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Not a Zero-Sum Game - Ludwig von Mises Institute

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Other states could either keep their borders open to Indiana or<br />

retaliate and likewise establish customhouses where things com-<br />

ing from Indiana would be searched, inspected, and taxed, while<br />

those coming from other states would be allowed to pass free, as<br />

if there were a free-trade treaty among the other 49 states.<br />

One day a citizen might complain that his property rights were<br />

violated because, before the establishment of the new policies, the<br />

government of Indiana had not questioned his right to peacefully<br />

dispose of his legitimately acquired possessions by exchanging<br />

them for the property of other persons living in the other states.<br />

Now, suddenly each of his trades had become the concern sf the<br />

government because it was no longer considered a private trans-<br />

action between two people, but a trade between Indiana and some<br />

other state. This person might start a movement to recover his<br />

property rights, but by that time the many pressure groups and the<br />

anti-globalization forces-including workers and owners in the<br />

protected industries that had prospered as a result of the new<br />

policies-would become politically strong and successfully lobby<br />

to prevent free trade and the globalization of Indiana.<br />

Sounds crazy? Well, it is. The question then is: Why give foreign<br />

aid to bail out countries that persist in doing such dumb things as<br />

raising tariffs to protect their businessmen from foreign competi-<br />

tion, imposing unnecessary costs on their citizens, forcing their<br />

own poor to subsidize inefficient producers, and financing the dead<br />

weight of the uneconomic diversion of workers, capital, and oth-<br />

er resources from activities that don't need protection-who then<br />

go out begging for help?

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