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Smash Pacifism - Warrior Publications

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prominence of the legal fraternity in Congress politics in<br />

these years. The study of British law, including<br />

constitutional theory and history... and the opportunity to<br />

travel to district towns and rural localities for professional<br />

reasons, which could be utilized to build political links, had<br />

all helped to galvanize the lawyers into the vanguard of<br />

modern political movements...<br />

“A second pillar of support for the early Congress<br />

was the bourgeoisie. Industrialists, merchants, bankers,<br />

moneylenders, petty shopkeepers, zamindars [landlords]<br />

and landholders accounted for a sizable element of the<br />

delegates who attended the annual convention of the<br />

Congress... 32 percent of the delegates who attended the<br />

conventions between 1892-1909 came from the landed<br />

gentry and the commercial classes...”<br />

(Indian Nationalism, pp. 126-27)<br />

“Remaining outside the orbit of Congress influence<br />

were elements of Indian society which had gained little<br />

from the beneficial changes wrought by British imperialism<br />

in India. The peasantry, the rural artisans, the working<br />

class employed in factories, mines... minorities such<br />

as Muslims, and depressed castes such as the<br />

[Untouchables] had all experienced the disorientating<br />

effects of British policies but without enjoying any of<br />

its material benefits...”<br />

(Indian Nationalism, p. 129)<br />

“Gandhi, while appearing publicly as a<br />

peasant leader and constantly repeating his opposition<br />

to the salt tax as a struggle on behalf of India's<br />

'starving millions', also remained in many respects<br />

attached to, or influenced by, business interests. The<br />

commercial middle classes while wanting to utilize<br />

mass discontent to secure concessions from the British<br />

were anxious at the same time to keep it within<br />

measured bounds and secure 'an honourable<br />

settlement'.”<br />

(Gandhi, p. 155)<br />

In 1921, Gandhi condemned the strikes of<br />

railway and steam ship workers then occurring. Writing in<br />

Young India, June 15, 1921, he stated:<br />

“In India we want no political strikes... We must<br />

gain control over all the unruly and disturbing elements or<br />

isolate them... We seek not to destroy capital or capitalists,<br />

but to regulate the relations between capital and labour.”<br />

(India and the Raj, p. 219)<br />

Gandhi also incorporated conciliation and<br />

compromise into his satyagraha doctrine. Every use of<br />

pacifist struggle was to be preceded by negotiation, and<br />

always concluded with a mutually agreeable resolution to<br />

all sides in the conflict.<br />

Radicals and Moderates<br />

The early struggle between the Radicals and<br />

Moderates in the Indian National Congress helps<br />

understand the strategic role Gandhi played for British<br />

imperialism in countering the emerging revolutionary<br />

forces in India. It is also good case study of how reformists<br />

co-opt resistance movements and collaborate with the state<br />

in general.<br />

Moderates, as noted previously, came to be the<br />

term used for factions of the INC that advocated strict legal<br />

constitutionalism, and whose swaraj (home rule) consisted<br />

of a Dominion status, similar to Canada and still firmly a<br />

part of the British Empire. They were primarily middleclass<br />

Indian professionals, a class whose interests they<br />

represented and whose support they had. They did not seek<br />

any form of open anti-colonial conflict and promoted class<br />

conciliation (since class war was contrary to the interests of<br />

their constituents and benefactors). The Moderates were the<br />

Riot in Calcutta against British rule in India.<br />

24<br />

original founders of the INC in 1885. Today, they would be<br />

referred to as reformists.<br />

The Radicals arose in the 1890s, comprised of<br />

militants who accused the INC of being too complacent and<br />

even collaborative. Aurobindo Ghose, a Bengali<br />

revolutionary, accused the INC of being a “middle-class<br />

organ” in 1893 (in a Bombay newspaper article entitled<br />

“New Lamps for Old”). His writings became popular<br />

among younger militants and influenced Bal Gangadhar<br />

Tilak, who would later emerge as a leader of the Radicals.<br />

The Radicals version of swaraj was total<br />

independence, and they promoted more active measures to<br />

achieve this, including boycotts and protests (though not<br />

necessarily violent, and not because they were pacifists).<br />

They accused the Moderate's tactics of being ineffective, of<br />

having no mass base or actual strength, their goal of

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