NAACP. See National Association for the Advancement - Salem Press

NAACP. See National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People
■
Identification Series of mystery novels for young
readers
Date Launched in 1930
Author Carolyn Keene (pseudonym used by
different authors)
Nancy Drew is the most enduring of the sleuthing heroes of
young-adult series books. She has been celebrated by the feminist
movement as a role model. Although accurate sales figures
for the early volumes of the series are incomplete, publishers
claim the books, which have appeared in twenty-five
languages, have sold more copies worldwide than the mysteries
of Agatha Christie.
Nancy Drew was the brainchild of Edward Stratemeyer,
founder of the Stratemeyer Syndicate, which
packaged series books for young people, written to
formula by a number of ghostwriters. Stratemeyer’s
Hardy Boys books, from 1927, had been so successful
that he planned a similar series for girls. “Nan Drew”
was a name he initially proposed, but his publishers,
Grosset & Dunlap, settled on “Nancy Drew.” Stratemeyer
wrote plot outlines and devised titles for the
volumes.
Mildred Benson wrote the first four volumes to
Stratemeyer’s specifications. They were published in
1930, under the name Carolyn Keene. Of the sixteen
volumes published during the decade, Benson
wrote all but three; Walter Karig became Carolyn
Keene for volumes eight through ten. Benson, who
received $125 per book, put much of her own personality
into the vivacious, outspoken Nancy. Benson
was an energetic midwestern journalist who piloted
her own plane. Architectural interests took her
to Mayan ruins and canoe trips in Mexico.
From the first published volume, The Secret of the
Old Clock (1930), to the last volume of the decade,
The Clue of the Tapping Heels (1939), Nancy Drew lives
N
a charmed life. She is sixteen years old, relieved of
school attendance and parental oversight. Her single
parent, Carson Drew, is a busy attorney, preoccupied
with his own mysteries, which Nancy sometimes
has to solve for him. The housekeeper, Hannah
Gruen, provides domestic comforts when Nancy
rests from her escapades at the Drew home in midwestern
River Heights, an idyllic town untouched by
the Depression. Nancy travels backcountry roads in
her blue roadster and, when danger threatens, carries
her father’s revolver. She never lacks for money,
wears beautiful clothes, and snacks in picturesque
tearooms. Police sometimes ask her for help, and
adults generally defer to her. Though she has little
interest in romance, her devoted boyfriend is Ned
Nickerson, a college athlete. Always ready to lend
their support in her perilous exploits are her best
girlfriends: Helen Corning, Bess Marvin, and George
Fayne. None of Nancy’s friends resents her beauty,
privilege, and facility with horses, boats, the French
language, Morse Code, and anything else that comes
her way. Most of all, Nancy is skilled at sleuthing.
Though she finds herself frequently caught in underground
passages; bound up in deserted cottages;
and threatened by vicious dogs, poisonous insects,
and an array of desperate criminals, she is never at
a loss. Every mystery is solved by the end of each
book, along with a teaser promoting the next series
volume.
The illustrations of the early books, by Russell H.
Tandy, a commercial fashion artist, added much to
their appeal and made the original volumes collector’s
items. Nancy has bobbed hair and wears cloche
hats, pearls, and shoes with high heels that are sharp
enough to tap out messages when she is held captive.
She comes equipped with gloves, handbags, and Art
Deco coats. The dust jackets invariably capture
Nancy in a dramatic moment, climbing the stairs in a
hidden passage or peeping in the broken window of
a deserted bungalow.
Impact The early Nancy Drew volumes have been
attacked for their ethnic stereotypes of Jews, Eastern

660 ■ Nation of Islam The Thirties in America
Europeans, and African Americans. Later editions
attempted to correct these problems, while making
Nancy more conventional, if less interesting. Collectors
prefer the original volumes. Nancy’s adventures
in River Heights helped readers escape the deprivations
of the Depression and rumors of war. The fact
that teachers and librarians found the books objectionable
only added to their popularity. Nancy enabled
young girls to believe they too could lead lives
of achievement and adventure. Among the many accomplished
women who have acknowledged the
early influence of Nancy Drew are politician Hillary
Clinton, opera singer Beverly Sills, television journalist
Barbara Walters, former First Lady Laura
Bush, and the first three women appointed to the
U.S. Supreme Court.
Allene Phy-Olsen
Further Reading
Mason, Bobbie Ann. The Girl Sleuth: A Feminist Guide.
Old Westbury, N.Y.: The Feminist Press, 1975.
Plunkett-Powell, Karen. The Nancy Drew Scrapbook.
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993.
Rehak, Melanie. Girl Sleuth: Nancy Drew and the
Women Who Created Her. New York: Harcourt, 2005.
See also African Americans; Anti-Semitism; Great
Depression in the United States; Literature in the
United States; Recreation.
■
Identification American-based Muslim religious
organization
Date Founded in July, 1930
Place Detroit, Michigan
Established during a period of African American migration
out of the South and growing economic disparities between
the races, worsened by the Great Depression, the Nation
of Islam represents an important strain of African
American nationalism. It served the religious and political
needs of many African Americans during the 1930’s by espousing
freedom and justice for black people, and it would
become one of the most important African American institutions
in later decades as well.
The exact beginnings of the Nation of Islam (adherents
call themselves Muslims) are not clearly recorded.
The founder, Wallace Dodd Fard (also
known as Wallace Fard Muhammad), spread word of
his variant of Islam through door-to-door sales in Detroit
among dispossessed blacks, beginning in July,
1930. Fard initially used the Bible to teach about Islam
as the religion of black people in Asia and Africa,
and eventually he introduced followers to the
Qur$3n, the holy book of Islam. At its inception, the
Nation of Islam held religious meetings in private
homes. Within three years, as a result of the religion’s
rapid growth, Fard was holding temple meetings
in a hall and had established Muslim schools for
children in Detroit.
Mainstream Muslims regard the Nation of Islam
as a separatist Islamic sect. Fard’s religious doctrines
were heavily infused with racial ideologies (though
the exact racial lineage of Fard himself remains debated
and unknown). Among its tenets, the Nation
of Islam teaches that black people are the original
humans and Caucasians the result of the workings of
a mad scientist named Yakub. Likened to “devils,”
white people, the Nation of Islam argued, were inferior
to black people. Shortly after its founding, the
Nation of Islam attracted controversy for some of its
more inflammatory racial teachings. Fard taught his
followers that one could be ensured salvation
through Mecca by sacrificing (murdering) four
“white devils.” In 1932 and 1933, the Nation of Islam
attracted much attention from the Detroit police
over this tenet, and rumors of at least one sacrifice
persist to this day, though the tenet is omitted from
modern teachings.
Fard disappeared from the organization sometime
during 1933 or 1934. Speculation arose that he
had been murdered. Historians have deemed this
unlikely, but stories have circulated about his subsequent
whereabouts for decades. Since 1931, Fard
had been grooming a convert, Elijah Poole (who
later was given a Muslim name, Elijah Muhammad),
for ministry in the Nation of Islam. After Fard’s
disappearance, Muhammad continued to preach
throughout the United States, predominantly in the
North and in Washington, D.C., proselytizing according
to the doctrine he had learned from Fard.
These messages were passed down in written form in
The Supreme Wisdom (1957) and included the belief
in one god (Allah), the holy Qur$3n, and the Bible.
The Nation of Islam experienced internal fractures
during this time and was threatened by outside attempts
to weaken the organization, including efforts
from the Communist Party USA and the Japanese.

The Thirties in America Nation of Islam ■ 661
The first prophet of the Nation of Islam is shrouded in mystery: His national origins, his real name, and the circumstances
of his 1934 disappearance are not fully known, but an FBI memorandum from Special Agent Edwin O.
Raudsep, dated March 8, 1965 (approximately three decades after Fard’s death), rehearses the known facts about
Fard at that time.
[Wallace] Dodd arrived in the United States from
New Zealand in 1913, settled briefly in Portland,
Oregon. He married but abandoned his wife and
infant son. He lingered in the Seattle Area as Fred
Dodd for a few months, then moved to Los Angeles
and opened a restaurant at 803 W. Third
Street as Wallace D. Ford. He was arrested for
bootlegging in January, 1926; served a brief jail
sentence (also as Wallace D. Ford)—identified
on record as white.
On June 12, 1926, also as Ford, was sentenced
to San Quentin for sale of narcotics at his restaurant;
got 6-months to 6-years sentence—released
from San Quentin May 27, 1929. Prison record
lists him as Caucasian.
After release, went to Chicago, then to Detroit
as a silk peddler. His customers were mostly Negro
and he himself posed as a Negro. He prided
himself as a biblical authority and mathematician.
When Elijah Muhammad (Poole) met him, he
was passing himself off as a savior and claiming
that he was born in Mecca and had arrived in the
U.S. on July 4, 1930.
In 1933 there was a scandal revolving about the
sect involving a “human sacrifice” which may or
may not have been trumped up. At any rate, the
leader was arrested May 25, 1933, under the name
Fard with 8 other listed aliases (W. D. Farrad,
Wallace Farad, Walt Farrad, Prof. Ford, etc.). The
official report says Dodd admitted that his teachings
were “strictly a racket” and he was “getting all
In 1942, Muhammad headquartered the Nation
of Islam in Chicago and started the arduous task of
rebuilding the membership, which had begun to
dwindle during the latter half of the 1930’s. In the
1950’s, the organization gained public attention
once again when Malcolm X took a position as its national
spokesman, until he broke with the Nation of
Who Was Wallace D. Fard?
the money out of it he could.” He was ordered out
of Detroit.
[In a] newspaper article which appeared in the
San Francisco Examiner and the Los Angeles Examiner
on July 28, 1963, reporter Ed Montgomery . . .
claimed to have contacted Dodd’s former common
law wife. . . . According to this account, Dodd
went to Chicago after leaving Detroit and became
a traveling suit salesman for a mail order tailer
[sic]. In this position he worked himself across the
midwest and ultimately arrived in Los Angeles in
the spring of 1934 in a new car and wearing flowing
white robes. He tried to work out a reconciliation
with the woman, but she would not agree to
one. ...Hestayed in Los Angeles for two weeks,
frequently visiting his son. Then he sold his car
and boarded a ship bound for New Zealand
where he said he would visit relatives.
On Sunday, February 28, 1965, Ed Montgomery
wrote a rehash of the above in which he said
the Muslims claim “police and San Quentin
Prison records dating back to the early 1920’s had
been altered and that fingerprints identifying
Farad as Dodd had been doctored.” Elijah
Mohummad [sic] said he would have posted
$100,000 reward “for any person who could prove
Farad and Dodd were one and the same person.”
Ten days later Muhammad’s office in Chicago was
advised Farad’s common law wife and a blood relative
were prepared to establish the truth of
Farad’s identity. The $100,000 never was placed
in escrow and the matter was dropped forthwith.
Islam in 1964. Elijah Muhammad retained control
of the organization until his death in 1975.
Impact During a time of great economic and racial
difficulty for northern blacks, many of whom had
found their prospects for economic and social
equality little improved after migrating north from

662 ■ National Association for the Advancement of Colored People The Thirties in America
the South, the Nation of Islam proved to be an important
religious and political vehicle within the African
American community. Initial memberships
spread quickly after an ambiguous start in urban Detroit.
A uniquely American version of Islam, the Nation
of Islam had special resonance for racially and
economically dispossessed African Americans in the
1930’s. The message of hope and equality espoused
by the Nation of Islam became an important vein of
African American nationalism throughout 1950’s
and 1960’s.
Sadie Pendaz
Further Reading
Lee, Martha F. The Nation of Islam: An American Millenarian
Movement. New York: Syracuse University
Press, 1996.
Lincoln, C. Eric. The Black Muslims in America. Grand
Rapids, Mich.: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1994.
Muhammad, Elija. The Supreme Wisdom. 2 vols. Atlanta,
Ga.: Messenger Elijah Muhammad Propagation
Society, 1957.
Walker, Dennis. Islam and the Search for African-
American Nationhood: Elijah Muhammad, Louis
Farrakhan, and the Nation of Islam. Atlanta, Ga.:
Clarity Press, 2005.
See also African Americans; Great Depression in
the United States; Jim Crow segregation; Migrations,
domestic; Religion in the United States.
■
Identification Civil rights advocacy organization
Date Founded on February 12, 1909
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP) began as a grassroots organization in response
to increased violence against African Americans.
Throughout its existence, the NAACP has worked primarily
through the U.S. legal system in its campaign to help African
Americans gain equal civil rights.
The 1930’s were a turbulent time for race relations
in the United States. The increased presence of African
Americans in southern cities resulted in heightened
tension between the African Americans and
Caucasians. As more and more African Americans
moved north, these tensions increased in northern
cities as well. The NAACP’s principal objective was to
ensure the political, educational, social, and economic
equality of all citizens of the United States, regardless
of race. The organization used the democratic
processes of lobbying and litigation in an
effort to remove what it considered to be the three
major evils of discrimination against African Americans—school
segregation, lynching, and Jim Crow
laws that legalized segregation in the South.
Fighting Discrimination Through the Courts and
Congress In 1930, with meager resources and personnel,
the NAACP launched its first successful protest,
challenging President Herbert Hoover’s nomination
for the U.S. Supreme Court. The NAACP
opposed the nomination of U.S. Circuit Court judge
John J. Parker of North Carolina because he supported
laws that discriminated against African
Americans. When President Hoover refused to withdraw
Parker’s name, the NAACP launched a massive
six-week campaign to prevent his confirmation by
the U.S. Senate. Senators received numerous wires,
letters, and telephone calls from NAACP branches
across the country and received pressure from African
American newspapers, important segments of
the white press, and organized labor. As a result of
the NAACP’s efforts, Judge Parker failed to receive
Senate confirmation by a vote of 41-39.
The NAACP staged a coordinated strategy of legal
battles in its campaign to end racial segregation
in the nation’s schools. It took states and counties to
court to force them to abide by the Supreme Court’s
decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), which ruled that
segregation was permissible only if the separate facilities
for African Americans were equal to those for
Caucasians. This legal strategy forced states, counties,
and municipalities either to abandon segregation
or to incur the costs of providing truly equal facilities,
a practically impossible undertaking during
the Depression.
For its early litigation efforts, the NAACP relied
on lawyers who volunteered their services. However,
by the 1930’s, it was able to hire its own legal team,
which consisted of Charles Hamilton Houston, the
dean of Howard University School of Law, and
Thurgood Marshall, who argued many cases before
the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1967, he became the
first African American Supreme Court associate justice.
The NAACP’s legal strategy worked. In 1936,

The Thirties in America National Association for the Advancement of Colored People ■ 663
the NAACP won a lawsuit that resulted
in the desegregation of the
University of Maryland School of
Law, and in 01938, another NAACP
lawsuit caused the Supreme Court to
order the admission of an African
American student to the University of
Missouri School of Law.
Fighting to End Lynching and to Protect
Voting Rights While lynchings
peaked during the 1890’s, an upsurge
in lynchings of African Americans occurred
during the 1930’s, perhaps because
of frustrations unleashed by the
Depression. The NAACP had concentrated
its attention on the lynching
epidemic sweeping the nation in the
first two decades of the twentieth century
but renewed its efforts for a federal
antilynching law after a series of
highly publicized lynchings in Alabama,
Maryland, Indiana, and California. The Communist
Party USA launched its own antilynching
campaign. However, opposition from southern
Democrats blocked the passage of such a law. The
U.S. House of Representatives had passed the bill
despite the opposition of all but one southern member.
The U.S. Senate, however, carried out a sixweek-long
filibuster that resulted in the withdrawal
of the bill in February, 1938. Although unsuccessful
in its efforts to encourage a federal law to be passed,
the NAACP brought public attention to the brutality
of lynching and helped to significantly reduce its
occurrence, and states began to pass their own
antilynching laws.
The NAACP also was devoted to ending racial discrimination
at the voting booth. Even though African
American males were guaranteed the right to
vote by the Fifteenth Amendment, which had been
ratified in 1870 shortly after the end of the Civil War,
states and local municipalities continued to use various
elaborate tactics to prevent African Americans
from voting. All-white state, county, and local police
forces routinely intimidated, harassed, and even arrested
African American voters. Throughout the
South, African Americans faced losing their homes
or their jobs if they tried to exercise their constitutional
right to vote. If intimidation and economic
pressure did not work, white mobs turned to vio-
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People fought to end the
racial segregation—represented by this “white-only” restaurant sign in Lancaster,
Ohio—prevalent in most parts of the United States. (Library of Congress)
lence that included cross burnings, church burnings,
arson of African American businesses and
homes, and even murder and lynchings. The
NAACP lobbied for laws that would not only outlaw
these discriminatory tactics but also ban the use of
poll taxes and literacy tests to deny African Americans
their voting rights. The NAACP suffered a setback
in its bid for equal voting rights when in 1937 a
unanimous U.S. Supreme Court upheld as constitutional
state poll-tax laws. Because many African Americans
could not afford to pay poll taxes, they were
effectively denied the right to vote. The NAACP continued
its voting rights campaign throughout the
1930’s, but another thirty years passed before southern
states were forced to abandon these discriminatory
tactics.
Fighting Discrimination During the Depression The
Great Depression of the 1930’s created havoc inside
and outside the NAACP. While all Americans suffered
during the Depression, the economic situation
was particularly disastrous for African Americans.
The Harlem Renaissance and the exuberance
of the Roaring Twenties were over. In addition to its
other civil rights activities, the NAACP had to focus
on ways to win jobs for African Americans and end
discriminatory hiring practices. With white middleclass
income drastically reduced, almost one-half

664 ■ National Association for the Advancement of Colored People The Thirties in America
million African American women who worked
cleaning white families’ homes found themselves
without jobs. In the South, hungry Caucasians began
to take jobs that had been traditionally held by
African Americans. Bellhops and other African
American workers were fired so that Caucasians
could have their jobs.
At the peak of the Depression, a majority of African
American workers were on government relief.
The Works Progress Administration (renamed the
Works Projects Administration in 1939) and other
government agencies created by the New Deal to
help U.S. citizens affected by the Depression often
discriminated against African Americans. Private
charities—even some religious organizations—also
found ways of favoring needy Caucasians over needy
African Americans and some soup kitchens and
breadlines turned away African American families.
Despite a sharp decline in its membership as a result
of the Depression, the NAACP still managed to
continue its civil-rights mission. It successfully opposed
southern plans to close down relief projects in
order to force African Americans into picking cotton
for considerably low wages. NAACP executive
secretary Walter White, who was a friend and adviser
to First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, met with her often
in attempts to persuade President Franklin D. Roosevelt
to outlaw job discrimination in the armed
forces, defense industries, and the agencies spawned
by Roosevelt’s New Deal legislation. Roosevelt did
not publicly support civil rights for African Americans,
and his administration was silent on the issue
until the late 1930’s, when Eleanor Roosevelt began
to speak up on behalf of African Americans.
The NAACP’s other activities ranged from supporting
a student strike at Fisk University in Nashville,
Tennessee, to challenging the exclusion of
African Americans from juries. The NAACP represented
African Americans accused of crimes, which
included its help with the defense of nine African
American boys, aged fourteen to twenty, later known
as the “Scottsboro Boys,” who were charged with
raping two white women on a freight train in
Scottsboro, Alabama. The NAACP also fought
against Jim Crow-segregated cars on railroads and
street railways and segregated neighborhoods and
for the right for African Americans to belong to
trade unions. The NAACP also opposed vigorously
the unequal salaries paid to African American public
school teachers. The association was successful in
preventing the exclusion of African American Boy
Scouts from the 1937 Scout Jamboree held in Washington,
D.C. In 1939, the Daughters of the American
Revolution refused permission for famous opera
singer Marian Anderson to sing to an integrated audience
in Constitution Hall in Washington, D.C., because
it did not allow African Americans to perform
there. The NAACP, with the aid of the Roosevelts,
was able to arrange an open-air concert for her on
the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. On Easter
Sunday in 1939, Anderson performed to a crowd of
more than seventy-five thousand people of all colors
and to a radio audience of millions.
Throughout the 1930’s the NAACP mounted
scores of investigations and court actions that challenged
efforts to deny African Americans the civil
rights that were guaranteed to all U.S. citizens under
the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments
to the U.S. Constitution. The NAACP during
the 1930’s was relentless in keeping the issues of race
discrimination in the public eye. By the end of the
decade, the NAACP had begun to realize the fruit of
its labor with important legal victories and its increasing
influence nationally and internationally.
Impact The NAACP’s forceful and persistent litigation
and civil rights activism during the 1930’s ultimately
resulted in the U.S. Supreme Court overthrowing
its “separate but equal” doctrine for public
schools with its 1954 landmark ruling in Brown v. the
Board of the Education. The NAACP’s lobbying efforts
and legal challenges continued throughout the Civil
Rights movement of the 1950’s and 1960’s and resulted
in the eventual passage of a number of laws
designed to stop racial inequality in the areas of civil
rights, voting rights, and housing.
Eddith A. Dashiell
Further Reading
Jones, Gilbert. Freedom’s Sword: The NAACP and the
Struggle Against Racism, 1909-1969. New York:
Routledge, 2005.
Rhym, Darren. The NAACP. Philadelphia: Chelsea
House, 2002.
Santella, Andrew. The NAACP: An Organization Working
to End Discrimination. Chanhassen, Minn.:
Child’s World, 2004.
Sullivan, Patricia. Lift Every Voice: The NAACP and the
Making of the Civil Rights Movement. New York: New
Press, 2009.
Tushnet, Mark V. The NAACP’s Legal Strategy Against

The Thirties in America National Association of Manufacturers ■ 665
Segregating Education, 1925-1950. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 2005.
Zangrando, Robert L. The NAACP Crusade Against
Lynching, 1909-1950. Philadelphia: Temple University
Press, 1980.
See also Anderson, Marian; Bethune, Mary Mc-
Leod; Breedlove v. Suttles; Civil rights and liberties in
the United States; Du Bois, W. E. B.; Jim Crow segregation;
Lynching; Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada;
Race riots; Racial discrimination; Scottsboro trials;
Supreme Court, U.S.; Voting rights.
■
Identification Business interest group formed to
promote the growth of American industry
Date Established in 1895
The National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) has
been one of the most powerful and important business interest
groups in the United States. During the economic turmoil
of the 1930’s the organization undertook a massive
public-relations campaign highlighting the strengths of
American business.
Since its late nineteenth century founding in Cincinnati,
Ohio, the NAM has consistently been one of
the most powerful broad-based business interest
groups in the United States. The NAM was originally
conceived as an umbrella interest organization for
manufacturers during the recessionary 1890’s. Following
the prosperous 1920’s, the NAM was forced
to return to its roots as an advocate for a befallen industrial
base. During the 1930’s, Franklin D. Roosevelt’s
New Deal expanded the federal government to
cope with the shrinking U.S. economy and, in the
following decade, the heavy demands of World War
II. This increased government activity took the form
of bureaucratic hiring and spending and expanded
regulation and oversight of business not seen since
the Progressive Era.
American manufacturing concerns, which had
enjoyed a position of societal leadership in the preceding
decades and would during the postwar boom
of the 1950’s, were threatened and entrenched during
the 1930’s. This collective anxiety prompted the
NAM to spend the decade in a defensive posture.
The group’s strategy was to launch a massive, multi-
million-dollar public-relations campaign not selling
particular products, such as laundry soap or small
appliances, but selling the broadly conceived idea of
American business. The group transformed into a
public-relations firm for what it called at the time
“the American way of life,” a euphemism for positioning
business at the vanguard of U.S. society.
The NAM aimed for private-sector businesses and
not the Roosevelt administration to hold the controlling
interest in the United States. Actions by the
NAM during the 1930’s solidified the bond between
conservative political ideology and the corporate
lobby. For example, the NAM sponsored conservative
radio commentators in most major media markets.
It even launched its own radio program, called
The American Family Robinson, that highlighted the
regulatory misdeeds of what the NAM considered to
be the overactive Roosevelt administration. Specifically,
the NAM took issue with pro-labor collectivebargaining
policies, a shortened workday, and increases
in the minimum rate of pay.
Impact In NAM-produced short films and newspaper
ads, interventionist government policies were
painted as enemies of the common working man. At
first blush, the NAM could have been seen as an elite
organization composed of capital-driven organizations,
but the group did not present itself that way
while making its policy points. It was a strong advocate
for business leaders but also relayed the message
of solidarity with everyday working Americans.
R. Matthew Beverlin
Further Reading
Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth. “Creating a Favorable Business
Climate: Corporations and Radio Broadcasting,
1934 to 1954.” Business History Review 73
(Summer, 1999): 221-255.
Soffer, Jonathan. “The National Association of Manufacturers
and the Militarization of American
Conservatism.” Business History Review 75 (Winter,
2001): 775-805.
Tedlow, Richard S. “The National Association of
Manufacturers and Public Relations During the
New Deal.” Business History Review 50, no. 1
(1976): 25-45.
See also Advertising in the United States; Business
and the economy in the United States; Great Depression
in the United States; New Deal; Recession of
1937-1938; Unemployment in the United States.