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Smash Pacifism - Warrior Publications

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when they treated him as a [national] leader they confirmed<br />

him in that position, and when they refused to do so they<br />

tended to erode his standing.”<br />

(Gandhi and Civil Disobedience, p. 12)<br />

Gandhi's role as a collaborator<br />

was part of a long-established colonial<br />

strategy of the British. The INC itself was<br />

established in 1885 to perform the very<br />

role Gandhi played some thirty years later.<br />

A.O. Hume, the former British<br />

government official who established the<br />

INC and remained its general secretary for<br />

22 years, stated his goals in establishing<br />

the Congress, in 1888:<br />

“Do you not realize that by getting<br />

hold of the great lower middle classes<br />

before the development of the reckless<br />

demagogues [leaders who appeal to mob<br />

instincts], to which the next century must<br />

otherwise give birth, and carefully<br />

inoculating them with a mild and harmless<br />

form of the political fever, we are adopting<br />

the only precautionary method against the<br />

otherwise inevitable ravages of a violent<br />

and epidemic... disorder.”<br />

(quoted in India and the Raj, p. 21)<br />

India's Independence in 1947, when the INC<br />

became the new government, was itself the fulfilment of a<br />

British strategy articulated 30 years earlier. On August 20,<br />

1917, the British moved to counter the growing<br />

rebelliousness that had emerged in India as a result of<br />

economic decline arising from WW1, as well as the effects<br />

of the Russian Revolution that year. The Secretary of State<br />

for India articulated the overall British strategy regarding<br />

India:<br />

“'The policy of His Majesty's Government... is that<br />

of the increasing association of Indians in every branch of<br />

the administration and the gradual development of selfgoverning<br />

institutions with a view to the progressive<br />

realization of responsible government in India as an integral<br />

part of the British Empire.'”<br />

(quoted in India and the Raj, p. 106)<br />

Over a decade later, the Viceroy of the day<br />

continued to ponder the same basic question regarding the<br />

Independence movement:<br />

“In 1929, Viceroy Lord Irwin also felt that the 'real<br />

question' was 'whether all this Indian nationalism that is<br />

growing and bound to grow, can be guided along imperial<br />

[lines] or will more and more get deflected into separatist<br />

lines.'”<br />

(quoted in India and the Raj, p. 107)<br />

For his part, Gandhi served a vital role to the<br />

AO Hume, the former colonial official<br />

who first proposed the INC and was<br />

its general secretary for 22 years.<br />

22<br />

British by helping to combat militant resistance and<br />

diverting struggles back into legal constitutional methods,<br />

using civil disobedience as a 'safety valve' to blunt growing<br />

rebelliousness among the people:<br />

“The primary aim of the Rowlatt<br />

Satyagraha of 1919, the Noncooperation<br />

Movement of 1920-22<br />

and the Civil Disobedience<br />

movement of 1930-31, as Gandhi<br />

planned them, was to forestall or<br />

divert mass anti-imperialist...<br />

struggles which he apprehended. As<br />

he repeatedly stated, by initiating<br />

such a movement he sought to<br />

'sterilize the forces of violence' that<br />

might prove a threat to the raj and its<br />

domestic allies. The secondary aim<br />

was to secure some concessions for<br />

the domestic exploiting classes by<br />

demonstrating the leadership's ability<br />

to control the masses and to protect<br />

the vital imperialist interests.”<br />

(India and the Raj, p. 111)<br />

Gandhi, in a letter to the Times of<br />

India, April 3, 1920, stated:<br />

“The country requires some definite action. And<br />

nothing can be better for the country than noncooperation<br />

as some definite action. The forces of violence cannot be<br />

checked otherwise” (quoted in India & the Raj, p. 204).<br />

Gandhi himself admitted his intentions of<br />

countering the revolutionary forces. In a 1930 letter to the<br />

British Viceroy, Lord Irwin, Gandhi explained his efforts to<br />

counter the militants prior to his Salt March:<br />

“It is common cause that, however disorganized...<br />

the party of violence is gaining ground and making itself<br />

felt. Its end is the same as mine. But I am convinced that it<br />

cannot bring the desired relief to the dumb millions. And<br />

the conviction is growing deeper and deeper in me that<br />

nothing but unadulterated nonviolence can check the<br />

organized violence of the British government... as well as<br />

against the unorganized violent force of the growing party<br />

of violence... Having an unquestionable and immovable<br />

faith in the efficacy of non-violence as I know it, it would<br />

be sinful on my part to wait any longer.”<br />

(Gandhi in India, p. 117)<br />

“Gandhi's primary purpose was to forestall, divert<br />

and contain revolutionary struggles; the secondary one was<br />

to win some concessions for the big bourgeoisie [capitalist<br />

class].”<br />

(India & the Raj, p. 344)

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