br />

to comply with the logical syntax or a kind of syntax which was accompanied by logic. As an<br />

instance it should be referred to Alsadgestani who believed that logic is perceptual whereas<br />

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syntax is rational. The two collaborated with each other in order that a scientific society can<br />

achieve its perfection. Therefore, the discussions and debates between Abusaeed Sirafi and<br />

Abibashar Matta ibn Yunus demonstrated that Aristotle’s logic displays the Greek logic<br />

which is in harmony with the Greek language. Accordingly, Arabic requires its own logic<br />

which pertains to the Arabic wording system.


Yukio Takahashi<br />

Morioka College, Japan<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Consilience in the Study of Language and Humanities<br />

What is at stake in our effort in identifying the properly grounded research schemes in<br />

humanities and linguistics is to discern (i) elements and (ii) the mutual relations among them,<br />

e.g., parallel or hierarchical organizations of the elements within the general framework of<br />

Game Theory. Marvin Minsky’s notion of “Society of Mind” gives us a key to our<br />

understanding of the two points to discuss: our minds are constituted of sub-elements that<br />

give mental processes. Thus with respect to the first point, the notion of meme as described by<br />

Dawkins and Dennett may well be regarded as constituents of cultural sub-elements, or<br />

strategies, of our mind, which can either be procedural or declarative. The dichotomy of<br />

procedural and declarative strategies is applicable to human behaviors, including linguistic<br />

communication. A brief conjecture of the second point, when it is examined from the gametheoretic<br />

terms, would lead to a plausible assumption that the memes can be argued to be<br />

either cooperative or non-cooperative and that they are either parallelly or hierarchically<br />

aligned.<br />

Our contention is that we are able to construct a theory of linguistics that is conceptually<br />

and properly grounded and that the grammar is an aggregation of grammatical processing<br />

gadgets, which can either be mutually cooperative or non-cooperative and which are either<br />

parallelly or hierarchically aligned to give optimal outputs from the grammar of a language,<br />

where the pay-offs of the each of the strategic pairings are given with respect to the default<br />

and parametric settings of the whole system of language and cognition. The gadgets are by<br />

definition capable of generating a significantly specified set of strategies, as exemplified<br />

below:<br />

Gadget B<br />

(2nd<br />

dimension)<br />

A Game-Theoretic Pay-Off Matrix<br />

Gadget A (1st dimension)<br />

Strategy a Strategy b Strategy c<br />

Strategy 1 1 a, 5 1 5 b, 1 1 3 c, 3 1<br />

Strategy 2 1 a, 3 2 5 b, 4 2 ☜ 3 c, 2 2<br />

In the table above, Gadget A gives three strategies that interact with the two strategies given<br />

by Gadget B, where we have six outputs. The optimal output of the interaction of the two<br />

gadgets is identified by the total sum of the pay-off, signalled by the index sign.<br />

Within our framework of theory of language, the structure of the theory of linguistics can<br />

be homologous with that of the theory of culture and consciousness, and the concept of<br />

evolution of language is translated into a reinterpretation of (i) the optimal pairing of the<br />

strategies of the gadgets that interact with each other and an identification of the pairings of<br />

the strategies that give the optimal state that guarantees the “survival” of the fittest under a<br />

certain linguistic environment. Thus our framework of language and linguistics is an<br />

instantiation of the thesis of linguistic naturalism, as propounded by Noam Chomsky, Ray<br />

Jackendoff and Steven Pinker, among others. The significant corollary of our contention is<br />

that we may achieve consilience among several fields of scientific inquiry that are concerned<br />

with language and humanities.<br />

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94<br />

Mieszko Tałasiewicz<br />

University of Warsaw, Poland<br />

Asymmetrical Semantics<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Contemporary philosophical semantics is burdened with many controversies to which – as<br />

it appears – there is no end: all the sides eventually appeal to some foundational intuitions and<br />

all the competing intuitions are natural and plausible. I think that we fail to see unity in our<br />

semantics because we expect too much of it. The relation between words and objects just isn’t<br />

uniform and no adequate semantic theory can uniformly deal with all its aspects. Thus, my<br />

proposal is of the sort that all the main semantic approaches, usually competing and regarded<br />

as mutually inconsistent, are roughly right – only in different “places” or “aspects”. They<br />

picture correctly different modes of correspondence, or explain different semantic<br />

phenomena. So far, this is not very distant from the so called “hybrid” view, recurring from<br />

time to time among semanticists. The problem with hybrid views is that they usually don’t<br />

specify the conditions of applicability of particular approaches that are supposed to be<br />

reconciled in sufficiently general, principled way. The core of what I am going to offer is a<br />

simple and general principle for telling who is right where and why, one that is applicable to a<br />

remarkably wide range of problems and respective approaches.<br />

The point is that semantic relations look completely different when we consider them<br />

looking from the word to object than when we look the other way round. It is completely<br />

different thing for us to find a right expression to represent a part of reality we have actually<br />

just before our eyes – and different to find out what a given expression refers to, when given<br />

only this expression. I would say, overstating perhaps this point a little, that natural language<br />

is an entanglement of two distinct languages of entirely different semantic properties. Owing<br />

much to the Russellian idea of knowledge by acquaintance and knowledge by description I<br />

would call these virtual languages respectively A-languages and D-languages and their<br />

semantics: A-semantics and D-semantics. They are different, so semantics as such is just<br />

asymmetrical. It looks different depending on where is looked at from: word or object. I will<br />

show that in most wide-discussed controversies one side exploits A-semantic intuitions<br />

whereas the other - D-semantic ones. I will argue that the proposed principle allows for<br />

setting a peace treaty between the sides in the following controversies among others (first<br />

approach in the pair is A-semantic, second one – D-semantic):<br />

proper names: Kripke vs. Searle<br />

truth: deflationism (Horwich) vs. correspondence theory<br />

syntax: contextuality vs compositionality<br />

definite descriptions: referential use vs. attributive use<br />

philosophy of science: bare fact vs. scientific fact<br />

ambiguity resolution: “ways of being true” (Sainsbury) vs. semantic ambiguity<br />

situation theory: actual situations vs. factual situations.<br />

I will argue also that the most urgent task for us before we understand language sufficiently is<br />

to reconstruct the emergence of the A-D distinction in the process of the first language<br />

acquisition. I believe that such a quest would have much in common with cognitive approach<br />

to logic.


Pius Ten-Hacken<br />

Swansea University, UK<br />

Philang 2009<br />

The Search for a Science of Language: From historical linguistics to the<br />

genetics of language<br />

For more than a century, the field of linguistics has been attempting to establish itself as a<br />

science. In doing so, different avenues were explored.<br />

• Around 1900, most linguists were firmly convinced that the best way to study language<br />

was by comparing different languages and establishing their historical relationship in order<br />

to reconstruct earlier stages of the language. Herrmann Paul, for instance, could not<br />

imagine another scientific approach to language.<br />

• Around 1950, influenced by Saussure and Bloomfield, linguists such as Zellig Harris<br />

believed that the most scientific way of studying language was to concentrate on the<br />

synchronic system as found in a speech community.<br />

• Around 2000, language is generally seen as a system of knowledge in the mind/brain of the<br />

speaker. Although the idea of competence is associated first of all with Chomsky, it is<br />

accepted by a much wider community of linguists than only the ones working in the<br />

framework of Chomsky’s theory.<br />

Summarized in these three sketches, the development of linguistics may seem somewhat<br />

haphazard. In my paper, I will show how each stage constitutes an advance with respect to the<br />

preceding ones and a necessary preparation for the following stages. I will use a parallel<br />

between linguistics and planetary astronomy.<br />

Until the 16th century, astronomers collected observations of the positions of planets and<br />

interpreted them as reflecting orbits with respect to the observer, i.e. the earth. This stage is<br />

comparable to historical linguistics of around 1900 in the sense that the immediate<br />

observations were used to create a rather complex system of laws. In astronomy, the gradual<br />

discovery of complications in the supposedly circular orbits led to a system of epicycles. In<br />

linguistics, the reconstruction of proto-languages was subject to a complex systems of laws<br />

governing language change.<br />

Copernicus’s rejection of the geocentric model in favour of the heliocentric model was a<br />

rather counterintuitive move which constituted a long-term investment in the simplification of<br />

the model. However, it raised the problem of explaining the elliptic planetary orbits. The<br />

change from a diachronic to a synchronic perspective in the study of language was a similarly<br />

counterintuitive one. The focus of explanation of the earlier approach disappeared,<br />

highlighting the uncertainty about the nature of language.<br />

Newton’s theory of gravity proposed an immediate solution to the question of planetary<br />

orbits, but raised the problem of how to account for action at a distance. Chomsky’s proposal<br />

to consider language as competence raised similar objections, due to the invisibility of the<br />

mental component. In both cases only indirect evidence could be used to map out the<br />

underlying system that is not observable itself.<br />

In current particle physics, a much deeper insight into the nature of gravity has been gained, at<br />

the cost of revolutionary developments such as Einstein’s theory of relativity and quantum<br />

mechanics. In linguistics, the challenge this parallel suggests for our century is to establish a<br />

link between genetic and neurological micro-structure and linguistic macro-structure of<br />

sufficient detail such that language can be explained as gravity can.<br />

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Philang 2009<br />

Luca Tranchini<br />

Tübingen University (Germany) and Siena University (Italy),<br />

The anti-realist notion of truth<br />

The aim of the talk is that of showing that the notion of truth naturally finds its place in the<br />

anti-realist proof-theoretic semantic approach.<br />

We start from an analysis of the so-called paradox of deduction (see Dummett, “The paradox<br />

of deduction” in Truth and Other Enigmas, 1978), namely the tension between two crucial<br />

features of inference: validity and usefulness (or epistemic fruitfulness).<br />

Anti-realists deny that inference validity is to be reduced to truth preservation. On the<br />

contrary, they explain inference validity as follows.<br />

Some inferences are taken to be valid by definition. That is, they are taken to fix the meaning<br />

of (at least one of) the terms figuring in the inference.1 It is crucial to realize that meaningfixing<br />

inferences, even though they do not require justification for their validity, are not useful<br />

(in the salient sense). For, if they found the meaning of the terms involved, the speaker will<br />

accept them only in virtue of his knowledge of the meaning of the lexical items involved. That<br />

is, if the speakers is competent, he will acknowledge the meaning-fixing inferences as trivial.<br />

As a consequence, if we want to account for both validity and usefulness of deduction we<br />

must claim that not all valid inferences are meaning-fixing. But how then a non-meaningfixing<br />

inference can be said to be valid? The idea is that it is valid if it is faithful to the<br />

specification of meaning provided by the meaning-fixing inferences.<br />

We now reconsider the principle according to which an inference is valid if and only if it<br />

preserve the truth from the premises to the conclusion. In the light of the independent account<br />

of the notion of validity just presented, the principle can be taken as an explication of the<br />

notion of truth in the proof-theoretic framework. So truth is what is preserved in a valid<br />

inference in passing from the premises to the conclusion. When Dummett presents the<br />

paradox of deduction, he refers to the usefulness of inferences by claiming that for [the<br />

inference] to be useful, a recognition of its truth need not actually have been accorded to the<br />

conclusion when it was accorded to the premises.<br />

This suggests the idea that all valid inferences preserve truth but that the meaning-fixing ones<br />

preserve something stronger than just truth. We will say that meaning-fixing inferences<br />

preserve not only truth, but also truth recognition. It is important to note that, by introducing<br />

such a terminology, we do not want to add anything to the semantic framework. The terms<br />

`truth' and `truth recognition' are labels that are applied to phenomena for which an<br />

independent account is available. As we will show, the notion of truth so defined has a<br />

structural resemblance with the model-theoretic one. We take this as a reason for the<br />

terminological choice and, hence, we show that, under an opportune reading, it makes sense<br />

to claim that also the anti-realist perspective has its own notion of truth.<br />

As expected, the anti-realist notion of truth results much lighter than the heavy realist notion.


Giacomo Turbanti<br />

Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Italy<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Belief Reports: Defaults, Intentions and Scorekeeping<br />

Propositional attitudes and belief reports are a well worn topic in the philosophy of<br />

language. Puzzles as those put forward by Quine and Kripke show that, if we are not willing<br />

to accept the Fregean thesis that referents are univocally identifiable, outwardly unavoidable<br />

contradictions will emerge in our practices of attributing beliefs. And, what is worse, these<br />

contradictions cannot be identified by those to whom they are attributed, no matter how much<br />

logical introspection we require them to have. So where do these contradictions come from?<br />

One of the first step to answer this question is to improve our representation of the problem<br />

itself. In this sense dynamic semantics approaches seem particularly promising, because they<br />

deal with identification of referents inside contexts of communication and provide tools to<br />

manage anaphoric links among expressions.<br />

But analysis of Discourse Representation Theory, for example, shows that it shares most of<br />

the problems compositionality causes to any first order logical analysis of propositional<br />

attitudes: even if anchors allow to distinguish the different ways in which the reporter and the<br />

believer individuate referents, the necessity to identify extensionally the interpretations of<br />

discourse referents still remains unavoidable, for the DRSs to be meaningful.<br />

Kasia Jaszczolt's Default Semantics prevents this issue of compositionality from raising. I<br />

remark that Jaszczolt not only highlights, but accounts for the shift, in the process of<br />

interpretation of linguistic content, from the original intention of the speaker to refer to<br />

something in the world to the interpreted, possibly mistaken, referent of the speaker's act of<br />

communication. The key device of this account is the notion of default.<br />

However these results do not come for free: Default Semantics takes for granted an<br />

account of intentionality. The risk thus is the use of referential intentions just as semantic<br />

intermediaries, more reliable than old objective Fregean senses. Talking about defaults<br />

requires an explanation of the rules those defaults are defaults of.<br />

I propose to apply in this context the account of normativity that Robert Brandom develops<br />

in Making it Explicit. He offers an explanation both of the perspectival character of the<br />

interpretation of linguistic content and of the way in which singular terms acquire an objective<br />

representational meaning through substitutional and anaphoric inferential relations.<br />

In the conclusion I try to evaluate, with respect to these questions about referents and<br />

defaults, the results of this contamination of the themes of dynamic semantics with<br />

Brandomian insights and see if Brandom's offers are worthy to be completely accepted.<br />

97


98<br />

Sławomir Wacewicz<br />

Nicolas Copernicus University, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Concepts as Correlates of Lexical Items<br />

The content of this talk amounts to a somewhat controversial terminological proposal: the<br />

term ‘concept’ is most fruitfully construed as ‘a mental representations having a lexical<br />

correlate’. Such a definition makes it possible to treat ‘concept’ as a technical term across the<br />

cognitive sciences, but also preserving most intuitions from a looser use of this word in the<br />

literature. It should also be noted that it does not imply the so called ‘linguistic conception of<br />

thought’, in which thinking is taken to rely exclusively on wordlike mental representations.<br />

The mentalistic commitment, whereby concepts are understood as some kinds of mental<br />

(psychological, system-internal rather than logical, system-external) beings, follows naturally<br />

from the general perspective of Cognitive Science, which aims at providing explanations<br />

based on the internal states of organisms or artificial agents. While sometimes questioned on<br />

philosophical grounds, within CS mentalism does not require any further substantiation. What<br />

is much more controversial, however, is the linking of concepts to lexical items; these are<br />

understood as entries in the idealised mental lexicon, including compounds and longer<br />

idiomatic expressions.<br />

The above is not a standard position is Cognitive Science; in fact numerous authors openly<br />

assume that “there are many other concepts for which we probably do not have words” (Green<br />

et al. 2000 [1996]: 302). A common solution is to distinguish between semantic-lexical<br />

concepts and ‘other concepts’ but in the course of my talk I argue that such a strategy is less<br />

natural and less sound than the one proposed here.<br />

In the second part of my talk, I address the most common objections against the view of<br />

concepts as necessarily correlated with lexical items. One such reservation rests on the<br />

appreciation of advanced cognitive abilities displayed by small children and nonhuman<br />

animals, that is creatures that are denied having fully fledged concepts on the present account.<br />

Another objection, of roughly ‘Whorfian’ nature, concerns the possibility of speakers of<br />

different natural languages to use ‘the same’ concepts despite having different words.<br />

Finally, I demonstrate how the definitional link between lexical entries and concepts can be<br />

useful in accounting for the important property of shareability of concepts. Shareability – the<br />

fact that concepts (concept types, as opposed to concept tokens) are shared by many<br />

individual cognitive agents – is normally difficult to reconcile with mentalistic assumptions<br />

but arises as a natural consequence of the view presented in this talk.


Bartosz Więckowski<br />

Wilhelm-Schickard-Institut<br />

Arbeitsbereich Logik und Sprachtheorie<br />

Universität Tübingen, Germany<br />

On Truth in Time<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Denotational model-theoretic semantics is intimately tied to a referential picture of the<br />

relation between language and the world according to which language is about the world (see,<br />

e.g., [3] 401, [2] 5). This semantics is philosophically problematic in cases in which one<br />

wants to analyse true sentences which contain terms that are, or are taken to be,<br />

denotationless. Understanding ‘denotationless’ stricto sensu , the analysis of such sentences<br />

calls, as I shall argue, for an alternative notion of truth, one on which a sentence can be true<br />

even though it is not about anything whatsoever. I shall propose an aboutness-free conception<br />

of truth according to which the truth of an elementary (or atomic) sentence is explained,<br />

roughly, in terms of the mutual matching of a certain kind of data which is associated with the<br />

terms from which that sentence is composed. These data perform the function of nondenotational<br />

semantic values. The aboutness-free conception of truth is made formally precise<br />

in terms of a substitutional model-theoretic semantics which employs substitution classes<br />

rather than objectual domains.<br />

I shall explore to what extent this aboutness-free conception and its underlying semantic<br />

framework can help to explain the truth of constructions which involve: (i) tenses (other than<br />

the present tense), (ii) tense operators (e.g., ‘since/until’, ‘after/before’), (iii) phrases which<br />

seem to explicitly quantify over instants of time (e.g., ‘at some time’, ‘at all subsequent<br />

times’) or to refer to instants of time (e.g., dates like ‘September 11, 2001’), (iv) time<br />

adverbials (e.g., ‘yesterday’, ‘on February 23, 2009, 11 a.m.’) and (v) presently empty<br />

denoting terms (i.e., denoting singular terms which do no longer (or not yet) refer to presently<br />

existing referents, e.g., ‘Abraham Lincoln’, and elementary predicates which do no longer (or<br />

not yet) have present individuals in their extension, e.g., ‘is an ancient Greek philosopher’) in<br />

a way which is in agreement with assumptions (A1) and (A2):<br />

(A1) Only present individuals exist.<br />

(A2) Only the present instant of time exists.<br />

These assumptions can be taken to express the ontological thesis called presentism (see, e.g.,<br />

[1] and the references therein). I shall first suggest an intuitive picture of the aboutness-free<br />

perspective on language and the world and present a substitutional model-theoretic semantics<br />

for the fragment of English which can be captured in terms of a first-order tense logical<br />

language L. I shall then provide analyses of several problem cases. These will be both in<br />

agreement with (A1) and (A2) and free of the difficulties which beset the presentist analyses<br />

given hitherto. Finally, I shall suggest a method for dispensing with quantification over nonpresent<br />

times in the meta-language for L.<br />

References:<br />

[1] Bourne, C. (2006). A Future for Presentism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.<br />

[2] Dowty, D. R., Wall, R. E. & Peters, S. (1981). Introduction to Montague Semantics.<br />

Dordrecht: D. Reidel.<br />

[3] Tarski, A. (1983). The establishment of scientific semantics. In Logic, Semantics,<br />

Metamathematics, second edition, J. Corcoran (ed.), pp. 401-408, Indianapolis (Ind.):<br />

Hackett.<br />

99


100<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Piotr Wilkin<br />

Institute of Philosophy, Institute of Informatics<br />

University of Warsaw, Poland<br />

Proper names via causal descriptions and anchoring<br />

The problem of how proper names refer to objects has been a key one in philosophy of<br />

language. While Kripke’s criticism of descriptivism did seem to shift the balance in favor of<br />

causal theories of proper names, there are still problems with certain borderline cases that<br />

appear to be unresolved. I wish to propose a bridge between the causal and descriptive<br />

theories of reference using a newly introduced concept of anchoring. The main idea behind<br />

this concept is that we can have a special way of using descriptions referentially where the<br />

referent is not an object, but instead a link in a causal chain. This link, called the anchor, is<br />

what allows us to backtrack over causal chains to identify certain objects, however, the link<br />

itself may be established by a description, thus leading to a potentially hybrid theory of<br />

reference. Armed with this concept, we can explain away various difficulties that a purely<br />

causal theory of reference is faced with, such as the problem of reference change. I believe<br />

that the notion of “anchoring descriptions” also allows one to view key aspects of the causal<br />

theory of reference, such as initial baptism, in more detail and account for atypical cases.<br />

Another important topic that is connected with such a theory of causal descriptions is the<br />

intentional content of such descriptions. If our beliefs about the causal structure of the world<br />

are included in the semantics of causal descriptions, we can account for phenomena such as<br />

broken causal links encountered when using names or mistakes when using proper names,<br />

which can be attributed to incorrect decisions regarding choosing the proper causal chain.<br />

This theory also separates descriptions into causal and non-causal, which I believe mirrors<br />

a more fundamental division in types of meaning: between factual (anchored) meanings and<br />

operational meanings, the former being related to the external world, the latter – to our actions<br />

and perceptions. I will try to restate Donnellan’s distinction between attributive and referential<br />

uses of descriptions within this division, showing how it merges with the topic of proper<br />

names.


Justyna Winiarska<br />

Faculty of Polish Studies<br />

Jagiellonian University, Kraków, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Methodological and ontological assumptions in linguistic theories.<br />

Methodological, metascientific and ontological theses appear in science together with theses<br />

on the subject of the research. Science contains metascience (despite all logical differences)<br />

just like language contains metalanguage. At the same time the process of construction of a<br />

theory is not a simple verbalisation of earlier ontological (and methodological) assumptions.<br />

Rather they may be found between the lines of the theory. (And in case of linguistics so called<br />

theory is often just an internally integrated direction of thinking). The assumptions<br />

(sometimes stated explicitly but sometimes just implicit) may concern different aspects of<br />

studied phenomenon, and as an example I will consider problem of categorisation. Every<br />

science deals with classification of entities. Linguistics is interested in categorising also in a<br />

different way – language elements may be understood as categories. The background of<br />

categorisation consists of assumptions that in the area of research it is possible to find discrete<br />

and distinctive elements; the assumptions on the nature of the elements (their features or<br />

attributes) and the assumptions on the nature of a category. Language phenomenon must be<br />

first captured as an entity and then it is put into a category – (classic) structuralism chooses<br />

classical category (and I call that a methodological decision), cognitive linguistics fits<br />

language elements into categories based on prototypes (and the decision is more “ontological”<br />

in a way that it results from proposed model of human mind, our conceptual system and even<br />

structure of the reality).<br />

101


102<br />

Iwona Witczak-Plisiecka<br />

University of Łódź, Poland<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Speech acts and the demarcation of pragmatics<br />

This paper comments on selected problems of the definition of linguistic pragmatics with<br />

focus on notions associated with the theory of speech acts. It discusses the (ir)relevance of the<br />

Austinian categorisation into locution, illocution, and perlocution, especially the distinction<br />

between the locutionary act and the illocutionary act and its implications for the definition of<br />

pragmatics and separation of pragmatics from the semantic theory.<br />

The relation between form and meaning is further reviewed against dichotomies including<br />

the Gricean and neo-Gricean ‘what is said’ versus ‘what is implicated’ or meant, between<br />

what can be ‘locuted’, but not said, and what can be said, but not asserted. These dichotomies<br />

are related to the theoretically accepted operative forces in speech acts, primarily convention<br />

and intention. It is suggested that roughly the development of the speech act theory can be<br />

viewed as a process by which the theory moves away from its originally sociolinguistic<br />

orientation towards a more psychologistic account, which in turn leads towards diminishing<br />

the role of semantics and the subsequent juxtaposition of pragmatics and syntax rather than<br />

pragmatics and semantics.<br />

The paper also includes comments on the role and understanding of speech acts in the<br />

ongoing debate between contextualists and (semantic) minimalists, as well as externalist and<br />

internalist orientations.<br />

The definition of pragmatics is relative to theoretical commitments concerning the nature<br />

of context and the role and amount of inference in processing linguistic data. The approaches<br />

are both numerous and often mutually incompatible; as a result we are confronted with a<br />

variety of pragmatic theories, of the “near-side”, “far-side” or “heavy-handed” type. It is<br />

evident that the attempts to define the nature and formulate an adequate theory of speech acts<br />

are not only parallel, but focal to the definition of linguistic pragmatics itself.<br />

Selected bibliography<br />

Austin, John L. 1962/1975 2 nd ed. How to Do Things with Words. Oxford: Oxford University<br />

Press.<br />

Bach, Kent and Robert M. Harnish 1979: Linguistic Communication and Speech Acts.<br />

Cambridge, Mass. and London: MIT Press.<br />

Borg, Emma 2004: Minimal Semantics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />

Cappelen, Herman & Lepore, Ernie. (2005a). Insensitive semantics. A defense of semantic<br />

minimalism and speech act pluralism. (Oxford: Blackwell)<br />

Carston, Robyn. 2002. Thoughts and utterances. The Pragmatics of Explicit Communication.<br />

Oxford: Blackwell.<br />

Carston, Robyn. 2008. “Linguistic Communication and the semantics/pragmatics distinction”<br />

Synthese. Vol. 165/3; 321-346. DOI 10.1007/s11229-007-9191-8.<br />

Gauker, Christopher. 2008. “Zero tolerance for pragmatics” Synthese, vol. 165, No.3, pp.<br />

359-371. DOI 10.1007/s11229-007-9189-2<br />

Kasher, Asa 1998: Pragmatics and the modularity of mind. In Asa Kasher (Ed.) Pragmatics<br />

critical concepts: Vol. VI. Pragmatics: grammar, psychology and sociology, 230-252.<br />

London: Routledge.


Philang 2009<br />

Korta, Kepa and John Perry. 2007. “How to say things with words”. In: Savas L. Tsohatzidis<br />

(ed.) John Searle's Philosophy of Language: Force, Meaning and Mind. Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press, 169-189.<br />

Korta, Kepa and John Perry. 2008. “The pragmatic circle”. Synthese, vol. 165, No.3, pp. 347–<br />

357.<br />

Millikan, Ruth. 2005: Language: A Biological Model. Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />

Neale, Stephen. 2007 “Heavy Hands, Magic, and Scene-Reading Traps” EUJAP, Vol. 3, No.<br />

2, 77-132.<br />

Recanati, François 1987: Meaning and force: The pragmatics of performative utterances.<br />

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />

Sbisá, Marina (in print, 2009) “How to read Austin”. Pragmatics<br />

Searle, John R. 1969. Speech Acts. An Essay in the Philosophy of Language. Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press.<br />

Strawson, Peter. 1964: “Intention and convention in speech acts”. Philosophical Review 73,<br />

39-460.<br />

103


104<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Lucian Zagan<br />

ILLC, Universiteit van Amsterdam, Netherlands<br />

Vagueness, Context-Dependence, and Perspective<br />

Many natural language predicates are vague in the sense that their use is tolerant.<br />

Arguably, the evaluation of vague predicates is essentially context-dependent. But how is the<br />

context-dependence involved with vagueness to be understood? Do vague predicates behave<br />

in any way similarly to indexicals? According to the semantic framework made famous by<br />

Kaplan (1989), the meanings of natural language sentences determine characters, and these<br />

are functions from contexts of use to contents. Contents in turn are functions from<br />

circumstances of evaluation to truth-values. Stanley (2003) seems to believe that<br />

contextualists about vagueness claim that vague predicates are indexicals. On his<br />

understanding of contextualism, the contextualist holds that a vague predicate has a character<br />

that determines different properties in different contexts. And he goes on to argue that<br />

contextualist views are simply wrong, because vague predicates seem to behave differently<br />

compared with indexicals in a specific construction, namely Verb Phrase ellipsis. I do agree<br />

with Stanley that vague expressions are not indexicals. Where I do not agree with him is in<br />

holding that contextualists (maybe one exception would be Scott Soames, 1999) claim that<br />

they are.<br />

Indexicality is not the only form of context-dependence. We should distinguish two types<br />

of context-dependence: dependence of content on context and dependence of extension of<br />

context (see, e.g., MacFarlane, 2009). According to Kaplan, indexicals are expressions whose<br />

content at a context depends on features of the context. In contrast, there are expressions<br />

which are context-dependent without being indexicals, in the sense that their extension at a<br />

context depends on features of the context. I will call this nonindexical context-dependence.<br />

Arguably, the meanings of vague predicates fail to determine precise extensions. So<br />

vagueness is to be characterized by extensional indeterminacy. As I have already mentioned, I<br />

do not think that vague predicates are indexicals. It is not the content that varies with context<br />

of use. This would have untenable consequences, making communication impossible in the<br />

end. On my preferred view, it is the extension of a vague predicate that varies with the context<br />

of use. Such a view is recommended by the fact that we can characterize the very same person<br />

as tall in some circumstances of language use and as not tall in some other circumstances<br />

without incoherence. The same about a vague sentence: we can hold it true at some context of<br />

use and false at other without contradiction. And this is so because vague expressions are<br />

perspectival. Perspectival expressions encode a perspective point from which matters should<br />

be construed (see Bezuidenhout, 2005).<br />

There are a number of benefits in holding such a view. First, we can make sense of the fact<br />

that there is a real disagreement between us when I hold that John is rich and you hold the<br />

opposite. On my preferred view, this is explained simply as a disagreement on whether John<br />

is in the extension of “rich” or not, and this is perspective-dependent. If you want to put it that<br />

way, the dispute is on the perspective point we should consider in evaluating whether John is<br />

rich and not on the content of “rich”. Second, as Fara (2000) argues, vague predicates are<br />

interest-relative. Predicates like “tall” or “rich” do not only describe the objects to which they<br />

apply, they often also contain some sort of evaluation. A contextualist view as the one I<br />

defend here can easily accommodate that by taking the interests involved as being part of the<br />

perspective which is provided by the pragmatic context. More, the evaluation of vague<br />

predicates is not only context-dependent, but also context-changing (see Barker, 2002 or<br />

Kyburg and Morreau, 2000). This fact is also easy to accommodate within the framework I


Philang 2009<br />

propose, by holding that a context update as the one envisaged actually involves a change in<br />

perspective.<br />

References:<br />

Barker, Chris (2002): “The Dynamics of Vagueness”, Linguistics and Philosophy 25, pp. 1-<br />

36.<br />

Bezuidenhout, Anne (2005): “Indexicals and Perspectivals”, Facta Philosophica 7, pp. 3-18.<br />

Bezuidenhout, Anne (2002): “Truth-Conditional Pragmatics”, Philosophical Perspectives 16:<br />

Language and Mind, pp. 105-34.<br />

Fara, Delia Graff (2000): “Shifting Sands: An Interest-Relative Theory of Vagueness”,<br />

Philosophical Topics 28: Vagueness, pp. 45-81. (Originally published under the name<br />

Delia Graff.)<br />

Fara, Delia Graff (2008): “Profiling Interest Relativity”, Analysis 68, pp. 326-35.<br />

Ellis, Jonathan (2004): “Context, Indexicals and the Sorites”, Analysis 64, pp. 362-4.<br />

Kamp, Hans (1981): “The Paradox of the Heap”, in Uwe Mönnich (ed.), Aspects of<br />

Philosophical Logic, Dordrecht: D. Reidel, pp. 225-77.<br />

Kaplan, David (1989): “Demonstratives. An Essay on the Semantics, Logic, Metaphysics, and<br />

Epistemology of Demonstratives and Other Indexicals”, in Joseph Almog, John Perry<br />

and Howard Wettstein (eds.), Themes from Kaplan, Oxford: Oxford University Press,<br />

pp. 481-563.<br />

Keefe, Rosanna (2007): “Vagueness without Context Change”, Mind 116, pp. 275-92.<br />

Kölbel, Max (forthcoming): “Vagueness as Semantic”, in Sebastiano Moruzzi and Richard<br />

Dietz (eds.) Cuts and Clouds: Essays on the Nature and Logic of Vagueness, Oxford:<br />

Oxford University Press.<br />

Kyburg, Alice and Michael Morreau (2000): “Fitting Words: Vague Language in Context”,<br />

Linguistics and Philosophy 23, pp. 577-97.<br />

Lasersohn, Peter (2005): “Context Dependence, Disagreement, and Predicates of Personal<br />

Taste”, Linguistics and Philosophy 28, pp. 643-86.<br />

Ludlow, Peter (1989): “Implicit Comparison Classes”, Linguistics and Philosophy 12, pp.<br />

519-33.<br />

MacFarlane, John (2009): “Nonindexical Contextualism”, Synthese 166, pp. 231-50.<br />

Raffman, Diana (1994): “Vagueness without Paradox”, Philosophical Review 103, pp. 41-74.<br />

Raffman, Diana (1996): “Vagueness and Context-Relativity”, Philosophical Studies 81, pp.<br />

175-92.<br />

Raffman, Diana (2005): “How to Understand Contextualism about Vagueness: Reply to<br />

Stanley”, Analysis 65, pp. 244-8.<br />

Recanati, François (2007): Perspectival Thought, Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />

van Rooij, Robert (forthcoming): “Vagueness and Linguistics”, in Giuseppina Ronzitti (ed.),<br />

The Vagueness Handbook, Berlin: Springer.<br />

Sainsbury, R.M. (1991): “Concepts without Boundaries” (Inaugural Lecture, 6 November<br />

1990), London: Department of Philosophy, King’s College London. Partially reprinted<br />

in Rosanna Keefe and Peter Smith (eds.), Vagueness: A Reader, Cambridge, MA: MIT<br />

Press, 1997, pp. 251-64.<br />

Shapiro Stewart (2003): “Vagueness and Conversation”, in J.C. Beall (ed.), Liars and Heaps:<br />

New Essays on Paradox, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 39-72.<br />

Shapiro, Stewart (2006): Vagueness in Context, Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />

Soames, Scott (1999): Understanding Truth, Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />

Stanley, Jason (2003): “Context, Interest Relativity and the Sorites”, Analysis 63, pp.<br />

269-80.<br />

105


106<br />

Dan Zeman<br />

LOGOS - University of Barcelona, Spain<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Meteorological Sentences, Unarticulated Constituents and Relativism<br />

In this paper I focus on the particular case of meteorological sentences such as “It is<br />

raining”, as they are highly representative for the debate between literalism (the thesis that the<br />

linguistic meaning of a sentence is enough to determine the truth conditions of that sentence<br />

as used in a certain context) and contextualism (the thesis that besides the linguistic meaning<br />

of a sentence there are pragmatic factors that contribute to the truth-conditions of that<br />

sentence as used in a certain context). The first part of the paper is dedicated to a close look<br />

on the exchange pertaining to that debate between Jason Stanley and Francois Recanati. I start<br />

by considering some distinctions made in the literature, the most important of which being<br />

that between metaphysical and communicational unarticulateness. I then analyze Recanati’s<br />

criterion for unarticulateness (“the Optionality Criterion”) and Stanley’s own proposal (“the<br />

Binding Criterion”), and I show that both criteria are liable to overgeneralize, thus yielding<br />

wrong results. However, the main challenge that Stanley has raised for the contextualist is to<br />

account for the so-called “bound readings”: in a sentence like “Every time John lights a<br />

cigarette, it is raining”, the location of rain is bound by a second-order quantifier. From this,<br />

Stanley concludes that also the unembedded sentence must comprise a variable for the<br />

location of rain, whose value is provided by context. Recanati’s way to answer this argument<br />

(known as the binding argument) is to employ variadic functions (functions from n-place<br />

properties to n-1 or n+1-place properties) which allow him to avoid the conclusion of the<br />

binding argument. I take this result to provide a dialectical advantage for Recanati over<br />

Stanley, even granting that the Optionality Criterion is flawed.<br />

In the second part of the paper I try to show how the employment of variadic functions<br />

could be useful for relativism about a series of discourses. Relativism is the view that the<br />

truth-value of a sentence varies with the circumstances of evaluation against which the<br />

sentence is to be evaluated without a corresponding variation in the proposition expressed by<br />

utterances of the sentence in different contexts. Focusing on predicates of personal taste, one<br />

straightforward advantage of employing variadic functions is that the relativist has a ready<br />

answer to any attempt to apply the binding argument to such expressions, for example in<br />

sentences like “Every animal got something tasty”. Following Recanati, the relativist can treat<br />

the quantifier “every animal” as a variadic operator that both increases the adicity of the<br />

predicate “tasty” and provides a range of values for the newly created argument. This<br />

treatment would avoid postulating an argument place for subjects in the logical form of<br />

simple sentences as “Avocado is tasty”. This result clearly supports relativism by allowing the<br />

relativist to take context as providing a circumstance rather than an element in the content of a<br />

sentence – which, in turn, allows her to safely appeal to the data that initially motivated the<br />

view.


Philang 2009<br />

Lei Zhu<br />

Institute of Linguistic Studies<br />

Shanghai International Studies University, P. R. of China<br />

Sound, Body and Writing: A Phenomenological View of Linguistics as<br />

Representation of Speech<br />

Philosophy of linguistics (as a branch of philosophy of science) has been heavily influenced<br />

by philosophy of language and linguistic methodology in its scope and approach ever since it<br />

arose from the reflections on language science following, especially, the Chomskyan<br />

revolution. As a result, questions about the nature of linguistics are often confused with those<br />

about the nature of language and how it should be studied — though these questions are<br />

certainly related at different levels. In this paper, we intend to show that a closer<br />

understanding of such fundamental questions as what linguistics is and how it is related to<br />

language and other branches of human knowledge can be achieved by taking a<br />

phenomenological approach to philosophy of linguistics. According to the basic principle of<br />

phenomenology, no linguistic concept about language can be taken for granted in answering<br />

questions about linguistics itself. Rather, they should be suspended as ‘representations’ of<br />

pure phenomena and deduced to their origins. Following this principle, we find that speech in<br />

the form of sound (not analysed in any way) is actually the only unsuspensible and irreducible<br />

phenomenon that all linguistic representations — including divisions, groupings and<br />

generalisations at all levels — are ultimately confronted with. Moreover, drawing on the<br />

phenomenological distinction between Leib (body) and Körper (corpse), we find that the first<br />

and most important step in the establishment of modern linguistic discourse is the Körperization<br />

of the speech sound — a process started in phonetics and phonology by means of their<br />

arithmetic (in phonetics) and algebraic (in phonology) processing. It is in this way that speech<br />

as the original Leib of language is gradually analysed into the duality of ‘sound’ and<br />

‘concept’. This also explains the seemingly dubious position (to some) of phonetics in modern<br />

linguistics, as no difference in conceptualised meaning can be analysed in pure and<br />

decontextualised phonetic contrasts. Like phonetics and phonology, linguistic analyses at<br />

higher levels, as part of the Körper-ization process of the speech sound, unanimously follow<br />

the ‘sound/concept’ duality — though it takes different forms in different theories. This, to<br />

use Derrida’s language, is how speech sounds are ‘written’ in modern linguistics. In other<br />

words, linguistics by nature is one of many ways of ‘writing’ about speech sounds, and that<br />

explains the incongruence between modern linguistics and some scripts like Chinese<br />

characters in that both are writings of speech sounds and that neither conforms to the other so<br />

long as it attempts to preserve the way it writes.<br />

107


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Philang 2009<br />

Przemysław śywiczyński<br />

Nicolaus Copernicus University, Toruń, Poland<br />

Language and Meaning in Classical Indian Philosophy<br />

The classical Indian philosophy of language has received minimal attention from the<br />

Western academia. The aim of this paper proposal is to bring this ancient scholarly tradition<br />

closer to the Western recipient.<br />

One of the major problems encountered by a student of Indian philosophy is its<br />

commentatorial style. In India, philosophical activities used to be carried out within the<br />

framework of reflection delimited by the Vedic revelation. During the classical period of<br />

Indian history (until the Islamic raids of XI and XII century), five schools of the Vedic<br />

orthodoxy were founded – Nyāya, Vaiśeṣika, Yoga, Mīmāṁsā and Vedānta – while<br />

Buddhists, Jains, and hedonistic cārvākas enunciated the most influential heterodox positions.<br />

Fierce inter-sectarian rivalry between these schools was an important factor in creating a rich,<br />

deeply polemical intellectual tradition characteristic of the pre-Islamic India.<br />

Such was the context in which problems pertaining to language and meaning came to be<br />

discussed. Given the exegetical character of Indian intellectual tradition, it seems that the<br />

optimal strategy for presenting Indian philosophy of language is to show how particular<br />

positions and theories are implicated into the larger philosophico-religious concerns.<br />

The philosophical reflection on language and meaning is rooted in the Indian grammatical<br />

tradition, the most illustrious representative of which is Pāṇini. The transition to more<br />

theoretical problems took place with two monumental treatises – Kātyāyana’s Varttika and<br />

Pataňjali’s Mahābhāsya. A question occasioned by the philosophical transformation of<br />

grammar was expressly posed by Pataňjali: “What is the object of the word?”. Traditionally,<br />

there were two answers given to this question. One is associated with the grammarian Vyadi,<br />

whose position is often referred to as denotationism. The denotationist view is based on the<br />

assumption that the basic function of words is referential, in the sense that words serve the<br />

speaker to single out individual, real-world objects. The competing position, connotationism,<br />

was put forward by the philosopher Vajapyayana, who believes that words primarily apply to<br />

universal properties, reference being secondary and derivative from the process of<br />

signification.<br />

This rather technical controversy soon caught the attention of adherents of both orthodox<br />

and heterodox schools of tenets (vide above). The followers of Nyāya adopted denotationism<br />

because it seemed better suited to articulate the realistic ontology, on which their doctrine was<br />

founded. Mīmāṁsikas and Buddhists opted for connotationism but did so for very different<br />

reasons. The former saw it as a means of solidifying their most cherished doctrine of the selfsufficient<br />

status of the Vedas, while Buddhists used it as an argument for the “ineffability<br />

view” (which has it that words necessarily distort the reality described by means of them). In<br />

the ensuing phase of philosophising about language, scholars did not only attempt to develop<br />

the denotationist and connotationist conceptions but also to anchor them firmer in sectarian<br />

commitments; in this way, Nyāyikas elaborated the word-plus-syntax conception of language,<br />

Mīmāṁsā connotationists put forward the sphoṭa theory of meaning and Buddhists, the apoha<br />

doctrine of definition via negation.


Philang 2009<br />

LIST OF PARTICIPANTS<br />

PLENARY SPEAKERS:<br />

Eros Corazza (eros_corazza@carleton.ca),<br />

K. M. Jaszczolt (kmj21@cam.ac.uk)<br />

Kepa Korta (kepa.korta@ehu.es),<br />

Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk (blt@uni.lodz.pl),<br />

Michael Morris (m.r.morris@sussex.ac.uk)<br />

Jaroslav Peregrin (jarda@peregrin.cz)<br />

Eduardo Abrantes (eduardoabrantes@gmail.com)<br />

Yousef Abu Addous (Adous_yousuf@yahoo.com)<br />

Victoria Akulicheva (victoria.akulicheva81@gmail.com)<br />

Mehdi Damali Amiri (mehdiamiri2000@yahoo.com)<br />

Janusz Badio (jbadio@uni.lodz.pl)<br />

Christian Bassac (Christian.Bassac@univ-lyon2.fr)<br />

Khadija Belfarhi (khadija_belfarhi@yahoo.com)<br />

Jan Brejcha (jan.brejcha@ff.cuni.cz)<br />

Eugene H. Casad (gdn51ang902@gmail.com)<br />

Zuzana Čengerová (zuceng@gmail.com)<br />

ElŜbieta Chrzanowska-Kluczewska (e.kluczewska@chello.pl)<br />

Tadeusz Ciecierski (taci@uw.edu.pl)<br />

Andrzej Cieśluk (a.ciesluk.umcs@gmail.com)<br />

Marzenna Cyzman (marzennacyzman@poczta.onet.pl)<br />

Olena Dobrovolska (dobrovolska@gmail.com)<br />

Marie Duží (Marie.duzi@vsb.cz)<br />

Ingrid Lossius Falkum (i.falkum@ucl.ac.uk)<br />

Chris Fox (foxcj@essex.ac.uk)<br />

Olga Garmash<br />

Brendan S. Gillon (brendan.gillon@mcgill.ca)<br />

Justyna Grudzińska (j.grudzinska@uw.edu.pl)<br />

Andrea Guardo (andrea.guardo.26@gmail.com)<br />

Arkadiusz Gut (kupisa@kul.lublin.pl)<br />

Housam Hashim (h.hashim@ucl.ac.uk)<br />

Lars Hertzberg (lhertzbe@abo.fi)<br />

Carl Humphries (humgin4@yahoo.co.uk)<br />

Bjørn Jespersen (B.T.F.Jespersen@tudelft.nl)<br />

Maria Jodłowiec (maria.jodlowiec@uj.edu.pl)<br />

Andrew Jorgensen (andrew.jorgensen@ucd.ie)<br />

Henryk Kardela (henkar@poczta.umcs.lublin.pl)<br />

Filip Kawczyński (filkaw@gmail.com)<br />

Witold Kieraś (w.kieras@uw.edu.pl)<br />

Guilherme F. Rennó Kisteumacher(guilhermerennok@gmail.com,<br />

guilhermerennok@yahoo.com.br)<br />

Georg Kjøll (georgak@hf.uio.no)<br />

Joanna Klimczyk (jklimczyk@ifispan.waw.pl)<br />

Krzysztof Kosecki (kosecki@uni.lodz.pl)<br />

Karolina Krawczak (karolina@ifa.amu.edu.pl)<br />

Agnieszka Kułacka (a.kulacka@googlemail.com)<br />

109


110<br />

Philang 2009<br />

Alina Kwiatkowska (akwiat@uni.lodz.pl)<br />

Agnieszka Libura<br />

Maria Libura (imagery@onet.eu)<br />

Jakub Mácha (3662@mail.muni.cz)<br />

Wojciech Majka (wojciech-majka@wp.pl)<br />

Pavel Materna (maternapavel@seznam.cz)<br />

Luis Fernández Moreno (luis.fernandez@filos.ucm.es)<br />

Alessio Moretti (alemore@club-internet.fr)<br />

Yrsa Neuman (yneuman@abo.fi)<br />

Joanna OdrowąŜ-Sypniewska (j.odrowaz@uw.edu.pl)<br />

Ratikanta Panda (ratikanta@iitb.ac.in)<br />

Andrzej Pawelec (apa@vela.filg.uj.edu.pl)<br />

Wit Pietrzak (witpietrzak@wp.pl)<br />

Salvatore Pistoia Reda (pistoia.reda@unisi.it)<br />

Wiktor Pskit (pskit@vp.pl)<br />

Małgorzata Pytlas (littlego@o2.pl)<br />

Jiří Raclavský (raclavsk@phil.muni.cz)<br />

J. Randolph Radney (radney@mac.com)<br />

Ewa Rosiak (rosiak.e.b@gmail.com)<br />

Monika Rymaszewska-Chwist (amonik@wp.pl)<br />

Joanna Sadowska (joasiasad@yahoo.com)<br />

Fabien Schang (schang.fabien@voila.fr)<br />

Andrew Schumann (Andrew.Schumann@gmail.com)<br />

Barbara Sonnenhauser (basonne@lmu.de)<br />

Piotr Stalmaszczyk (piotrst@uni.lodz.pl)<br />

Pierre Steiner (Pierre.Steiner@utc.fr)<br />

William J. Sullivan (wjsiii@uni.wroc.pl)<br />

Xymena Synak-Pskit (xsynak@poczta.onet.pl)<br />

Aleksander Szwedek (szwedek@ifa.amu.edu.pl)<br />

Ali Taheri (Taheri321@yahoo.com)<br />

Yukio Takahashi (takahashi_yukio_ling@msn.com)<br />

Mieszko Tałasiewicz (m.talasiewicz@uw.edu.pl)<br />

Pius Ten-Hacken (P.Ten-Hacken@swansea.ac.uk)<br />

Luca Tranchini (luca.tranchini@gmail.com)<br />

Giacomo Turbanti (giacomo.turbanti@sns.it)<br />

Sławomir Wacewicz (swacewicz@wp.pl)<br />

Bartosz Więckowski (bartosz.wieckowski@uni-tuebingen.de)<br />

Piotr Wilkin (pwl@mimuw.edu.pl)<br />

Justyna Winiarska (justyna.winiarska@uj.edu.pl)<br />

Iwona Witczak-Plisiecka (wipiw@uni.lodz.pl)<br />

Lucian Zagan (lucian.zagan@uva.nl)<br />

Dan Zeman (dan_zeman@yahoo.com)<br />

Lei Zhu (zhuleisisu@yahoo.com)<br />

Przemysław śywiczyński (gurgyn@wp.pl)


Philang 2009<br />

111

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