lexical class, particle-verbs and telicity Cale Johnson - UCLA
lexical class, particle-verbs and telicity Cale Johnson - UCLA
lexical class, particle-verbs and telicity Cale Johnson - UCLA
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AOS2004 / San Diego, March 13, 2004 / <strong>Johnson</strong><br />
verbal complexes (Kayne 1994; Koopman <strong>and</strong> Szabolcsi 2000) has argued that they are<br />
regularly derived through movement of phrases that appear to the right of the verb in<br />
languages like English into positions on the left of the verb as in the following three stage<br />
process.<br />
(11a) [ XP Xº [ YP Yº [ ZP ZP]]<br />
(11b) [ XP Xº [ YP [ ZP ZP] Yº t ZP ]<br />
(11c) [ XP [ YP [ ZP ZP] Yº t ZP ] Xº t YP ]<br />
(iii) Where ZP is the Dat2 argument, Yº is the bare nominal <strong>and</strong> Xº is the LoAppl head,<br />
namely, the [bi-√] prefix. Kayne has argued, in fact, that this process is the primary<br />
reason why so-called agglutinative languages behave the way they do (see Kayne 1994,<br />
53). But more to the point, one of the effects of the formation of a BNBV inalienable<br />
construction with a Dat2 possessor instead of a Gen possessor is that the Dat2 argument<br />
can form a Goal with respect to the bare noun in a possessive construction: this provides<br />
a bounded telic point for the verb along the lines of the verb-<strong>particle</strong> construction in<br />
English. The primary difference between a low goal applicative as in the English double<br />
object construction (3b) <strong>and</strong> a low source applicative as in the Korean example (4a) is<br />
that the possessive relation between direct object <strong>and</strong> dative possessor is the situation at<br />
the beginning of an event described by a low source applicative but the end point of an<br />
event described by a low goal applicative (see L<strong>and</strong>au 1999; Pylkkänen 2002, Borer 2004<br />
for elaboration).<br />
[7] Restrictions on <strong>lexical</strong> aspectual <strong>class</strong> of LoAppl <strong>verbs</strong> (˙amt¬u-reduplication)<br />
(i) The most peculiar fact about BNBVs—at least in the corpora that I have been able to<br />
examine—is that they do not seem to form the continuative (marû) aspect at all: the vast<br />
majority of the cases show the simple ˙amt¬u verbal root, a small subset show what I take<br />
to be ˙amt¬u-reduplication (of Yoshikawa’s “distributive plurality” type (Yoshikawa<br />
1993, 312)) <strong>and</strong> an even smaller set are followed by nominal postpositions of one kind or<br />
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